Empirical Research on Domestic Violence in Contemporary China: Continuity and Advances

Abstract

Domestic violence is not uncommon in China. Myths and misconceptions about it do exist, especially in the context of rapid social changes. Compared with its Western counterparts, the study on domestic violence in China is considered rudimentary and of low priority. Empirical studies, especially those measuring the correlates and/or risk factors related to domestic violence, are still lacking. This special issue aims to advance understanding on domestic violence through much-needed empirical research. It also demonstrates joint efforts by local Chinese scholars and their Western counterparts to strengthen collaboration in this important research area. Based on relatively large sample surveys, the articles incorporated in this special issue provide relatively accurate estimates of factors related to domestic violence and responses to it in mainland China and Taiwan. Future studies should give priority to developing indigenous theories and practices in addition to adapting and testing theories and models developed in the West.

Keywords

domestic violence empirical research social changes family structure Chinese culture China

Numerous research results suggest that domestic violence has been among the most multifaceted phenomena confronting different countries and regions, and China is no exception. The figures released by the All China Women’s Federation (ACWF) in 2011 revealed that approximately 24.7% of married women had experienced various kinds of domestic violence; 7.8% of women in rural areas claimed to have been physically abused by their husbands, compared with 3.1% of women in urban areas; and the victims of domestic violence were primarily women, children, and the elderly (NetEase, 2011; Wei, 2017). Moreover, from 2014 to 2016, the courts handled 94,571 first-instance divorce cases claiming to involve domestic violence, among which only 38 involved male victims. The vast majority of cases were filed by female victims. However, among the 94,571 divorce judgments, only 3,741 were later affirmed to have involved domestic violence. The recognition rate was only 3.96% (Wei, 2017).

In Western societies, the definition of domestic violence has today been expanded to include not only violence that occurs in family settings but also acts committed by nonfamily members, including, but not limited to, violence committed by a cohabiting or an intimate partner (Clark, 2013). In China, the concept of domestic violence (Jiatingbaoli) was first introduced in 1995 in the official government report Program for the Development of Chinese Women (1995-2000) (Y. Zhao, 2000). Since then, the concept’s scope has evolved to reflect both ideological and social transformation in Chinese society (R. Zhao & Zhang, 2017). The revised Marriage Law of 2001 banned domestic violence, but the term was vaguely defined as violence taking place in family settings. Nonmarried couples were essentially unprotected under this law. To keep up with recent demographic transitions showing an increase in nontraditional family practices such as cohabitation, divorce, and out-of-wedlock childbirths (Lesthaeghe, 2010), the Anti-Domestic Violence Law of 2015 defined domestic violence to include both physical (including sexual) abuse and psychological violence. It further stipulates that the law shall apply, mutatis mutandis, to violence inflicted between those who live together but are not family members (Chapter 6, Article 37). The Anti-Domestic Violence Law of 2015 has made a significant advancement compared with previous laws in that it provides equal protection to people who are not legally married and same-sex cohabitants.

Compared with its Western counterparts, there are more myths and misconceptions about domestic violence and its related research in the context of Chinese social changes. Between traditional Chinese culture that regards domestic violence as a private matter and a research tradition that is largely descriptive and theory-based, the study on domestic violence in China is considered rudimentary and of low priority (Sun, Su, & Wu, 2011; Zhang, 2014). Empirical studies, especially those measuring the correlates and/or risk factors related to domestic violence, are still lacking. This introductory essay begins with an overview of the key emerging issues facing families in contemporary China; it then provides a scan of literature on the subject, followed by a brief summary of the studies included in this special issue. This special issue demonstrates an effort to advance and expand empirical research on domestic violence. We hope it will provide insight and further understanding of domestic violence and its research in the Chinese context.

Domestic Violence Under Rapid Social Changes

The past four decades since the Open Door Policy, effective in 1978, have witnessed the process of modernization and rapid economic development in China, which has brought remarkable changes in the structure and stability of Chinese families in terms of marriage rates and gender relations (Tang & Lai, 2008). As a result of the Open Door Policy, China has become one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, with an average annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of nearly 10% through 2017 (Morrison, 2018). Modernization and rapid economic development have brought changes in the family structure and redefined gender relations within the family, which may lead to tensions and conflicts between husband and wife (Tang & Lai, 2008). According the 2010 Sixth National Population Census, the most recent national census statistics available, China’s total population was 1.37 billion, with approximately 400 million family households (Chinese National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). The average Chinese family household size decreased significantly from 4.41 in 1982 to 3.1 in 2010, and the overall male-to-female gender ratio slightly decreased from 106:100 to 105:100 during the same time period (Chinese National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). In other words, both family size and gender ratios have become smaller in contemporary China.

The rapid social changes brought changes not only to the family structure but also to family values, which are heavily embedded in traditional Chinese culture. The modern approaches and traditional beliefs come paradoxically hand-in-hand in Chinese culture (Faure & Fang, 2008; R. Zhao, Zhang, Zhao, & Wang, 2018). On one hand, the traditional Confucian patriarchal thoughts linger deep in Chinese society (L. Chan, 2000; Lasley & Durtschi, 2015). Family life is traditionally included in the private sphere, which has been considered a crucial component of universal family concerns, but seems to be particularly salient in Chinese culture. Male superiority and female inferiority have been embedded in many aspects of social life (L. Chan, 2000). The advocacy of “family harmony” reflects a strong traditional belief in family unity over separation, which places a premium on the virtue and obligation of women to tolerate abuse (Han, 2017). The belief in self-restrain further hampers women’s reporting of domestic violence to the police. Domestic violence is not only seen as a manifestation of gender inequality, but it also serves to maintain an unequal balance of power between men and women (Watts & Zimmerman, 2002). Research has shown that this patriarchal orientation continues to influence modern-day dating behaviors and domestic violence rates (Faure & Fang, 2008; Lasley & Durtschi, 2015).

On the other hand, this traditional values system has been challenged, and has receded to a certain extent as new values, beliefs, and behaviors have emerged, especially in large cities through urbanization (Faure & Fang, 2008). Particularly, there is a changing attitude concerning sexual and gender issues (Faure & Fang, 2008). This is evidenced by rapid growth in divorce rates. In 1978, when China decided to open its doors and develop its economy, the national divorce rate was as low as 0.18‰. It was steadily increased to 3.01‰ in 2016.¹ The number of divorces handled by both the bureaus of civil affairs and the courts grew steadily as well. The documented overall number of divorces handled by the civil affairs bureaus and the people’s courts in 2016 was more than 14 times that in 1978, with a rise from 0.285 million to 4.158 million (Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs, 2017). Although the number of people getting married in 2016 (11.428 million couples) has almost doubled since 1978 (5.978 million couples), the pace was much slower than the divorce rate. As a matter of fact, the number of people getting married in the past 4 years has dropped by approximately 15% (Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs, 2017). These statistics provide important information on both sides of the coin, that is, increased awareness of independence of women and gender equality (as indicated by the growth in divorce) on one side and devalued family life (as indicated by the drop in the number of people getting married) on the other.

The conflict between traditional beliefs in family unity and increasing awareness of gender equality has led to instability in families, which may have triggered more domestic violence. Previous studies have provided empirical evidence showing the relationship between cultural clashes, value changes, and their associated behavior problems (see R. Zhao et al., 2018). Faure and Fang (2008) argued that China’s unchanging reality has always been its outstanding capability to keep up with paradoxes in history (including the current period).

Research on Domestic Violence: Where Are We?

Domestic violence has gradually been recognized as a burgeoning research field. There are two types of outlets for researching domestic violence in China: those published in English in internationally recognized academic journals and those published in Chinese in local and national scholarly journals. A thorough review of research published in internationally recognized journals shows that research on domestic violence in China has focused primarily on four areas: prevalence and characteristics/patterns of domestic violence (e.g., Hou, Yu, Ting, Sze, & Fang, 2011; Parish, Wang, Laumann, Pan, & Luo, 2004), determinants or correlates of domestic violence (e.g., K. L. Chan & Zhang, 2011; Lin, Sun, Wu, & Liu, 2016; Tu & Lou, 2017; Xu, 1997; Xu et al., 2005), legal or criminal justice responses to domestic violence (e.g., Jia, 2010; Zhao, 2000), and attitudes toward domestic violence (e.g., Anderson et al., 2011; Lin et al., 2016; Nguyen et al., 2013; Sun et al., 2012; Wu, Button, Smolter, & Poteyeva, 2013).² Most of the above are empirical studies, providing valuable evidence showing various aspects of domestic violence in China. The number of such studies, however, is rather limited compared with those conducted in Western societies. For example, when using “domestic violence” as a key word in an article search (with all subjects and indexing containing the key word) in the ProQuest Criminal Justice database, the results produced 10,704 articles containing the key word in their subjects and indexing. When adding “China” to the search using the same search criteria, only 46 articles were retrieved as of June 2018. By merely looking at the number of studies conducted, it seems that research on domestic violence in China is still fledging and in need of new directions and further development.

Several research limitations were found in the articles published in internationally recognized academic journals, including small, biased samples and the use of an instrument designed for Western societies with no adjustments to account for China’s characteristics (e.g., Hou et al., 2011). Quite a few studies were conducted in Hong Kong, without accounting for mainland China and Taiwan. In addition, college students were often the research subjects as they were more approachable compared with abused women, frontline social workers, and police officers who handle domestic violence cases (e.g., Lin et al., 2016; Sun et al., 2012).

The amount of research published in local or national scholarly journals shows a fast-rising trend over the past three decades. According to the official China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI), the largest and most-used academic online library in China, there were 3,540 peer-reviewed journal articles on domestic violence during the 35-year period of 1982 to 2017. Between 1982 and 1993, only one to eight articles were published per year. The number of publications has increased steadily; hundreds of papers were published every year since 2000, reflecting increasing attention to domestic violence. Most of the current literature, however, is confined to analyzing relevant policies and laws, identifying procedures dealing with domestic violence, and discussing theoretical and legal frameworks on domestic violence prevention. In other words, empirical research is lacking. Empirical research functions both to confirm and disavow prevailing social beliefs (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 2005). Among the 3,540 articles published in Chinese on domestic violence, only 69 (1.95%) were evidence-based, using data collected from rather small samples. This indicates that empirical research on domestic violence in China is still in its infancy. This is probably due to the difficulties faced by Chinese researchers, who lack systematic training on empirical methods and data analysis. Language barriers may hinder researchers’ access to international knowledge systems, as well (L. Chan, 2000). Although the number of empirical studies is rising, compared with the United States, and other developed countries and regions, there is a considerable gap.

The Contributions of This Special Issue

Building on the existing literature on domestic violence in China, this special issue aims to advance understanding on domestic violence through much-needed empirical research. Of particular interest to the researchers is providing readers with contemporary and real-life studies illustrating the key features of domestic violence in Greater China, which is undergoing rapid social changes. This special issue also demonstrates joint efforts by local Chinese scholars and their Western counterparts to strengthen collaboration on domestic violence research. As shown in the number of publications via the CNKI database reported earlier in this essay, “it is fair to say that decades of accumulated scholarship in Chinese do exist, but they have not been easily accessible to the non-Chinese colleagues” (Ren & Zhang, 2018, p. 123). Research collaboration makes it possible to make full use of the researchers’ advantages and wisdom and provides valuable insights that are not easily obtained by either party acting alone. Specifically, this special issue includes four empirical studies based on relatively large sample surveys examining various aspects surrounding domestic violence in China.

Different from traditional research examining domestic violence in family settings, the first study by Qu, Wang, and Zhao (2018) explored correlates of attitudes toward dating violence among 816 male police cadets in China. In addition to several commonly adopted variables used in analysis in the United States, three variables (the assistance-oriented police strategy, internship experience, and knowing antidomestic violence law) that were unique to this study were employed. The findings suggested that gender-role preference, perceptions of the nature of dating, and police strategies significantly affected cadets’ sentiments toward dating violence. A number of previous attitudinal studies also made use of college student samples to study domestic violence. Qu et al.’s study differs from previous studies in that they studied dating violence, which is more pertinent to the everyday life of young police cadets. In addition, this study is among the first to employ police cadets as research subjects in China.

The second study included in this special issue explored a hot phenomenon, that is, information communication technologies and their relationship with intimate partner violence (IPV) in China. Although a substantial body of literature has investigated factors influencing IPV, few have examined the connection between using information communication technology and IPV. Using survey data collected from over 400 women in a large Chinese city, Xue, Lin, Sun, and Liu found that some forms of media usage and online activities were linked to the likelihood of becoming a victim of various kinds of IPV.

In the third article, Zhao, Zhang, Jiang, and Yao investigated police officers’ tendencies toward making arrests in domestic violence cases in China using a sample of 520 officers working in a city in southern China. Police officers possess great discretionary power in deciding whether to make arrests. Their attitudes and responses on domestic violence cases, however, have rarely been studied in mainland China. By employing similar methods used in the existing literature (Saunders, 1995; Stith, 1990), Zhao et al’s (2018) study revealed that an officer’s likelihood of arresting male offenders was greater compared to arresting female victims. Specifically, officers who viewed their profession as a law enforcer were more likely to arrest either husbands or wives, officers who believed that domestic violence was a private issue were less inclined to arrest the husbands, and those who held profeminist attitudes were more inclined to arrest the husbands.

Different from previous research studying domestic violence among the general female population that examined domestic violence as a dependent variable, the fourth study conducted by Lai, Ren, and He made a step further in exploring the impacts of domestic violence among female drug offenders in Taiwan. Specifically, the study collected data on 633 female drug offenders incarcerated in Taiwanese correctional facilities in 2014. The multivariate regression results highlighted the significant impact of prior history of domestic violence victimization on inmates’ violent misconduct, health conditions, and needs for post-release assistance.

Conclusion

Domestic violence is not uncommon in China. Myths and misconceptions about domestic violence do exist, especially in the context of rapid social changes. Clashes between traditional views on domestic violence and increasing openness have brought both challenges and opportunities in studying this long-existing phenomenon. The articles incorporated in this special issue provide the latest examples of scholarly efforts in advancing empirical research on the correlates of domestic violence in Greater China. These studies provide relatively accurate estimates of factors related to domestic violence and responses to it. Both the quality and quantity of China’s research on domestic violence have much improved through past decades. More rigorous empirical studies, however, are needed. There should be a tradition among local Chinese scholars to use scientific methods to study domestic violence. More importantly, priority should be given to developing indigenous theories and practices in addition to adapting and testing theories and models developed in the West.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

ORCID iD

Hongwei Zhang

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