Abstract
Sexual homicide is a crime of rare occurrence. However, crime severity surveys ranked this form of sexual violence as the second most serious crime. Despite an increase in recent years in the publication of empirical studies on sexual homicide, most of these studies originate from Western countries. Therefore, to our knowledge, no studies to date have tested whether the country where sexual homicides are committed influences the way these crimes are executed by the offenders. The current study attempts to shed additional light on the sexual homicide offender (SHO) by comparing Korean and Canadian SHOs as well as comparing both groups of SHOs with a group of nonsexual homicide offenders (NSHOs). Findings suggest that both Korean and Canadian sexual homicide cases present not only similar patterns but also some specific differences, mainly related to their criminal history, the offender’s age, forensic awareness, and some modus operandi characteristics such as the type of violence and the use of a weapon. Findings are discussed in light of cultural differences between the two countries.
Introduction
Sexual homicide is often considered as the most extreme type of sexual aggression (Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas, 1988) and crime seriousness surveys have assigned it the second highest seriousness rating among more than 200 crimes (Wolfgang, Figlio, Tracy, & Singer, 1985). The proportion of homicides that are sexual in nature is estimated to be around 2% in Canada (Kong, Johnson, Beattie, & Cardillo, 2003), approximately 0.2% in the United States (U.S. Department of Justice, 2012), and 2.5% in the United Kingdom (Francis et al., 2004), indicating that this is a relatively rare crime. Moreover, Mouzos (2003) reported that 0.9% of homicides committed between 1989 and 2002 in Australia were considered to be motivated by “sexual gratification,” whereas in Finland, it was estimated that between 1995 and 2004, no more than 2.8% of homicides were considered to be sexually motivated (Häkkänen-Nyholm, Repo-Tiihonen, Lindberg, Salenius, & Weizmann-Henelius, 2009). Interestingly, these numbers are similar for non-Western countries. For instance, in Korea, it was reported that 1.2% of homicides were of sexual nature (Korean National Police Agency, 2012; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2014). It is important to mention that the proportion of homicides that are sexual in nature is difficult to estimate due to various factors (Grubin, 1994).
Despite these similar base rates, to our knowledge, very few studies to date have tested whether the country where sexual homicides are committed influences the way these crimes are executed by the offenders. In other words, is it possible that cultural context influences the strategies used by sexual homicide offenders (SHOs) during their crime? James, Proulx, and Lussier (2018) compared 72 SHOs from Canada with 56 SHOs from France. Interestingly, the cases from these two countries were found to be more similar than different with respect to most variables. The authors identified 43 differences in 149 comparisons, but after applying a Bonferroni correction for multiple comparisons, the number of differences went down to 16. As to the crime scene behaviors specifically, the study showed that SHOs from France were more likely to use a con approach, whereas Canadian SHOs were more likely to use a blitz approach. Also, French SHOs were more likely to kidnap/confine the victim, use restraints, as well as commit sexual acts on the victim compared with Canadian SHOs. In addition, the French SHOs were more likely to hide the victim’s body after the crime, compared with Canadian SHOs. The authors hypothesized that French SHOs were more deviant, whereas Canadian SHOs were more antisocial, something that could be related to their upbringing. Although not taking away from the findings, it is important to mention that the study did not include multivariate analyses, significant methodological differences in how data were collected for the two samples were present, and each sample may have not been representative of the SHO population of each country. Moreover, no control group of nonsexual homicide was included to contextualize the findings.
Therefore, the current study attempts to shed additional light on the SHO by comparing Korean and Canadian SHOs as well as comparing both groups of SHOs with a group of nonsexual homicide offenders (NSHOs).
Modus Operandi Across Different Countries
Beauregard (2017) has examined some modus operandi characteristics of SHOs across Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, Scotland, Belgium, Germany, and Finland (see Table 1). Although it was not always possible to get the information for each behavior for each country, the findings showed the extent of variability across countries and samples. For instance, studies from four countries reveal that vaginal intercourse is identified in approximately half of the cases, whereas in Belgium, 75% of the sexual murderers committed this act. Similarly, strangulation is a common behavior exhibited by sexual murderers (Beauregard & Martineau, 2013), while it is only reported in 27.7% of the cases in Germany. Using a con approach (e.g., using a ruse, using manipulation) is another example. In most countries, around 40% of sexual murderers are likely to use this type of approach with their victim, whereas in Belgium, this approach is reported in 63% of the cases.
Summary of the Frequency (%) of Certain Modus Operandi Behaviors Across Different Countries.
Note. In cases of multiple studies reporting the frequency of a specific behavior, the averaged percentage is reported.
Finch (2001) conducted an international comparison of nonsexual homicide between England (including Wales) and Japan and found that in England, victims were predominately between the ages of 16 and 49 years. Most victims were killed by persons known to them: only one in five homicides was attributed to strangers. Over half of the female victims had been killed by a current or former partner, while men were more likely to have been killed by a friend, acquaintance, or other associate. The most common motives were quarrels, revenge, or loss of temper. By way of comparison, homicide in Japan principally involved men, both as suspects and as victims. Homicide in Japan typically occurred between people who know each other and are related to each other in some way. The study also showed that as to the motive involved in homicide in Japan, it was largely associated with anger and jealousy. The most commonly used weapons in Japan are edged weapons, particularly kitchen knives. In Japan, as well as in Korea, firearm ownership is very strictly controlled, and this is reflected in the way sexual homicide is committed.
The variability across countries is even more evident when looking at the unusual acts committed by SHOs as part of their modus operandi. As shown in Table 1, postmortem sexual activity with the body (e.g., sexual intercourse, exploration of body cavities) is a relatively rare behavior, with its prevalence ranging from 8.5% to 36.6% across countries. However, when looking at one American study in particular, postmortem sexual activity was recorded in 74% of the cases. This is similar for dismemberment, where in most countries, this behavior is observed on average, in less than 10% of the cases, but for one U.S. study, dismemberment was observed in 43% of the cases.
It is not possible to fully explain the differences across countries. One possibility is that the variation could be attributed to the nature of the samples (e.g., clinical vs. police database). In some of the studies used to compile the findings reported by Beauregard (2017), the samples were very small and sometimes biased toward extreme cases (e.g., sadists). Also, differences may be due to the source of information (i.e., files vs. interview). It is also possible that such differences could be, at least in part, explained by cultural differences. As suggested by James et al. (2018), due to potential differences in the upbringing of French and Canadian sexual murderers, the former tended to be more deviant, whereas the latter were more antisocial. It is thus possible that a factor such as the upbringing, which can be influenced by cultural values, may explain some of the differences across countries, especially when looking at Western and non-Western countries.
A study by Sea and Beauregard (2016) examined the acts of mutilation committed by Korean homicide offenders compared with two samples from Sweden and Finland. Interestingly, they found that although the comparison between Korea and Finland suggested similar patterns as to the commission of mutilation and the type of mutilation performed, Korean offenders were more likely to use the help of an accomplice, whereas in Finland, offenders prefer to work alone to dismember the body to dispose of the body parts (Häkkänen-Nyholm et al., 2009; Laajasalo & Häkkänen, 2006). Also, compared with the cases of mutilation from Sweden, the Korean homicide offenders were more likely to inflict defensive mutilations, which was consistent with previous studies (Gerchow, 1978; Gupta & Arora, 2013; Konopka, Strona, Bolechala, & Kunz, 2007). Labuschagne (2004) introduced the concept of the muti-murder, in which body parts are removed from a victim for the sole purpose of using the victim’s body parts medicinally. Using two South African cases as illustration, it was found that body parts were often mixed with other ingredients or used alone to make medicine, suggesting the importance of determining the motivation behind the mutilation when analyzing the crime scene, as certain acts may serve different purposes across different countries.
In another study looking at body disposal of Korean homicidal offenders including sexual homicides, Sea and Beauregard (2018) found that most bodies were disposed within a few hours after the murder, usually occurring during the middle of the night. This temporal pattern is different from previous studies originating from the United States and Canada (i.e., Hanfland, Keppel, & Weis, 1997; Nethery, 2004; Rossmo, 2008), where bodies can be disposed of during daytime or hours after the homicide. One possible explanation for this different pattern is that Korean residential areas are usually densely populated as well as structured in close geographical formulation (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA], 2016; United Nations, 2009; World Bank, 2015, 2016). Such environmental phenomenon may cause strong psychological pressure on the offenders and thus lead them to dispose of the body as soon as possible.
These findings suggest that in addition to differences in the nature of the samples of SHOs used in previous studies, the differences in the modus operandi characteristics observed across different countries could be explained by cultural and/or contextual factors. Although findings from Western countries are useful in general, it is important to know whether non-Western countries such as Asian countries can rely on these findings to inform practice. As some of these findings are used to inform criminal investigations, it is of the utmost importance to examine whether SHOs act similarly independent of their country of origin or whether some acts are particularly influenced by certain cultural factors (e.g., mutilation; for a review, see Labuschagne, 2004). Therefore, the aim of the study is to compare the modus operandi characteristics of a sample Korean SHOs with a sample of Canadian SHOs. Compared with previous studies, the current findings are based on two large and representative samples of sexual homicide. Moreover, a comparison group of NSHOs was included to better contextualize the findings on sexual homicide, something that has not been seen in previous studies.
Method
Sample and Procedure
Korean data
Information concerning sexual and nonsexual homicide was obtained from the Crime Behavior Analysis Unit (CBAU) in the Korean National Police Agency (KNPA). Criminal behavior analysts conduct standardized psychological evaluations, interviews, physical evaluations, and reviews of materials, including collateral data gathered from various sources (e.g., relatives, medical, criminal, school, and military records). This information is then entered into the Scientific Crime Analysis System (SCAS). SCAS is comprised of criminal index files, investigative files (e.g., witness’s statement, evidence), medical records, coroners’ reports (or medical examiner’s data), crime scene characteristics obtained from Division of Crime Scene Investigation (e.g., pictures, other evidence), and results of psychological evaluations (e.g., Personality Assessment Inventory [PAI], Psychopathy Checklist–Revised [PCL-R]).
The material of the present study was drawn from the national SCAS database. From 1,280 homicide offenses recorded between 2005 and 2010, 107 sexual homicide cases were identified for the current study and 292 nonsexual homicide cases were selected as a comparison group. The sexual homicide cases were identified using the criteria set by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI); that is, the case had to include at least one of the following: (a) victim’s attire or lack of attire, (b) exposure of the sexual parts of the victim’s body, (c) sexual positioning of the victim’s body, (d) insertion of foreign objects into the victim’s body cavities, (e) evidence of sexual intercourse, or (f) evidence of substitute sexual activity, interest, or sadistic fantasy (Ressler et al., 1988). The information was scrutinized for accuracy and consistency by comparing the various sources of information available.
Canada data
Similar to the Korean cases of sexual homicide, the Canadian cases had to meet the criteria of the FBI definition of sexual homicide. Information on all cases of sexual homicide was collected from a national database operated by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). Investigators assigned to the cases are required to collect the information from the case file via close-ended and multiple-choice questions 1 approximately 45 days into the investigation. A query of the database yielded 600 potential sexual homicide cases investigated by the RCMP. Following a review of these cases by the authors, the final sample was reduced to 350 cases that occurred between 1948 and 2010. The discarded cases were found not to be sexual in nature. The majority of these cases have been solved (n = 250); however, 100 cases were unsolved at the time they were entered into the database. Interrater reliability tests could not be performed for both samples considering the police context.
Measures
Information was collected on the offender characteristics and included the following: offender age, education, occupation, marital status, criminal history, imprisonment history, period of imprisonment, homicide motivation and intention, and planning. Moreover, information about victim characteristics was collected and included the following: victim sex, age, occupation, relationship, and victim’s routine behaviors. The study also examined offense details such as first-contact, crime scene, and recovery locations, weapon usage, sexual acts, type of violence, crime scene characteristics, and forensic awareness. All behavioral variables were coded into dichotomous categories: 0 for the absence and 1 for the presence of this variable within the offense. Table 2 presents all the variables included in the current study.
Definitions of the Variables.
Data analysis
Chi-square tests were first performed to examine the differences between the offender, victim, crime characteristics, and the three groups of homicide offenders. As a second stage of the study, a stepwise regression analysis including all the variables was conducted to test the differences between the nonsexual homicide and sexual homicide cases from Korea.
Results
Table 3 presents the offender characteristics such as age, marital status, occupation, living status, and criminal history. In terms of the average age of offender, NSHOs (M = 40.7, SD = 11.64) were, on average, significantly older than Korean SHOs (M = 32.65, SD = 9.42), who were older than Canadian SHOs (M = 28.49, SD = 9). As with marital status, NSHOs (60.1%) were more likely to be married than both groups of SHOs which were similarly proportioned (Korea = 32.4% vs. Canada = 27.6%). Korean SHOs (49.5%) were more likely to be unemployed than NSHOs (33.3%) as well as Canadian SHOs (20.3%). Among the types of occupation, all homicides offenders were more involved in skilled/unskilled labor (e.g., driver, manual worker, farmer, fisher, expert, worker of barbershop or beauty shop, etc.), showing the highest proportion in Canadian sexual homicide (39.9%).
Offender’s Characteristics and Backgrounds.
Note. EMS = emergency medical services.
Likelihood ratio chi-square test, two-tailed.
F test.
p < .05. **p < .001. ***p < .000.
As to the living status, regardless of the sexual or nonsexual type, the three types of homicide offenders were most likely to live with family members, whereas both groups of SHOs (Korea = 10.8% vs. Canada = 9.4%) were significantly more likely to live with acquaintances than NSHOs (4.7%). With regard to criminal history characteristics, Canadian SHOs were more likely to have previous convictions for sexual (11.7%) and property offenses (43.4%) than NSHOs, while NSHOs had higher frequency of previous convictions for violence (52.9%) than both groups of SHOs (Korea = 38.8% vs. Canada = 33.4%). Interestingly, Canadian SHOs (M = 13, SD = 19) had almost 3 times more prior convictions for violent crimes than Korean SHOs (M = 4.84, SD = 4.93), whereas NSHOs (M = 2.82, SD = 5.01) presented even less prior convictions for violent crimes.
Table 4 presents victim characteristics as well as routine behaviors prior to the homicide. Victims of Korean SHOs (M = 43.5, SD = 15.48) as well as those of NSHOs were significantly older than the victims of Canadian SHOs (M = 27.2, SD = 15), showing a difference of almost 15 years.
Victim Characteristics and Routine Behaviors prior to the Crime.
Likelihood ratio chi-square test, two-tailed.
F test.
p < .05. **p < .001. ***p < .000.
As to victim–offender relationships, NSHOs (20.8%) were significantly more likely to be related to family members (e.g., parent, sibling, children), whereas SHOs (Korea = 54.2% vs. Canada = 37.9%) were more likely to be strangers (21.2%). Noteworthy was that at the time of crime, NSHOs (36.7%) were more likely to be socializing at bar/cafe/club/karaoke than both groups of SHOs, whereas Korean SHOs were relatively more often engaged in work (29.2%) and sleep (18.9%), and Canadian SHOs were most frequently engaged in domestic activities (20.3%).
Table 5 shows the various characteristics associated with initial contact, offense, and dead body disposal locations. NSHOs most frequently encountered their victim somewhere related to both victim’s and offender’s residence (36.1%) or only at the victim’s residential area (34.7%), whereas Korean SHOs (62.6%) and Canadian SHOs (21.4%) were more likely to encounter the victims at the victim’s residence. Regardless of the type of homicide, the most common offense scene was the victim’s residential area (NSHOs = 35.5% vs. Korea = 60.7% vs. Canada = 21.4%). Similarly, the three types of homicide offenders were more likely to dispose of the victim’s body at an outdoor location or at the victim’s residence. The majority of Canadian SHOs (61.4%) disposed of the body at an outdoor location, almost twice as often as Korean SHOs (30.4%) and NSHOs (32.2%).
Characteristics of the Contact Scene, Crime Scene, and Recovery.
Likelihood ratio chi-square test, two-tailed.
p < .05. **p < .001. ***p < .000.
Table 6 presents weapon use in the perpetration of the homicide. With respect to weapon origin, both Korean (55.1%) and Canadian (51.9%) SHOs were more likely to carry a weapon to the crime scene than the NSHOs (38%). Moreover, NSHOs (70.9%) and Korean SHOs (73.8%) were more likely to find the weapon at the scene than the Canadian SHOs (57%). The most common type of weapon in all homicides was a knife (e.g., cutter, kitchen knife; nonsexual = 53.8% vs. Korea = 45.8% vs. Canada = 37.1%), followed by a bludgeoning object (nonsexual = 17.1% vs. Korea = 29.9% vs. Canada = 25.4%). NSHOs (14%) and Korean SHOs (17.8%) used blunt instruments (e.g., axe, hatchet, hammer, rock, bat, etc.) significantly more often than Canadian SHOs (3.6%).
Weapon Usage and Type Characteristics.
Likelihood ratio chi-square test, two-tailed.
p < .05. **p < .001. ***p < .000.
Table 7 presents the comparisons between the three types of homicide and the type of violence, use of blindfolds/binds or gags, forensic awareness/precautions, type of sexual acts committed, and any item taken by the offender, as observed at the crime scene. As to the type of violence, NSHOs most frequently stabbed (53.8%) or beat (31.5%) the victim, whereas both groups of SHOs most frequently beat (Korea = 38.3% vs. Canada = 47.1%) and strangled (Korea = 34.6% vs. Canada = 41.7%) their victim.
Crime Scene Behaviors Characteristics.
Likelihood ratio chi-square test, two-tailed.
p < .05. **p < .001. ***p < .000.
Korean SHOs were significantly more likely to use restraints (19.6%; that is, blindfold = 2.8%, bind hands/legs = 15%, gag = 1.9%) compared with NSHOs (4.1%) and Canadian SHOs (7.1%), suggesting more caution or control at the time of crime.
Both groups of SHOs (Korea = 42.1% vs. Canada = 30.6%) were more likely to care about removing evidence than NSHOs (13%), suggesting forensic awareness on their part (i.e., taking additional steps and adapting the modus operandi to specifically hide or remove evidence to ultimately avoid apprehension; Davies, 1992). This includes wearing gloves, setting fire to the scene, and cleaning/washing the scene. Compared with Canadian SHOs (11.1%), Korean SHOs (28%) were more likely to dispose of the victim’s body, similar to NSHOs (25%). Moreover, both groups of SHOs (Korea = 7.5% vs. Canada = 4.3%) were more likely to protect their identity compared with NSHOs (1%) through the wearing of a mask and attempting to disguise or altering their appearance.
Canadian SHOs (46.3%) were significantly more likely to vaginally penetrate their victim compared with Korean SHOs (21.5%), whereas semen left on victims was more likely in Korean cases of sexual homicide than cases of Canadian sexual homicide. Anal penetration (16.3%) and sexual attempts (19.4%) such as fondling, sucking breasts, fellatio, and cunnilingus were also more likely in Canadian sexual homicide cases. All in all, Canadian SHOs were involved in a greater variety of sexual activities than Korean SHOs. Overkill 2 was more likely to be performed by Canadian SHOs (43.1%) compared with Korean SHOs (18.7%) and NSHOs (18.5%). Interestingly, in terms of items taken, Korean SHOs (95.3%) were significantly more likely to take any type of item from their victims after the homicide, including valuable items (e.g., jewelry), unidentifiable item (e.g., underwear, brassiere, cloths, cash), and identifiable items (personal ID card, credit card, passport), compared with the other two groups of homicide offenders.
Table 8 presents the findings of the stepwise logistic regression predicting the type of homicide offenders (i.e., NSHOs vs. SHOs). Using the Wald statistic, the estimated coefficients for the 35 independent variables (crime scene behaviors) and the constant were evaluated for statistical significance. Findings show that seven variables significantly distinguish between NSHOs and SHOs. Compared with NSHOs, SHOs are more likely to inflict wounds manually (β = 0.84, p = .02), to steal valuables (β = 2.59, p = .000) or unidentifiable property (β = 1.32, p = .001), to bring a weapon at the crime scene (β = 1.13, p = .000), to exhibit forensic awareness (β = 1.23, p = .000), and to cover the victim’s face (β = 1.92, p = .02). However, NSHOs are more likely to commit overkill (β = −0.94, p = .03) compared with SHOs.
Stepwise Logistic Regression Analysis predicting Sexual/Nonsexual Homicide Based on Crime Scene Behaviors.
Note. Model χ2 = 177.587 (p < .000), Nagelkerke R2 = .523, Hosmer and Lemeshow χ2 = 5.201. All predictor variables are dummy variables (e.g., 0 = no; 1 = yes). Variables not in the final equation are victim naked, strangulation (e.g., by bare hands), suffocation (e.g., by strings), partially dressed, face wound, multiple wounds across whole body, kicking (including beating), head wound, overkill, limbs wound, blunt instrument, stabbing wound, torso wound, weapon used, weapon found, trace searching for property was found, blindfold, bind hands or/and legs, victim covered, victim found in water (e.g., river, pond), single wound, body hidden, gagged, crime in darkness, neck wound (omitted crime scene behaviors [i.e., sexual activities, vaginal penetration, ejaculation, anal intercourse] only related to sexual homicide). CI = confidence interval.
Discussion
The current study is the first to compare offender and modus operandi characteristics of sexual homicide cases from two countries, one being a non-Western country. In addition to being an interesting empirical question, there is a need for practitioners to test whether findings coming from studies conducted in Western countries can be equally applied in non-Western countries. Overall, our findings suggest some differences between Canadian and Korean sexual homicide. Considering that both samples were highly representative, and moreover the data were from the same source (i.e., law enforcement databases), we can hypothesize with confidence that these differences could be due to cultural difference between these two countries. However, it is not possible to attribute the differences with a high degree of certainty to specific cultural differences, and thus we exercise caution in providing the following interpretations.
To explain the observed differences in the victim selection, one fruitful avenue is the routine activities of the actors involved. Smallbone, Marshall, and Wortley (2013) proposed that social ecosystems demarcate the routine activities of potential victims and offenders, thereby presenting or restricting opportunity structures for sexual crimes. For instance, research on sexual crimes in general has shown that younger children tend to be at greater risk of familial abuse and older children of nonfamilial abuse (Smallbone et al., 2013; Snyder, 2000). This is consistent with expected changes in children’s routine activities from within the home to outside the home as they get older. From a situational perspective (e.g., Clarke & Cornish, 1985; Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2009; Wortley & Smallbone, 2006), domestic settings provide greater access to victims while involving the least amount of effort and risk to offenders. As individuals within these settings tend to have close, existing relationships with one another, this shared ecological space increases their exposure to (potential) victimization (Smallbone & Cale, 2015). This could potentially explain some of the differences observed as Canadian SHOs were targeting more victims involved in domestic activities related to the home or family and were targeting younger victims. On the contrary, Korean SHOs were more typically at their workplace at the time of offense, which could have led to a different pattern when selecting their victim for the crime. The differences in routine activities of the offenders and the victim could also account for the differences observed in the crime locations. Thus, Canadian SHOs disposed of the body at an outdoor location almost twice as often as Korean SHOs and NSHOs, which is in accordance with Sea and Beauregard (2018, 2016) and Salfati and Park (2007).
Compared with Canadian SHOs, it is interesting to note that sexual homicides in South Korea are less likely to involve an offender and a victim who have close ties (including both intra- and extrafamilial relationship). We may hypothesize that this is related to the collectivistic culture of Korea, with interdependence among its members and the importance placed upon maintaining harmony with significant others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). According to Hofstede’s (2010) dimension theory, in terms of culture and the self, in collectivist societies which take care of its members in exchange for loyalty, the offense itself, especially sexual crimes, within groups (e.g., acquaintances) leads to a great shame and a permanent loss of face.
Another interesting difference relates to the method used to cause death. Canadian SHOs are more likely to kill their victims by beating them and using strangulation, whereas Korean SHOs prefer to stab and beat their victims. More specifically, Korean SHOs were more likely to inflict neck wounds to their victims, especially while the female victim is resisting the attack, expressing anger which is in accordance with Kim and Na (2014; see also Gong, 2010). Based on 57 cases of sexual homicide obtained from law enforcement files, Kim and Na (2014) found that Korean SHOs were more likely to be strangers and, thus, suggested it was more natural for strangers to carry weapons to the crime scene, specifically a knife to control the victims. Furthermore, Gong (2010) analyzed 110 cases of sexual homicide obtained from law enforcement and pointed out that Korean SHOs had a tendency to deal with victims using a kitchen knife to prevent direct physical or verbal contact with the victim and to avoid leaving forensic evidence (e.g., hair, sweat, saliva). These offense behaviors could reflect some cultural differences between Eastern and Western SHOs.
Very few studies have examined forensic awareness and subsequent efforts made by the offender to avoid apprehension in sexual homicide (e.g., Beauregard & Martineau, 2013). Taking additional steps and adapting the modus operandi to specifically hide evidence to ultimately escape apprehension is not as common as expected. Specifically, in the current study regardless of the offender groups, less than 30% of sexual offenders moved the victim’s body after the homicide and less than half removed evidence from the crime scene. As Beauregard and Martineau (2013) pointed out, the fact that the majority of sex offenders failed to use any type of precaution to avoid detection is helpful to law enforcement as it suggests that most sex offenders are not careful about forensic evidence being left behind. However, our findings seem to suggest that Korean SHOs are more forensically aware than the Canadian SHOs. Korean SHOs are more likely to use restraints (i.e., blindfold, bind hands/legs, gag) than Canadian SHOs.
Moreover, Korean SHOs were significantly more likely to injure the victim’s hands, steal valuable items, bring weapons to the crime scene, remove evidence (e.g., wiping forensic evidence), and cover their face (e.g., preventing their face from being seen). Together, this suggests that Korean SHOs were more forensically aware than Canadian SHOs, which could be an indication of the greater sophistication of Korean sexual offenders. However, because of their focus on stealing items from the victim (e.g., seeking souvenirs such as victim’s trivial items, underwear, [un]valuable properties), it could also be possible that Korean SHOs simply present with more sexual deviance (e.g., idolomania) than the Canadian SHOs. This is in line with Salfati and Park’s (2007) study who found that Korean homicides (including sexual homicide) were more likely to be classified as instrumental, mainly characterized by bringing a weapon and restraints to the scene (e.g., gagging, binding, blindfolded) with a focus on forensic awareness such as covering the victim’s face, for the purpose of their own ulterior motive (e.g., material gain, sexual desire). In fact, most Western studies (i.e., Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Greece) which attempted to assign homicide to a dominant theme (i.e., expressive/instrumental) report higher percentages of expressive than instrumental cases (Block, Devitt, Donoghue, Dames, & Block, 2001; Fritzon & Garbutt, 2001; Salfati, 2000; Salfati & Dupont, 2006; Salfati & Haratsis, 2001).
Although Korean SHOs are significantly less likely to commit vaginal and/or anal penetration on the victim than Canadian SHOs, they are more likely to ejaculate after masturbating at the crime scene. Despite the fact that Korean SHOs are more forensically aware than Canadian SHOs, this particular behavior seems contradictory as masturbating at the crime scene is more likely to leave semen that may be subjected to DNA analysis. However, this finding could reflect instead a cultural difference between Korean and Canadian SHOs, the Korean SHOs presenting a greater inhibition compared with the Canadian SHOs.
Finally, it is noteworthy that sexual homicide is a different type of homicide and that it should be examined independently from other forms of homicide. In other words, sexual homicide presents characteristics that are different from nonsexual homicide. Our findings showed that SHOs were more likely to manually inflict wounds, steal valuable and unidentifiable property, bring a weapon to the scene, exhibit forensic awareness, and cover the victim’s face. In contrast, findings showed that cases of sexual homicide were less likely to present overkill than nonsexual homicide. Probably due to the different motivation, sexual homicide and nonsexual homicide present different offending patterns.
Conclusion
Using two representative samples, the current study uncovers important similarities and differences that should be taken into account when assessing sexual homicide cases in non-Western countries. Clearly, some important differences exist that could be due to the different environment and culture of each country. The current study shows the diversity in sexual homicide and the need to conduct more studies in non-Western countries to better understand how some cultural factors could influence the use of certain modus operandi strategies (e.g., mutilation).
This study is not without its limitations and a word of caution is needed when interpreting the results. First, although the total sample size of homicides in this study is large, the sample size of Korean sexual homicide is comparably small due to the rare occurrence of these cases. Furthermore, although the data consist of all the known sexual homicide cases during the 5-year time frame, there is no systematic national Korean registry that allows confirming that it consists of all of the cases in Korea during that time. Nonetheless, the current study offers a very detailed picture of sexual homicide from two different countries from probably the most extensive databases existing in both countries. Future studies should continue to compare the findings on the modus operandi of SHOs in different countries to identify how cultural factors could influence some of the strategies used by these offenders.
Footnotes
Authors’ Note
Jonghan Sea is now affiliated with Department of Psychology, Yeungnam University.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.