It’s Not the CSI Effect: Criminal Justice Students’ Choice of Major and Career Goals

Abstract

The media tends to influence public perceptions of the criminal justice system. The media’s impact, known as the CSI Effect, is not well documented in criminal justice majors. The present study adds to a small body of literature regarding the impact of media on criminal justice students’ decisions, and seeks to identify the factors that influence students’ choices, regarding their major/career goals. Based on the results from surveys administered at an urban university in the United States, most criminal justice students reported that they were not influenced by the media, yet the vast majority believed this to be true of their fellow majors. These students chose criminal justice because they found the subject matter interesting and relevant to the real world, and they wanted to work in a field in which they could be a problem solver. Upon graduation, these students overwhelmingly reported an interest in pursuing a career in federal law enforcement. Unfortunately, corrections, a field dedicated to working with offenders, was the lowest preferred profession among criminal justice students.

Keywords

criminal justice students corrections major CSI Effect criminal justice programs career goals

Introduction

The increasing popularity of crime-related television shows, particularly those that focus on forensic evidence being utilized to solve crime, may be responsible for influencing public perception about criminal justice–related matters (Dowler, 2003). In addition to begetting misconceptions pertaining to the processes involved with investigating, convicting, and punishing offenders, the media may foster false expectations about careers in criminal justice–related fields (Donovan & Klahm, 2015). Some researchers have found crime dramas are one of the main reasons for the increase in interest among students in criminal justice–related majors (Sarver, Sarver, & Dobbs, 2010). However, the mischaracterization of job duties in criminal justice careers could lead to students who choose their major based on dramatized and sensationalized misinformation. Once enrolled in undergraduate study, students might become disheartened (similar to jurors in a criminal case who are disappointed with the lack of forensic evidence presented at trial) when they learn that the career they sought is very different from the one portrayed by actors in their favorite TV show or their favorite character in a much-loved crime novel (Jones, 2003). Research is limited regarding the underlying factors that influence students to choose criminal justice (Gabbidon, Penn, & Richards, 2003; Tontodonato, 2006) and whether they possess realistic notions about the field; there is less research regarding whether one of these factors is related to the increase in crime-related television (Sarver et al., 2010). This study seeks to understand what influences criminal justice students in the United States to choose criminal justice as a major and as a career, and specifically, whether the CSI Effect is one of those contributing factors. Corrections, one of the areas in criminal justice most in need of remediation, is not attracting the majority of criminal justice students. Hence, we may not be producing enough students dedicated to offender treatment and rehabilitation.

Literature Review

History of Criminal Justice Education

The criminal justice major celebrated 100 years in 2016, with the first criminology program, created by August Vollmer, the former Berkeley Police Chief, at the University of California (Oliver, 2016). Although a huge expansion of criminal justice programs occurred in the mid-1970s and 1980s (Langworthy & Latessa, 1989; Southerland, 2002), many programs began their initial growth during the 1960s because of funds from the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA). Established by the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, LEAA’s Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP) provided funding to local law enforcement for education, a catalyst for the initial boom of criminal justice programming (Oliver, 2016). At the same time, President Johnson had established the Presidential Committee on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice, which recommended raising educational levels for police officers (Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999), a mission that started with Chief Vollmer. Yet, the funding was not equally available to all. Gabbidon et al. (2003) point to a pioneering study by Debro (1981) who found that Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) were slow to receive these LEAA funds. As a result, few HBCUs offered criminal justice or criminology degrees; their programs had low enrollment and few professors with doctorates in the field.

Even after LEAA’s money dissipated, a strong interest in the field continued, which we still witness today (Gabbidon et al., 2003). In 2002, Southerland found 400 U.S. undergraduate programs; however, the number was likely higher as it had to have the “criminal justice” label for study inclusion, eliminating, for example, a Justice Studies major. In 2003, Gabbidon et al. reported programs at 50 HBCUs, a dramatic increase from the earlier Debro (1981) study. Graduate study in criminal justice is also on the rise; according to the Association of Doctoral Programs in Criminology and Criminal Justice (ADPCCJ), there are currently 44 doctoral programs. The 38 programs that participated in their survey reported serving 28,140 criminology and criminal justice undergraduate majors and 4,451 graduate students pursuing master’s degrees and doctoral degrees (ADPCCJ Executive Board, 2017).

Despite increased interest and enrollment among students, criminal justice programs are often undervalued, especially when compared with other majors. They are commonly considered a “cash cow” that will generate revenue for schools. With little required overhead (such as an expensive laboratory or equipment), many early programs were perceived as “cop shops” with ill-trained faculty, comprising mostly retired law enforcement and below-average students (Butterfield, 1998; Clear, 2001). This negative perception is changing, with criminal justice earning its place as a valid field of scholarship with academic rigor (Clear, 2001; Finckenauer, 2005). Today, criminal justice–related majors are within the top 10 degree fields awarded in the United States (U.S. Department of Education, 2018).

Cultivation Theory—Media Effects on Crime Perception

As criminal justice programs remain popular, so too does crime-related programming and media. Studies have found a positive correlation between enrollment in forensic science programs and the number of forensic science television shows (Bergslien, 2006). We know less about whether the increase in crime-related shows has affected students’ decisions about majoring in criminal justice or in choosing a criminal justice–related profession (i.e., their career goals).

The effects or impact of television viewing is related to the number of viewing hours. By the age of 20, an average person will have viewed approximately 15,000 hr of television (Claudia, 2015). Watching television, particularly in large quantities, can have an impact on one’s beliefs and behaviors. Cultivation Theory maintains that when compared with people who watch a moderate to low amount of television, people who watch a high amount of television are more susceptible to media messages and have a stronger belief that what the media says is true (Gerbner, 1981). High-volume consumers believe the world cultivated by television is real, not merely a depiction. According to this theory, high-volume viewers seem to perceive social reality differently from low-volume viewers (Gerbner, 1981). In fact, research finds that those who watch large amounts of violent television, including the local news, have increased fears and concerns regarding crime (Romer, Jamieson, & Aday, 2006). Television can create a world that appears more problematic and more violent than what is true in everyday life (Gerbner & Gross, 1976). It is less clear whether criminal justice students’ decisions regarding their major and career goals have been affected by their consumption of media.

CSI Effect

A possible consequence of watching too much crime-related television is the CSI Effect. According to Cole and Dioso-Villa (2009) and Cole and Porter (2018), the CSI Effect can affect the manner the general public views evidence in a variety of ways: the strong prosecutor effect (the prosecution does not present the forensic evidence the jury wants to hear; hence, conviction is less likely); the weak prosecutor effect (the prosecution changes the way in which it presents the case to mitigate juror expectations); the defendant effect (conviction is more likely when forensics are presented); the producer’s effect (jurors are more aware of procedures which can be beneficial to a case); the educator’s effect (more students choose to study forensics as a major and more students drop out of the major when it does not meet their expectations); the police chief effect (criminals learn ways to circumvent detection); the technology effect (jurors expect that certain forensic testing is commonplace); and the victim’s effect (the victim and their family demand forensic testing).

In regard to prosecutions, based upon media portrayals, jurors may believe forensic evidence is commonly collected for all cases and that procedures they have viewed on TV are real. Yet in most cases, forensic services are often underutilized in police investigations (Cole & Porter, 2018). If the prosecution does not present the forensic evidence the jury expects to hear, conviction may be less likely. When the prosecution does present forensic evidence, conviction may be more likely if jurors have been influenced by the positive portrayal of forensics and believe that the findings must be accurate. The overall research on the CSI Effect in relationship to its impact within the criminal justice system is mixed, with some researchers claiming it may be “an effort by the media to sell more media” (Cole & Porter, 2018, p. 118). The expectation of forensic evidence may not be related to more CSI viewing but rather a greater public reliance on overall technological advances (Cole & Porter, 2018).

The examination of the CSI Effect is not exclusive to American courtrooms, with similar effects found among Canadian jurors (Holmgren & Fordham, 2011), and it is not limited to merely the courtroom—there appears to be an impact on universities as well. Since 2000, when CSI first aired on TV, there has been a discernible increase in the number of students interested in majoring in forensic science, as well as the number of forensic science programs being offered by colleges and universities (Bergslien, 2006; McManus, 2008). Some also attribute the increased interest in forensic science, in part, to the media publicizing high-profile cases that utilize forensic evidence (Smallwood, 2002). Little information, however, exists on whether it has led to the same types of increases among criminal justice majors.

Similar to the general public, students’ beliefs about criminal justice may originate from the media, which can also create inaccurate perceptions of the field (Barthe, Leone, & Lateano, 2013; Glynn & Kim, 2009; Ridley, 2014). Students’ lack of experience forces them to rely upon media portrayals to formulate opinions about the criminal justice system and criminal justice careers (H. P. Smith, Mead, & Koons-Witt, 2009). For example, there are many differences between real forensics and CSI, the TV show, such as low salaries for technicians (labs suffer from restricted budgets which limit salaries as well as the ability to process all evidence); lab error (lab errors do occur, unlike in CSI where lab results are always accurate); poorly trained staff (not all lab staff are properly trained or educated as evidenced by recent lab scandals); evidence frequency (most evidence found during investigation is negligible); and job duties (scientists are not involved with investigations or with interviewing witnesses) (McManus, 2008). In a content analysis of CSI, S. M. Smith, Stinson, and Patry (2011) found that the criminal was caught 97% of the time and crime scene investigators conducted 72% of the scientific testing, which is commonly conducted by lab technicians. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI; 2012) statistics, offenders are caught in 46.8% of violent crimes and 19% of property crimes. Thus, it seems reasonable that students who base their perception of criminal justice on such TV shows like CSI are likely to hold many erroneous beliefs about the field.

The CSI Effect and Criminal Justice Students

While the CSI Effect may affect jury perception and forensic science students’ choice of major, there are only a small number of studies that examine the effect of the media on students’ choice of criminal justice as a major (e.g., Barthe et al., 2013; Courtright & Mackey, 2004; Sarver et al., 2010; Walters & Kremser, 2016). As Gabbidon et al. (2003) point out, “few researchers have invested time in seeing why students have become interested in criminal justice” (p. 233). We still have only a limited literature on criminal justice students’ views regarding the major, the curriculum electives, or their learning styles (Kelly, 2015). In fact, criminal justice students have been described as an “embarrassment of riches” for college programs because of how little attention has been paid to their perspectives (Tontodonato, 2006, p. 163).

Choosing Criminal Justice as a Major

As first noted by Krimmel and Tartaro (1999), research has consistently shown that most students choose criminal justice as a major because they find it interesting; students also choose criminal justice because they want to help others or because the major fits with their career plans, such as going into law enforcement or applying to law school (Barthe et al., 2013; Tontodonato, 2006; Walters & Kremser, 2016). In addition, students want to pursue criminal justice studies because they believe the subject matter contains real-world relevancy (Barthe et al., 2013; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). In research by Sarver et al. (2010), one third of students in their sample (n = 165), from a large university in the southwest, reported the most important factor in their decision to become a criminal justice major was their experience in a criminal justice course they had taken (the survey did not ask students to name a specific course that influenced them). The second most important factor was media portrayals (nearly 20% of the sample).

Other variables, such as class standing, may also affect students’ decision making. Walters and Kremser (2016) found that first and second year students were more likely to report media had an impact on them, when compared with third and fourth year students who were more likely to be influenced by their professors. Interestingly, few students reported choosing criminal justice because they were impacted by counselors, family, or friends, and most did not choose it because they felt it would be an easy field of study (although they noted it required less science and math than other majors; Barthe et al., 2013; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999).

Choosing Criminal Justice as a Career

Students major in criminal justice because they seek a career in the field, but the professional goals of criminal justice students may also be influenced by the media, with similar results found outside of the United States (Andrita, Panfil, & Iacob, 2017). Researchers have consistently found the majority of criminal justice majors desire careers in law enforcement (Barthe et al., 2013; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). Many students report an interest in law enforcement because the media portrays it as exhilarating (Courtright & Mackey, 2004). In contrast, there is the media’s coverage of corrections, which is largely negative (H. P. Smith et al., 2009). Perhaps not surprising is the finding that criminal justice majors often rate corrections as the lowest among preferred professions (Barthe et al., 2013; Courtright & Mackey, 2004; Kelly, 2015; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). Moreover, as many as 20% to 30% of criminal justice students are undecided about their professional goals or are not interested in a career in criminal justice (Kelly, 2015; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). It is important to note that students also change their minds about careers over time. Researchers have found that as students progress through their major, from first year to senior year, they are less likely to be interested in law enforcement careers (Barthe et al., 2013; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). Exposure to criminal justice professionals, via field trips, internships, or service learning, can help students as they consider their career options (H. P. Smith et al., 2009). Experiences in real-life criminal justice settings may be able to mitigate the potential for a CSI Effect.

The media’s ability to impact the selection of a college major or subsequent career did not start with the CSI Effect. Barthe et al. (2013) point out that the popularity of LA Law in the 1980s was associated with increased applications to law school. Medical students were more likely than others to watch medical shows such as ER in the 1990s; they also reported that their expectations and ideas about medicine had been influenced by these shows (O’Conner, 1998 in Barthe et al., 2013). Even movies, such as Top Gun, appeared to coincide with an increase in interest regarding the naval aviation officer candidate program, and recruiters, who understood the attraction, often staffed recruiter information tables outside of movie theaters featuring the film (Evje, 1986). Within the criminal justice field, different forms of media can influence students’ career goals. Those who watch police shows report being most interested in law enforcement positions, while those who watch court-related dramas are more interested in legal careers (Barthe et al., 2013). Overall, the more students watched these shows, the more influence it had on their perceptions and understanding of the field (Barthe et al., 2013). S. M. Smith, Patry, and Stinson (2007) found that after viewing as few as four episodes of CSI, respondents had stronger beliefs in the accuracy and reliability of forensic evidence, compared with those who did not view the show. They also had greater confidence in their own judgments about the topic. Yet, a study conducted among Australian University students found that although most forensic science students watched shows, such as CSI, and enjoyed them, they felt that these shows were unrealistic, demonstrating that students may be more prudent in making choices about their fields of study than previously believed (Weaver, Salamonson, Koch, & Porter, 2012).

Gender and Race Differences

Gender differences are notable among criminal justice students regarding their reasons for choosing their major as well as their career goals. While women, like men, report choosing the criminal justice major because it is interesting and relevant to the real world, women also report having a desire to help others and a desire to earn a good salary (Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999; Tontodonato, 2006). In general, men are more interested in pursuing law enforcement and women are more interested in attending law school (Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999; Tontodonato, 2006). Students interested in law are also more likely to have higher grade point averages (GPAs) compared with others in the major (Tontodonato, 2006).

Racial differences are apparent as well. Within the last 30 years, more African Americans chose criminal justice as a major, but they were more likely than their White counterparts to report choosing it for economic reasons, to help others, and to protect people from oppression (Gabbidon et al., 2003). They are also more likely than White students to be interested in non-police-related careers (Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999; Tartaro & Krimmel, 2003). In fact, both Gabbidon et al. (2003) at five HBCUs and Tartaro and Krimmel (2003) at 12 four-year colleges in seven states found a nearly equal percentage of Black students who were interested in law enforcement as were interested in a legal career (about 25%). While an exploration of the reasons why non-Whites may not be drawn to a career in law enforcement is beyond the scope of this article, over 25 years ago. Kaminski (1993) suggested Black families may influence their children to avoid careers in law enforcement, believing the job poses too many dangers (Kaminski, 1993). Today, of course, racial bias and violence continue to mar the interactions of police with Black citizens. Many in the field have called on law enforcement agencies to improve their recruitment efforts (see Gabbidon et al., 2003; Tartaro & Krimmel, 2003) in an attempt to improve police–community relations.

Method

Surveys were administered in every criminal justice course at an urban university, in the northeast region of the United States, during the fall semester. A student research assistant contacted all criminal justice faculty to schedule a time to come to their class and explain the purpose of the study. The research assistant was responsible for obtaining informed consent and distributing the surveys. Students present in class on the day of the distributed surveys were asked to voluntarily participate in research regarding criminal justice studies. Students were asked to complete only one survey, even if they were taking more than one criminal justice course (students can take multiple criminal justice courses in one semester and we wanted to prevent against duplication). If students completed the survey in another class, they were permitted to leave or engage in other work. Out of the 160 undergraduate students surveyed, 65 were declared criminal justice majors. Although many students take criminal justice as a minor or as an elective, those with a declared criminal justice major served as the focus of the current examination. Surveys were anonymous, had institutional review board (IRB) approval, and took approximately 20 to 30 min to complete.

The survey instrument, consisting of both quantitative and qualitative measures, was developed for this study to help determine the variables that influenced students to select criminal justice as their major, particularly if such influence was motivated by the media. Questions were also developed to inquire about students’ career goals. To increase the reliability and validity of the survey instrument, questions were borrowed and modified from previous studies (see Beckman, 1980; Gabbidon et al., 2003; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999; McManus, 2008). Questions were also developed to inquire about the types of shows students watched and whether students felt such shows were realistic. Many questions used a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = strongly agree to 5 = strongly disagree. Questions were pretested with a focus group of criminal justice students who attested to its applicability and ease of understanding.

Sample

The majority of the 65 criminal justice majors were between the ages of 18 and 21, and 74% (n = 48) were from the tri-state area (NY, NJ, or CT; see Table 1 for demographics). The majority of our sample was female (n = 48; 74%), single (n = 52; 80%), and without children (n = 63; 97%). Over half held some type of employment (n = 38; 58%), and class standing was equivalent among the 4 years: freshman (n = 16; 25%), sophomore (n = 14; 22%), junior (n = 16; 25%), and senior (n = 18; 28%). Approximately half of the students lived on campus (n = 31; 48%) and reported a mean GPA of 3.4 (ranging from 2.5 to 4.0).

Table 1.

Demographics.

Variable	Frequency	%
Age (years)
17-18	16	25
19-20	24	37
21-22	15	23
23-24	6	9
≥25	1	2
Missing	3	5
Race
White	30	46
African American	17	26
Latino/a	11	17
Asian	3	5
Other	4	6
Religion
Catholic	30	46
Protestant	2	3
Baptist	2	3
Muslim	3	5
Jewish	2	3
Hindu	1	2
Atheist	3	5
Agnostic	2	3
Other	13	20
Missing	7	11
Gender
Male	17	26
Female	48	74
Marital status
Single	52	80
Married	8	12
Separated	5	8
Children
Yes	2	3
No	63	97
Employment
Yes	38	58
No	27	42
Class standing
Freshman	16	25
Sophomore	14	22
Junior	16	25
Senior	18	28
Missing	1	2
Living arrangements
On campus	31	48
Off campus	33	51
Missing	1	2

To determine whether our sample was representative of criminal justice students on this campus, we compared our data with data provided by the University’s Office of Institutional Research (OIR). Of 79 declared criminal justice majors in fall 2017, we surveyed 65 (82% response rate). In our sample, 51 students (78%) were 21 years of age or younger, and among the population of majors, 68 students (86%) were 21 or younger. Like our sample, which was largely female (74%), 77% of majors identified as female. Although this gender disparity is higher than the national average, women began to outnumber men in higher education in the 1970s; this gap continues to increase in women’s favor (Borzelleca, 2012). The majority of our sample comprised White students (n = 30; 46%), similar to the major overall (n = 38; 48%); Black students comprised 26% (n = 17) of our sample and 14% (n = 11) of all criminal justice majors¹; Hispanics (of any race) accounted for 17% (n = 11) of our sample and 18% (n = 14) of the major. Finally, seven students (11%) in our sample identified as other. Based on a comparison to OIR’s data, our sample was highly representative of all declared criminal justice majors on this campus.

Findings

Factors That Influenced Students’ Decisions to Choose Criminal Justice

Students were asked about factors that affected their decision to study criminal justice (see Table 2). Consistent with previous research, the vast majority of students reported that they chose to study criminal justice because it was interesting (97%; n = 63²) and relevant to the real world (92%; n = 60). Most were not influenced by their family (66%; n = 43 disagree or strongly disagree) or by someone in high school (75%; n = 49 disagree or strongly disagree). While most students reported that they did not choose criminal justice because they believed the course content would be easier than other majors (63%; n = 41 disagree or strongly disagree), 29% (n = 19) were neutral and 7% (n = 4) acknowledged that they were influenced by the idea of an easy major. Over one third (39%; n = 25) said they were influenced by the belief that the subject matter would include less math than other majors. Forty-three percent (n = 28) of students said they chose criminal justice because they were told the major was appropriate for prelaw, 38% (n = 25) thought the subject matter was relevant to a current job, and 62% (n = 40) thought a college degree in criminal justice would increase their job status (i.e., ability to obtain a job in the field).

Table 2.

Factors Influencing the Decision to Study Criminal Justice.

Statement/Response	Strongly agree(1)	Agree (2)	Neutral (3)	Disagree (4)	Strongly disagree (5)	Missing	SD	M	N
I was influenced by a family member to do so	14%; n = 9	9%; n = 6	9%; n = 6	32%; n = 21	34%; n = 22	2%; n = 1	1.407	3.64	N = 65 100%
I was influenced by someone in high school to do so	3%; n = 2	12%; n = 8	8%; n = 5	29%; n = 19	46%; n = 30	2%; n = 1	1.161	4.05	N = 65 100%
I thought the course content would be easier than other majors	5%; n = 3	2%; n = 1	29%; n = 19	38%; n = 25	25%; n = 16	2%; n = 1	1.000	3.78	N = 65 101%^a
I thought the course content would include less mathematics than other majors	8%; n = 5	31%; n = 20	26%; n = 17	20%; n = 13	14%; n = 9	2%; n = 1	1.188	3.02	N = 65 101%^a
I thought the subject matter was interesting	72%; n = 47	25%; n = 16	2%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	2%; n = 1	0.487	1.28	N = 65 101%^a
I thought the subject matter was relevant to the real world	72%; n = 47	20%; n = 13	6%; n = 4	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	2%; n = 1	0.592	1.33	N = 65 100%
I was told this major was appropriate for prelaw	17%; n = 11	26%; n = 17	31%; n = 20	15%; n = 10	8%; n = 5	3%; n = 2	1.173	2.70	N = 65 99%^a
I thought the subject matter was relevant to a current job	15%; n = 10	23%; n = 15	35%; n = 23	18%; n = 12	6%; n = 4	2%; n = 1	1.123	2.77	N = 65 99%^a
I thought a college degree would increase my job status	37%; n = 24	25%; n = 16	25%; n = 16	9%; n = 6	3%; n = 2	2%; n = 1	1.130	2.16	N = 65 101%^a
I was influenced by a crime-related TV show	8%; n = 5	15%; n = 10	23%; n = 15	31%; n = 20	22%; n = 14	2%; n = 1	1.220	3.44	N = 65 101%^a
I was influenced by a crime novel	2%; n = 1	3%; n = 2	15%; n = 10	48%; n = 31	31%; n = 20	2%; n = 1	0.862	4.05	N = 65 101%^a

Percentages may be more or less than 100% due to rounding.

In regard to pursuing criminal justice as a career (see Table 3), 64% (n = 42) said it was because it would help them to earn a decent salary, 77% (n = 50) said they sought a secure position, and 43% (n = 28) said they wanted a union position. When we look at more philosophical reasons for their career goals, students overwhelmingly reported that they wanted a position where they could help people solve problems (92%; n = 60), protect the Constitution (69%; n = 45), protect people against oppression (85%; n = 55), and arrest offenders (47%; n = 30). Eighty-five percent (n = 55) wanted to work in this field because people were treated equally, and 88% (n = 57) said they wanted to work where there was an opportunity to promote (88%; n = 57). A majority of respondents also believed criminal justice was exciting (83%; n = 54) and would allow them to interact with interesting people (82%; n = 53). Notably, only 11% (n = 7) believed it would be easy to find a job following graduation.

Table 3.

Pursuing Criminal Justice as a Career.

Statement/Response	Strongly agree (1)	Agree (2)	Neutral (3)	Disagree (4)	Strongly disagree (5)	Missing	SD	M	N
I want to make a decent salary	32%; n = 21	32%; n = 21	23%; n = 15	9%; n = 6	0%; n = 0	2%; n = 1	0.979	2.10	N = 65 98%^a
I seek a secure position	37%; n = 24	40%; n = 26	18%; n = 12	2%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	2%; n = 1	0.787	1.84	N = 65 99%^a
I seek a position with union benefits	20%; n = 13	23%; n = 15	43%; n = 28	9%; n = 6	2%; n = 1	3%; n = 2	0.981	2.48	N = 65 100%
I seek a position where I can help people solve problems	54%; n = 35	38%; n = 25	5%; n = 3	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	3%; n = 2	0.592	1.49	N = 65 100%
I seek a position where I can protect the Constitution	37%; n = 24	32%; n = 21	22%; n = 14	6%; n = 4	0%; n = 0	3%; n = 2	0.933	1.97	N = 65 100%
I seek a position where I can protect people from oppression	54%; n = 35	31%; n = 20	11%; n = 7	2%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	3%; n = 2	0.814	1.60	N = 65 101%^a
I want to arrest bad guys	22%; n = 14	25%; n = 16	31%; n = 20	14%; n = 9	6%; n = 4	3%; n = 2	1.174	2.57	N = 65 101%^a
I seek a position where people are treated equally	49%; n = 32	35%; n = 23	11%; n = 7	2%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	3%; n = 2	0.747	1.63	N = 65 100%
I seek a position where I can excel (get promoted)	38%; n = 25	49%; n = 32	8%; n = 5	2%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	3%; n = 2	0.682	1.71	N = 65 100%
I seek an exciting position	49%; n = 32	34%; n = 22	11%; n = 7	3%; n = 2	0%; n = 0	3%; n = 2	0.803	1.67	N = 65 100%
I seek a position where I can meet interesting people	38%; n = 25	43%; n = 28	14%; n = 9	2%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	3%; n = 2	0.750	1.78	N = 65 100%
I seek a position where I can wear a uniform	5%; n = 3	11%; n = 7	49%; n = 32	23%; n = 15	9%; n = 6	3%; n = 2	0.941	3.22	N = 65 100%
It will be easy to find a job in this field	2%; n = 1	9%; n = 6	46%; n = 30	25%; n = 16	15%; n = 10	3%; n = 2	0.929	3.44	N = 65 100%

Percentages may be more or less than 100% due to rounding.

Types of Careers

Students were asked whether they would consider working in specific types of positions in the criminal justice field (see Table 4). As expected, corrections appeared to be the least favored career option, while federal law enforcement was the most preferred. Federal law enforcement was most desirable (68%; n = 44), followed by a position within the courts, including attorney (58%; n = 38), local law enforcement (state, county, town, city; 48%; n = 31), and finally noncustodial positions involving the treatment or counseling of offenders or victims (41%; n = 27). Less than one third of the sample (30%; n = 20) would consider seeking a position in corrections.

Table 4.

Consideration of Criminal Justice Careers.

Statement/Response	Strongly agree (1)	Agree (2)	Neutral (3)	Disagree (4)	Strongly disagree (5)	Missing	SD	M	N
I would consider a job in local law enforcement	22%; n = 14	26%; n = 17	18%; n = 12	20%; n = 13	12%; n = 8	2%; n = 1	1.345	2.75	N = 65 100%
I would consider a job in federal law enforcement	43%; n = 28	25%; n = 16	17%; n = 11	9%; n = 6	5%; n = 3	2%; n = 1	1.194	2.06	N = 65 100%
I would consider a job in corrections	12%; n = 8	18%; n = 12	32%; n = 21	18%; n = 12	17%; n = 11	2%; n = 1	1.256	3.09	N = 65 99%^a
I would consider a job in the courts	32%; n = 21	26%; n = 17	29%; n = 19	5%; n = 3	6%; n = 4	2%; n = 1	1.155	2.25	N = 65 100%
I would consider a job, as a civilian (noncustodial), working with criminal justice populations in terms of counseling and or treatment	18%; n = 12	23%; n = 15	25%; n = 16	18%; n = 12	14%; n = 9	2%; n = 1	1.320	2.86	N = 65 100%

Percentages may be more or less than 100% due to rounding.

Gender and Careers

Differences were noted between male and female students regarding their career preference (see Tables 5 and 6). Overall, men seemed to prefer positions in law enforcement (federal or local), whereas women preferred court-related careers or noncustodial positions that involved treatment. A chi-square test of independence was calculated to compare the frequency of preference for particular criminal justice careers for men and women. Based on these results, men were more likely to seek positions in federal law enforcement (100%) compared with women (57%); χ²(4) = 11.225, p = .024, ϕ = .419, and they were more likely to seek positions in local law enforcement (76%) compared with women (38%), χ²(4) = 11.811, p = .019, ϕ = .430; both were statistically significant. Men were also more likely to seek positions in corrections (36%) compared with women (30%); χ²(4) = 0.747, p =.945, ϕ =.108, but the relationship was not statistically significant.

Table 5.

Consideration of Criminal Justice Careers by Sex.

Position	Sex	Strongly agree	Agree	Neutral	Disagree	Strongly disagree	Total
Local law enforcement	Male	41%; n = 7	35%; n = 6	0%; n = 0	6%; n = 1	18%; n = 3	100%; n = 17
	Female	15%; n = 7	23%; n = 11	26%; n = 12	26%; n = 12	11%; n = 5	101%^a; n = 47
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Federal law enforcement	Male	71%; n = 12	29%; n = 5	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	100%; n = 17
	Female	34%; n = 16	23%; n = 11	23%; n = 11	13%; n = 6	6%; n = 3	99%^a; n = 47
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Court-related	Male	12%; n = 2	35%; n = 6	41%; n = 7	0%; n = 0	12%; n = 2	100%; n = 17
	Female	40%; n = 19	23%; n = 11	26%; n = 12	6%; n = 3	4%; n = 2	99%^a; n = 47
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Corrections	Male	12%; n = 2	24%; n = 4	35%; n = 6	18%; n = 3	12%; n = 2	101%^a; n = 17
	Female	13%; n = 6	17%; n = 8	32%; n = 15	19%; n = 9	19%; n = 9	100%; n = 47
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Treatment	Male	0%; n = 0	18%; n = 3	29%; n = 5	35%; n = 6	18%; n = 3	100%; n = 17
	Female	26%; n = 12	26%; n = 12	23%; n = 11	13%; n = 6	13%; n = 6	101%^a; n = 47
	Missing						1
							N = 65

Percentages may be more or less than 100% due to rounding.

Table 6.

Consideration of Criminal Justice Careers by Sex.

	Local law enforcement	Federal law enforcement	Court-related	Corrections	Noncustodial treatment
Chi-square value	11.811	11.225	7.031	0.747	8.443
Phi value	.430^a	.419^a	.331^a	.108^b	.363^a
Degrees of freedom	4.0	4.0	4.0	4.0	4.0
Significance (2-sided; p < .05)	.019*	.024*	.134	.945	.077

Medium effect size.

Small effect size.

Significant at p < .05.

Women were more likely to seek positions which were court-related (63%) compared with men (47%); χ²(4) = 7.031, p = .134, ϕ = .331, and they were more likely to seek noncustodial positions related to the treatment of offenders and victims (52%) compared with men (18%); χ²(4) = 8.443, p = .077, ϕ = .363, but neither were statistically significant. Medium effect sizes were found for all positions, with the exception of corrections, which had a small effect size. Generally, in order of preference, men preferred to seek careers in federal law enforcement, followed by local law enforcement, court-related careers, and corrections; positions involving the treatment of offenders/victims were the least desired. Women, in order of preference, preferred to seek careers in court-related positions, followed by federal law enforcement, noncustodial positions involving the treatment of offenders/victims, and local law enforcement; positions with corrections were least desired.

Race and Careers

Minor differences were found among racial groups (see Tables 7 and 8). A chi-square test of independence was calculated to compare the frequency of preference for particular criminal justice careers across racial categories. Whites equally preferred to seek positions in federal law enforcement and the courts, whereas African Americans and Hispanics favored a position with federal law enforcement. African Americans were more likely to prefer positions in federal law enforcement (82%) compared with Whites (67%), Hispanics (63%), or other racial groups (50%); χ²(20) = 21.143, p = .389, ϕ = .575. African Americans were also most likely to favor local law enforcement positions (53%) compared with Whites (50%), Hispanics (36%), and other racial groups (50%); χ²(20) = 18.590, p = .549, ϕ = .539. Whites were more likely to favor careers related to the court system (67%) compared with African Americans (64%), Hispanics (45%), and other racial groups (34%); χ²(20) = 25.940, p = .168, ϕ = .637. African Americans were more likely seek a noncustodial position pertaining to the treatment of offenders/victims (53%) compared with Whites (44%), Hispanics (18%), and other racial groups (50%); χ²(20) = 18.867, p = .530, ϕ = .543, and they were the most open to working in corrections (42%) compared with Whites (33%), Hispanics (18%), and others (17%), χ²(20) = 19.540, p = .487, ϕ = .553. None of the variables for race were statistically significant, but all had a large effect size.

Table 7.

Consideration of Criminal Justice Careers by Race.

Position	Race	Strongly agree	Agree	Neutral	Disagree	Strongly disagree	Total
Local law enforcement	White	27%; n = 8	23%; n = 7	17%; n = 5	23%; n = 7	10%; n = 3	100%; n = 30
	Black	18%; n = 3	35%; n = 6	6%; n = 1	18%; n = 3	24%; 4	101%^a; n = 17
	Latino	18%; n = 2	18%; n = 2	45%; n = 5	18%; n = 2	0%; n = 0	99%^a; n = 11
	Other	17%; n = 1	33%; n = 2	17%; n = 1	17%; n = 1	17%; n = 1	101%^a; n = 6
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Federal law enforcement	White	47%; n = 14	20%; n = 6	17%; n = 5	13%; n = 4	3%; n = 1	100%; n = 30
	Black	47%; n = 8	35%; n = 6	6%; n = 1	6%; n = 1	6%; n = 1	100%; n = 17
	Latino	45%; n = 5	18%; n = 2	36%; n = 4	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	99%^a; n = 11
	Other	17%; n = 1	33%; n = 2	17%; n = 1	17%; n = 1	17%; n = 1	101%^a; n = 6
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Court-related	White	40%; n = 12	27%; n = 8	20%; n = 6	3%; n = 1	10%; n = 3	100%; n = 30
	Black	29%; n = 5	35%; n = 6	35%; n = 6	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	99%^a; n = 17
	Latino	27%; n = 3	18%; n = 2	45%; n = 5	0%; n = 0	9%; n = 1	99%^a; n = 11
	Other	17%; n = 1	17%; n = 1	33%; n = 2	33%; n = 2	0%; n = 0	100%; n = 6
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Corrections	White	13%; n = 4	20%; n = 6	20%; n = 6	27%; n = 8	20%; n = 6	100%; n = 30
	Black	18%; n = 3	24%; n = 4	29%; n = 5	12%; n = 2	18%; n = 3	101%^a; n = 17
	Latino	9%; n = 1	9%; n = 1	72%; n = 8	9%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	99%^a; n = 11
	Other	0%; n = 0	17%; n = 1	33%; n = 2	17%; n = 1	33%; n = 2	100%; n = 6
	Missing						1
							N = 65
Treatment	White	27%; n = 8	17%; n = 5	30%; n = 9	17%; n = 5	10%; n = 3	101%^a; n = 30
	Black	18%; n = 3	35%; n = 6	12%; n = 2	18%; n = 3	18%; n = 3	101%^a; n = 17
	Latino	0%; n = 0	18%; n = 2	45%; n = 5	18%; n = 2	18%; n = 2	99%^a; n = 11
	Other	17%; n = 1	33%; n = 2	0%; n = 0	33%; n = 2	17%; n = 1	100%; n = 6
	Missing						1
							N = 65

Percentages may be more or less than 100% due to rounding.

Table 8.

Consideration of Criminal Justice Careers by Race.

	Local law enforcement	Federal law enforcement	Court-related	Corrections	Noncustodial treatment
Chi-square value	18.590	21.143	25.940	19.540	18.867
Phi value	.539^a	.575^a	.637^a	.553^a	.543^a
Degrees of freedom	20	20	20	20	20
Significance (2-sided; p < .05)	.549	.389	.168	.487	.530

Large effect size.

Of all possible positions within criminal justice, African Americans appeared to be the most open to seeking positions in all areas of criminal justice. Corrections was the least favored career across all racial categories and federal law enforcement was the most favored career across all racial categories. In order of preference, Whites equally preferred federal law enforcement and court-related careers, followed by positions in local law enforcement and noncustodial positions regarding the treatment of offenders/victims; corrections was the least favored career. African Americans were most likely to seek a position in federal law enforcement, followed by the courts, local law enforcement, and treatment positions (local law enforcement and treatment had equal support); corrections was the least preferred career. Latinos favored jobs in federal law enforcement, followed by the courts, local law enforcement, noncustodial treatment positions and corrections (noncustodial positions and corrections had equal support).

Class Standing

Freshmen, sophomores, and seniors were interested in federal law enforcement positions, whereas juniors equally favored court-related positions and noncustodial treatment positions (see Tables 9 and 10). A chi-square test of independence was calculated to compare the frequency of preference for particular criminal justice careers according to class standing. Federal law enforcement was most favored by sophomores (78%), followed by freshmen (75%), seniors (64%), and juniors (57%); χ²(16) = 10.209, p = .856, ϕ = .399. Local law enforcement positions had similar support and were the most supported by sophomores (57%), followed by seniors (53%), juniors (50%), and freshmen (31%); χ²(16) = 19.983, p = .221, ϕ = .559. Court-related positions were likely to be sought by juniors (69%), followed by freshmen (62%), seniors (53%), and sophomores (50%); χ²(16) = 17.038, p = .383, ϕ = .516. Juniors were also the most open to seeking a noncustodial treatment position (69%), compared with freshmen (44%), seniors (30%), and sophomores (28%); χ²(16) = 15.679, p = .476, ϕ = .495. Except for freshmen (38%), corrections was the least favored career path for all other class levels—juniors (44%), seniors (24%), and sophomores (21%). Local law enforcement was the least favored area of possible employment for freshman students. None of the variables for class standing were statistically significant. All had a large effect size, except for federal law enforcement, which had a medium effect size.

Table 9.

Consideration of Criminal Justice Careers by Class Standing.

Position	Race	Strongly agree	Agree	Neutral	Disagree	Strongly disagree	Total
Local law enforcement	Freshman	6%; n = 1	25%; n = 4	19%; n = 3	38%; n = 6	13%; n = 2	101%^a; n = 16
	Sophomore	21%; n = 3	36%; n = 5	14%; n = 2	29%; n = 4	0%; n = 0	100%; n = 14
	Junior	31%; n = 5	19%; n = 3	31%; n = 5	13%; n = 2	6%; n = 1	100%; n = 16
	Senior	24%; n = 4	29%; n = 5	12%; n = 2	6%; n = 1	29%; n = 5	100%; n = 17
	Missing						2
							N = 65
Federal law enforcement	Freshman	50%; n = 8	25%; n = 4	13%; n = 2	13%; n = 2	0%; n = 0	101%^a; n = 16
	Sophomore	57%; n = 8	21%; n = 3	14%; n = 2	7%; n = 1	0%; n = 0	99%^a; n = 14
	Junior	38%; n = 6	19%; n = 3	31%; n = 5	6%; n = 1	6%; n = 1	100%; n = 16
	Senior	29%; n = 5	35%; n = 6	12%; n = 2	12%; n = 2	12%; n = 2	100%; n = 17
	Missing						2
							N = 65
Court-related	Freshman	31%; n = 5	31%; n = 5	13%; n = 2	13%; n = 2	13%; n = 2	101%^a; n = 16
	Sophomore	29%; n = 4	21%; n = 3	36%; n = 5	7%; n = 1	7%; n = 1	100%; n = 14
	Junior	56%; n = 9	13%; n = 2	31%; n = 5	0%; n = 0	0%; n = 0	100%; n = 16
	Senior	18%; n = 3	35%; n = 6	41%; n = 7	0%; n = 0	6%; n = 1	100%; n = 17
	Missing						2
							N = 65
Corrections	Freshman	13%; n = 2	25%; n = 4	25%; n = 4	13%; n = 2	25%; n = 4	101%^a; n = 16
	Sophomore	14%; n = 2	7%; n = 1	36%; n = 5	29%; n = 4	14%; n = 2	100%; n = 14
	Junior	19%; n = 3	25%; n = 4	19%; n = 3	19%; n = 3	19%; n = 3	101%^a; n = 16
	Senior	6%; n = 1	18%; n = 3	53%; n = 9	12%; n = 2	12%; n = 2	101%^a; n = 17
	Missing						2
							N = 65
Treatment	Freshman	19%; n = 3	25%; n = 4	19%; n = 3	25%; n = 4	13%; n = 2	101%^a; n = 16
	Sophomore	7%; n = 1	21%; n = 3	29%; n = 4	14%; n = 2	29%; n = 4	100%; n = 14
	Junior	38%; n = 6	31%; n = 5	19%; n = 3	6%; n = 1	6%; n = 1	100%; n = 16
	Senior	12%; n = 2	18%; n = 3	35%; n = 6	24%; n = 4	12%; n = 2	101%^a; n = 17
	Missing						2
							N = 65

Percentages may be more or less than 100% due to rounding.

Table 10.

Consideration of Criminal Justice Careers by Class Standing.

	Local law enforcement	Federal law enforcement	Court related	Corrections
Chi-square value	19.983	10.209	17.038	12.992	15.679
Phi value	.559^a	.399^b	.516^a	.451^a	.495^a
Degrees of freedom	16	16	16	16	16
Significance (2-sided; p< .05)	.221	.856	.383	.673	.476

Large effect size

Medium effect size

In order of preference, freshmen were likely to favor positions with federal law enforcement, followed by the courts, treatment, corrections, and local law enforcement. Sophomores favored federal law enforcement, followed by local law enforcement, the courts, and treatment; corrections was the least desired. Juniors equally favored the courts and treatment positions, followed by federal law enforcement and local law enforcement; corrections was the least favored. Seniors favored federal law enforcement, followed by local law enforcement, the courts, and treatment; corrections was also the least favored.

The CSI Effect?

Although most criminal justice students appeared to enjoy watching various crime-related shows, they indicated that it was not influential in their decision making to study or pursue a career in the criminal justice field. In terms of viewing behavior, students reported watching police shows most frequently (35%; n = 23), followed by forensic shows (29%; n = 19), court shows (14%; n = 9), corrections shows (7%; n = 5), and true crime shows (7%; n = 5). The three favorite shows cited by students were Criminal Minds (17%; n = 11) (a show about criminal profilers employed by the FBI), Law & Order: SVU (17%; n = 11) (a show about detectives in New York City who investigate sexually based crimes), and Law & Order (the original) (15%; n = 10) (a show about detective investigation and District Attorney prosecution in Manhattan). Students seemed to believe their favorite crime-related shows were realistic (40%; n = 26), whereas others reported they were somewhat realistic (25%; n = 16), somewhat unrealistic (15%; n = 10), and unrealistic (9%; n = 6). When asked about all of the crime-related shows they viewed, only 13% (n = 6) thought they were very realistic, 52% (n = 34) reported they were somewhat realistic, and 34% (n = 22) reported they were not very realistic.

When asked whether they were interested in studying criminal justice because of a particular crime-related show, only 23% (n = 15) of students agreed/strongly agreed, whereas over half (52%; n = 34) disagreed/strongly disagreed and 23% (n = 15) remained neutral (see Table 2). When asked whether their interest in criminal justice, overall, was based upon information they learned in a television show or via the media, 74% (n = 48) said no, whereas 25% (n = 16) said yes (one was missing). Of the 16 students who reported being influenced by crime-related TV, the top three shows which influenced them was Criminal Minds (n = 5), Law & Order (n = 4), and SVU (n = 3). Of those students, the position of detective was most influential (n = 6). Almost no students (5%; n = 3) reported being influenced by a favorite crime novel. Interestingly, when asked whether they thought most of their classmates chose criminal justice based on information they learned from a crime show or via the media, the majority (83%; n = 54) agreed.

Student Satisfaction

Although most students enjoyed watching crime-related television, learning about “real” criminal justice through their coursework did not appear to discourage their original decision to choose criminal justice as a major. An overwhelming majority of students reported that they were satisfied (94%; n = 61) with their choice of major and future career. When asked why they were satisfied, the majority of students said it was because they were interested in what they were learning (49%; n = 32); others reported it was their career choice (15%; n = 10) or they liked the Criminal Justice Department (8%; n = 5).

Discussion

The present study adds to the limited literature that exists on the factors which affect students’ decisions to major in criminal justice and the factors which ultimately influence them to pursue a criminal justice–related career (Kelly, 2015). Specifically, we examined whether the CSI Effect played a role in those decisions. Our data indicated it was not a prominent factor in students’ decision-making process. Unlike previous research conducted with forensic science students (Bergslien, 2006), criminal justice students said they were not primarily influenced by media when choosing their major or their career. Generally, students in our sample of undergraduate criminal justice majors reported being most interested in pursuing a federal law enforcement career and least interested in corrections, which is consistent with previous research (Courtright & Mackey, 2004; Kelly, 2015; Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). The same held true when students were categorized by class standing, with federal law enforcement being most favored and corrections being least favored. Results did differ slightly according to sex. Men favored law enforcement positions, whereas women favored court-related positions. Both chose corrections as least preferred. There were no statistically significant differences by race regarding careers, but African Americans were most likely, compared with all other racial categories, to be the most open to considering careers in all areas of criminal justice, including corrections. As many crime-related dramas tend to portray policing much more positively than corrections, it stands to reason that while overall interest in the field of criminal justice may be independent of crime show viewing, a lack of interest in a specific area of the field (i.e., corrections) could be affected by the consistent negative media portrayals of certain professions (Hedger, 2017). Not all professions within the field seem to hold the same level of notoriety or prestige.

Our findings as to why students choose criminal justice as a major concur with prior research (Krimmel & Tartaro, 1999). As the media does not appear to be influential in decision making, there are other factors, which participants reported, that were influential in their decision to study criminal justice. First, students reported the study of criminal justice was interesting and a subject matter which contained real-world relevancy. The field itself may be interesting enough without a need for media influence. For this study, 160 students were surveyed; data in this article reported on the 65 students who were declared criminal justice majors. The remaining students (n = 95), who were not majors, were taking criminal justice courses simply because they found the material to be of interest. As the majority of students taking criminal justice classes were not criminal justice majors, it lends credibility to the fact that even those outside the field find the subject matter attractive.

Second, criminal justice students also had interest in the fundamental principles of public service. They had a strong desire to pursue criminal justice because it was a field that would allow them to help others by serving as problem solvers, by protecting the disadvantaged from oppression, and by ensuring rights through protecting the Constitution. The fact that students want to go into a profession that they think can help people is not likely to have been media influenced. Like students who pursue other helping professions, such as social work or nursing, they may possess an intrinsic nature to be altruistic, choosing a profession that not only helps others but also has the ability to impact the larger community (Stevens et al., 2012). Despite the popularity of crime-related shows, current news media portrayals of police have been largely negative and continue to challenge many positive aspects previously associated with the profession (McGovern & Phillips, 2017). Recent polls show that the majority of police officers in the United States (81% of those who are employed in departments of 100 or more) believe officers are treated unjustly by the media (Gramlich & Parker, 2017). Despite this trend, students do not appear discouraged and still believe this is a profession they could pursue which will allow them to help others. Furthermore, for many criminal justice students, particularly those interested in law enforcement, it is likely their goals stem from early childhood dreams. In fact, being a “police officer” is rated as one of the top 10 professions children want to pursue when they become older (Adams, 2015).

Third, students were quite practical in the reasons cited for why they chose the field of criminal justice for their future careers—they reported that it would help them to obtain a position with good pay, which was secure, and once hired, their criminal justice education would help with promotion. These decisions are prudent, especially in an economy where student debt is on the rise and the ability to pay student loans often depends on one’s employability (Markowitz, 2017). It is important to remember that the majority of students surveyed live in the New York State Metropolitan area where salaries for law enforcement, complimentary benefit packages, and job stability (i.e., strong unions) tend to be higher compared with many other areas in the country. Nonetheless, such positions around the country still provide for a comfortable living, with median salaries estimated at US$61,050 (ranging primarily between US$44,980 and US$80,230; U.S. News and World Reports, 2018). While the media may exaggerate some of the job responsibilities of law enforcement, the careers are not portrayed as overly lucrative.

Fourth, after studying the major and realizing that the crime-related shows they watched on television were not completely accurate, students still had a strong desire to remain in the field. Students reported that the crime-related shows they watched were “somewhat realistic,” and even after studying criminal justice, they were still satisfied with their decision to pursue a career in this field, despite believing they would have difficulty finding a job after graduation. Our results differ from research conducted with forensic science students who felt the programs on television were primarily unrealistic; those students expressed concerns about its portrayal of both professionalism and ethics within the field (Weaver et al., 2012). Although there are many crime-related documentary-type shows on television, we found criminal justice majors most often viewed shows that featured forensics, law enforcement, and courtroom procedures in fictional dramas, specifically Criminal Minds, Law & Order: SVU, and Law & Order (the original version). It was interesting to note that Criminal Minds was reported as one of their favorite shows, yet the premise of the show is based primarily in the field of psychology (i.e., profiling) and one of the main characters is a mathematician (i.e., students reported that one of the attractive factors in studying criminal justice was less math). From our experience, students often do not understand the actual training and job responsibilities required of the professions portrayed in shows (e.g., students who major in criminal justice because they want to be forensic scientists, with limited understanding that majoring in the hard sciences, not criminal justice, is required). The actors in Criminal Minds portray careers in federal law enforcement (the FBI) as exciting, and federal law enforcement was the preferred choice of almost all majors, with the exception of women, who may find the demands of federal law enforcement (i.e., geographical mobility) difficult to balance with family responsibilities. If students do not understand the nuances of different disciplines within the field, it would stand to reason that based on this show (or similar shows), they would generally be attracted to federal law enforcement positions, possibly believing all federal law enforcement jobs would be this interesting and entail these same types of duties. Although students who were interested in pursuing law enforcement careers tended to watch more police shows and those interested in becoming attorneys tended to watch more court-related dramas, the directional nature of this relationship is unclear. From the data presented here, it does not appear that students choose these professions because they are impacted by these shows. It seems more probable that students watch these shows because they have an interest in the profession, even when the portrayals are not entirely accurate.

Interestingly, although students believed they were impervious to the CSI Effect, they did not feel the same held true for their peers. They overwhelmingly believed their peers chose criminal justice as a result of media influence. It is unclear why students believed their classmates were influenced by the media but strongly felt it did not have any influence over their decision to study criminal justice. Participants’ responses may be related to feelings of embarrassment or a desire to provide a more pleasing response, a response a researcher might want to hear. Social desirability bias is often a product of participants’ need to be viewed positively and accepted by others (Phillips & Clancy, 1972). Although they may have been influenced by the media, participants may have assumed that it did not sound like a “good” answer, thereby denying it was a related factor. However, students’ answers could have been influenced by the survey questions themselves. It is possible they never considered the impact of media on their classmates’ choices until it was asked, and earlier questions may have impacted their answers to later questions (Schwartz & Hippler, 1995). Although the CSI Effect may not apply to them, it sounds plausible that it could apply to others.

Last, as 94% of students surveyed were “satisfied” with their choice of major, it appears students are not dissuaded from pursuing a career in criminal justice even when they learn that such careers are often misrepresented in popular media. Overall, the majority believed careers in criminal justice were exciting and would enable them to interact with interesting people. Student satisfaction is an important finding; students who are satisfied are more likely to be retained. Those with unrealistic expectations are more likely to be dissatisfied and, it stands to reason, less likely to be retained (Smallwood, 2002). There is a concern that crime-related shows may attract students to the major but can lead to unintended consequences, such as dissatisfaction, and subsequently a decision to leave the major if their expectations are not met (Weaver et al., 2012). However, this did not appear to be the case in the present study. Later job dissatisfaction, which can affect morale and subsequent job performance, is often based on organizational factors (i.e., equipment availability, management policies, etc.), rather than dissatisfaction with the actual position (Dantzker, 1994).

Implications

The present study adds to the limited literature that exists on the factors which influence students’ career goals and their decisions to major in criminal justice (Kelly, 2015). Findings from this study can be used to support efforts to educate students about a variety of criminal justice careers as early as possible in their undergraduate education. Despite reporting that they were not influenced by the CSI Effect, most students believed their peers were media-influenced. They also believed criminal justice–related TV and media were somewhat accurate. Therefore, misconceptions based on popular media may be a contributing factor to students’ low levels of interest in careers like corrections; there seems to be a disconnect between the duties one is required to perform in the field of corrections, in addition to the varied positions available, with the reasons students choose for pursuing criminal justice as a major. If students, as reported above, want to be problem solvers, protect the disadvantaged, and ensure Constitutional rights, corrections should be a natural choice. Yet, it was consistently the least preferred of all criminal justice professions. It appears that although the CSI Effect has little influence on a student’s decision to study criminal justice, popular media may influence their decision to pursue certain career paths within the field. Where many shows portray law enforcement as exciting and respectable, most portrayals of corrections are negative, especially when one considers how often corrections officers are called “guards” in media-related reports, further disparaging the profession (Hedger, 2017). Popular shows such as LockUp or “Orange Is the New Black,” which often mischaracterize corrections workers and prisoner populations, may be a contributing factor as to why students are less likely to think about corrections and/or working with offenders as a possible career path. These types of shows often depict corrections workers very negatively (i.e., brutalizing inmates, bringing in contraband, etc.). On the contrary, shows like CSI, which portray exciting careers in the field of federal law enforcement, may be the reason students are most interested in pursuing careers in the federal sphere. The influence of media outlets on students’ decisions to choose certain careers appears more affected by popular media (i.e., television shows and movies), rather than news media, which has painted a poor picture of law enforcement in recent years, yet it is still the most desired career for almost all criminal justice students.

It is especially interesting to note that students choose criminal justice because they want a career which allows them to problem solve but do not appear to understand how a career in corrections, an area most in need of remediation, would allow them the opportunity to solve some of society’s most difficult problems. This is unfortunate as corrections is a field always in need of dedicated professionals. This lack of interest may be specifically related to negative media portrayals which portray staff as causing problems, rather than solving them; educators have the ability to help debunk such inaccuracies. Exposure to corrections professionals, via field trips, internships, or service learning courses, can help to counteract such negative stereotypes (H. P. Smith et al., 2009).

Limitations and Future Research

As our study was exploratory, the sample was limited to one northeast university. Criminal justice students enrolled in this university may not be generalizable to other university students, particularly those outside of a large urban area. A larger sample size would also provide for more robust analyses. A longitudinal study would allow researchers to follow students over time to examine the development of their career goals over the course of their undergraduate education. Researchers may also have to consider designing more sophisticated measures to counteract a need to provide pleasing responses. In this study, students were not influenced by the media, but the majority felt the media influenced their classmates. Questions should be designed carefully to avoid possible defensive responses. Future studies could also report on whether any of the students, who were interested in particular careers as a result of a television portrayal, had the opportunity to meet and speak with a professional who worked in that particular area to see whether there was further impact on career choice. In addition, the number of hours students devoted to each show weekly would be a useful measure. Future studies will want to examine criminal justice students in other geographical areas to obtain a more conclusive understanding of the criminal justice student as a whole. Students in nonurban areas, who tend to have less contact with law enforcement (and less experience with the criminal justice system), may be more likely to be influenced by crime-related shows. Unfortunately, as portrayed by the popular media, the job responsibilities a student associates with a given career will likely be inaccurate, particularly if this is his or her only source of information. Future researchers should interview students employed in their field after graduation to determine whether levels of satisfaction remained unchanged.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Anthony Javornik for his assistance with data collection and his commitment to this project.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

ORCID iD

Kimberly Collica-Cox

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