The Impact of Two Different Cultures on Juvenile Attitudes Toward the Police in China

Abstract

This study examines juvenile attitudes toward the police (JATP) from an unconventional angle by examining the possible effect of two different cultures along with more conventional factors typically associated with youth attitude formation. A unique feature of this study is the inclusion of measures of attachment to both the traditional Chinese culture and Western popular culture. The data were collected from 30 minority middle schools with more than 6,500 students in a southern autonomous region in China in 2014. The primary findings indicate that juveniles who are more firmly attached to the traditional Chinese culture and who show respect for parents/teachers tend to hold a more positive view of the police. In contrast, juveniles who endorse Western popular culture and are perceived as a fan of that culture are more likely to hold a negative view of the police, societal actors who are viewed as primary representatives of the mainstream culture.

Keywords

juvenile attitudes toward the police Confucian western popular culture

Introduction

Juvenile attitudes toward the police (JATP) has been an important area of research since the 1980s in the United States. The purpose of this study attempts to take a unique approach to examine the effect of cultural influence on JATP in China. Cultural heritage often leads to a unique lifestyle in a society in which certain principles and rituals are preserved and followed (Huntington, 1993; Inglehart, 1990). It is reasonable to assume that citizens’ behaviors are strongly influenced and sometimes even dictated by the predominant culture and values prevailing in a country (e.g., Inglehart & Baker, 2000).

In the case of China, the thought of Confucius has been a primary component of the mainstream culture in society for more than 2,000 years (Jiao, 2001; Martin, 2014; Weber, 2000). Part of the police work in a Confucian cultured society is to maintain peace and order, and the police partially act as the guardians of cultural heritage in a society (Cao, Zhao, Ren, & Zhao, 2015; Flexon, Greenleaf, Dariano, & Gibson, 2016; Stack, Cao, & Adamczyk, 2007; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003). In prior studies, there is evidence that different cultural attachments are associated with anti-police sentiments (Brick, Taylor, & Esbensen, 2009; Leiber, Nalla, & Farnworth, 1998; Ren, Zhang, Zhao, & Zhao, 2016; Schuck, 2013). In addition, rapid economic growth is typically linked to the weakening of traditional culture of values in a society experiencing rapid development. For example, in his empirical study on social transition from an agricultural society to a capitalistic society, Durkheim (1893/1984) observed the clash between traditional culture and the “invasion” of capitalistic values such as the glorification of self-interest and the celebration of the accumulation of wealth (also see Merton, 1938; Messner & Rosenfeld, 1994). Over a century later, Inglehart (1990) completed his longitudinal study on causes of value change among Americans and concluded that the Great Depression can be viewed as the threshold to differentiate postmaterialists from materialists.

China has followed a very similar path in this regard. One of the most noteworthy phenomena in the globalization and trade exchanges is the extensive introduction of Western popular culture into Chinese society after a prolonged period of self-imposed isolation prior to the 1980s (Guo, 1999; Kwong, 1994; Rojek, 2001). Western magazines, music, and movies are omnipresent in contemporary Chinese society, while at the same time the foundations of traditional culture have been subject to serious erosion in many ways (Rozman, 2002; Weber, 2000). Not surprisingly, Chinese youth are more attracted to a variety of aspects of Western popular culture that emphasize free expression of individual characteristics than their parents (Moore, 2005; Tsai & Zhou, 2015). This development most certainly echoes Durkheim’s classic discussion on the weakening of core cultural values at a time of European economic transition more than 130 years ago (also see Inglehart, 1990; Merton, 1938; Messner & Rosenfeld, 1994).

JATP perhaps lies at the center of this cultural difference. Juveniles who favor Western popular culture and enjoy its rather self-centered lifestyle are likely to believe that the police prefer their peers who observe traditional culture over themselves. Consequently, they are likely to see the police as less understanding and less accepting of their lifestyle choices and even challenge the authority of the police (Carr, Napolitano, & Keating, 2007; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003). Research on JATP has gained considerable momentum since the 1990s in the United States. A number of publications have appeared in the academic journals since then (e.g., Brick et al., 2009; Cao, Frank, & Cullen, 1996; Leiber et al., 1998; Wu, Lake, & Cao, 2015). The underlying rationale is that attachment to or deviation from the mainstream culture can be used to predict juvenile sentiment toward the police.

To the best of our knowledge, there is not a single study that investigates the role of two different cultures and their respective links to the police among juveniles in contemporary China. The purpose of this study is to investigate if there is a positive relationship between traditional values/respect and police-favoring JATP. Similarly, we examine if there is a negative relationship between the endorsement of Western popular culture/being labeled and police-favoring JATP. The data used in this study were collected from more than 6,500 students in 30 separate minority schools located in an autonomous region located in the southwestern part of China in 2014.

Literature Review

Role of Police and JATP in China

An important part of the police work in China is considered to protect the mainstream culture (Jiao, 2001). The Chinese police, for example, tend to value collective interests over individual rights and rely on informal mechanisms to maintain peace and order (Cao & Hou, 2001; Wu, Jiang, & Lambert, 2011). One possible explanation for the inclination of the Chinese police to rely on informal intervention concerns the real benefit of the mainstream cultural goal: a harmonious society. Because of the relatively low crime rate in China, the police can engage in outreach and bridge-building programs instead of being entangled in law enforcement activities (Wang & Zhao, 2016; Webb, Ren, Zhao, He, & Marshall, 2011).

Similar to American police, the overall rating of the police in China is quite positive (Lai & Zhao, 2010; Liu & Liu, 2018; Ren et al., 2016; Sun, Wu, & Farmer, 2017, 2016; Wu et al., 2011; Zhang, Zhao, Ren, & Zhao, 2014). This is especially important to monitor among juveniles because they are the future backbone of any civil society. Since the 1990s, JATP has been an enduring focus of research in the United States. The persistence of a negative view of the police among youth can substantially undermine the mutual trust between the police and citizens required for affective policing (Brick et al., 2009; Hurst, Frank, & Browning, 2000; Lurigio, Greenleaf, & Flexon, 2009; Schuck, 2013). Likewise, JATP in China has gained attention among scholars since the turn of the 21st century (e.g., Liu & Liu, 2018; J. S. Zhao & Ren, 2015). Several relevant theories have been used to explain juvenile sentiment toward the police, including theories of subculture of delinquency, social attachment, and stratification/conflict (Ren et al., 2016; Wu & Sun, 2009; Zhang et al., 2014).

If JATP is in part a reflection of their values and self-identify within a society, then it is the case that Chinese values have been largely overlooked in the previous JATP research. Cao and Hou (2001), for example, compared citizen’s confidence in the police between China and the United States using World Values Survey Wave 6 data. As an afterthought to their study, they observed that the cultural differences should be incorporated into future research on this topic. Similarly, using survey data collected in China, Sun et al. (2017) noted that the testing of Tyler’s procedural justice model imported from the U.S. setting should include culture-specific measures in future research. Moreover, Cao et al. (2015) purposefully selected three countries with democratically elected governments to control for cultural and political environments (United States, Turkey, and Taiwan). The results obtained from parallel structural equation modeling (SEM) analyses clearly showed that the pathways of variables and model R-squares differed significantly across the three nations. Likewise, in a study on the evaluation of rival policing strategies among 550 college students collected from China and the United States, the beta coefficients in multivariate regression analysis showed that a single variable, country, accounted for more than half of the 41% of the total variance explained in the statistical model (Sun, Su, & Wu, 2011). Relevant research conducted to date indeed suggests that cultural influence is likely to be the “missing element” in the research on public perception of the police in different societal environments.

Theoretical Considerations: Chinese Culture/Respect and Western Popular Culture/Being Labeled

Culture is a crucial element in the research on the formation of public values and beliefs (Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Rokeach, 1973). This is particularly true for juveniles whose value system have begun to take form (Zhang et al., 2014). Glenn (2000) noted in this regard, “probably the greatest traditional source of normativity in Asia is Confucianism” (p. 280; also see Hahm, 2003; Rozman, 2002). The supreme goal of Confucianism is to establish a harmonious society without crime and disputes leading to formal litigation. Societal stability is anchored in amicable relationships obtaining among citizens who all live by high moral standards based on respects and self-sacrifices when called upon for contribution to the collective well-being of society (Liu & Palermo, 2009). Namely, the good society should rely heavily on age-based hierarchy in human relations and ethical governance by leaders devoted by the well-being of all. Juniors should respect and show their sincere deference to seniors (e.g., parents or elder relatives) while teachers should be shown respect by students. Likewise, seniors owe their juniors protection and ongoing consideration (Phuong-Mai, Terlouw, & Pilot, 2005; R. Zhao, Zhang, Zhao, & Wang, 2019). In this regard, respect plays a similar role as attachment to family and school. Several studies have used adolescents’ attachment proposed in social control theory to explain their attitudes toward the police (Ren et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2014). It is important to note that respect represents a sense of compliance rather than emotional attachment to parents and school, a key concept in the Chinese setting (Liu & Palermo, 2009). The question being explored here is that respect for the police can be derived from the possible cultural foundation.

In this regard, an individual’s ethnic identity accounts for a large part of his or her culture and values related to the mainstream culture in a society. Specifically, ethnic identity refers to the key aspect of an individual’s broader social and cultural identity. One’s self-concept, one’s feeling of attachment to shared values, and one’s emotional health are all tied together for most people in whatever society they live in (Phinney, 1992). Previous studies have examined many constituent aspects of ethnic identity, including language spoken, religious affiliation maintained (delete “maintained” to keep consistent with the other phrases), and adherence to established cultural traditions and ritualistic practices (e.g., Juang, Nguyen, & Lin, 2006; Phinney, 1992; R. Zhao et al., 2019). It is important to note that the cultural aspect of ethnic identity (e.g., being proud of one’s own culture and ethnic group) plays a major role in people of Asian origin; cultural heritage has deep roots for the many Asian peoples (Gao & Zhao, 2018; Juang et al., 2006; Makabe, 1979; R. Zhao et al., 2019). This is particularly true if a minority ethnic group adheres to the same overall morals, ethics, and core values shared by the dominant society. In such settings, minority group identification will keep individuals from drifting astray from mainstream societal norms (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003). Although many of these ethnic minority groups adhere to their unique identity, most ethnic groups are likewise attached to the mainstream culture represented by Confucianism.

Broadening and deepening commercial and cultural exchanges with western countries have led many Chinese, especially young people who are by nature curious and attracted to new experiences, to broader ongoing exposure to Western popular culture than ever before. For contemporary Chinese, Western popular culture has garnered considerable attention despite the fact that it is viewed as reflecting a distinctly non-Confucian lifestyle featuring a profoundly individualistic orientation. Individualism centering on the protection of individual rights, the glorification of individual independence, and the free pursuit of individual interests is the value core, one with an associated tendency to being ostentatious in the display of one’s accomplishment and/or lifestyles (Moore, 2005; Tsai & Zhou, 2015; R. Zhao et al., 2019). This view of Western popular culture was introduced into China when nightclubs and imported luxury cars started to appear in Chinese metropolitan areas in the early 1990s. Similarly, Hollywood blockbuster movies, particularly superhero and action movies, were found intriguing to many Chinese youth (Kwong, 1994; Moore, 2005). A large-scale study carried out in several large cities including Beijing and Shanghai revealed that the percentage of high school and university students who were in favor of American movies and TV programs was 24.6% greater than those who preferred Chinese counterparts (Dong, 2002). Likewise, a number of systematic surveys have uniformly indicated that Chinese middle school students expressed clear preference for western electronic/Internet games and cartoon products over domestic products (Dong, 2005). Not surprisingly, high-end commodities such as name-brand clothing, handbags, and sunglasses have been another focal point of attraction for Chinese younger generations (Moore, 2005; Tsai & Zhou, 2015; R. Zhao et al., 2019). Succinctly stated, the most critical characteristics of Western popular culture in China stem from its emphases on individuality, novelty, and unbridled self-expression.

The contemporary difference between traditional cultural values and Western popular culture in China is viewed by some scholars as presenting the choice between adherence to traditional collectivism and adoption of western individualism and self-expression as a lifestyle (Chen, 2015; Phuong-Mai et al., 2005; R. Zhao et al., 2019). It is often argued in this regard that the free market policy has made economic success the dominant goal of the entire society, and the growing penchant to express their individual thoughts in public setting has led too many Chinese to disregard their traditional core culture norm of social harmony (Moore, 2005). For example, Chinese youth are prone to mimic and adopt the culture values expressed in western movies if they are frequent viewers. They tend to make more demands for independence, to show more willingness to express themselves freely despite admonitions from teachers, and to be more fashionable (less self-effacing) in their daily dress. Adolescents who are viewed as rebellions and considered as outliers of their peer group are likely to continue along this path as they mature (Braithwaite, 1989). Some rebellious youth become juvenile delinquents who cut themselves off from previous pro-social relationships and become chronic or career offenders after being labeled as trouble makers among their peers (Garfinkel, 1956; Lemert, 1951; Merton, 1968). If youths are labeled as a fan of Western popular culture by peers and authority figures, they are prone to engage in deviant behaviors and to form negative attitudes toward the police—the legal authority in their society.

Three Hypotheses

We postulate the following three principal hypotheses. First, our assumption is that ethnic identity is negatively related to the attraction to Western popular culture. As noted earlier, ethnic identity is closely and positively connected with the traditional Chinese culture—that of the thought of Confucius. In addition, Reykowski (1994) has argued convincingly that individualization (a symbol of Western popular culture) and group identification (a key element of ethnic identity) are “two opposing processes that define the relationship between the individual and the social surroundings” (p. 279). The second hypothesis is that juveniles who are more attached to the traditional Chinese culture and show respect for parents/teachers will tend to possess a favorable and respecting view of the police (Xiang, 2013; Zhang et al., 2014). In Chinese society, Confucian thought is undoubtedly the predominant cultural heritage underlies the positive link between one’s ethnic identity and following principles of Confucian thought—among these being that respect for parents and teachers is a fundamental core element in the Chinese culture (Cao & Hou, 2001; Liu & Palermo, 2009). For example, Wu, Sun, and Hu (2016) reported that ethnic minorities, such as Zhuang and Hui, are highly assimilated into the dominant Han culture, and they tend to hold a high level of trust in the police. Our third hypothesis is that juveniles who favor Western popular culture and are being labeled by others as a fan of it are more likely than their traditionally oriented peers to hold a negative view of the police. The rationale for this proposition is derived from the extensive literature concerning the influence of Western popular culture on contemporary Chinese society (He & Dai, 2014; Kwong, 1994). Such attachment to Western popular culture constitutes a clear deviation from mainstream Chinese culture (R. Zhao et al., 2019). Attraction to Western popular culture can be viewed as a major departure from long-prevailing norms and customs featured in Chinese society (He & Dai, 2014; Jolley, 1994).

Method

Data

The site of this study is Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region located in Southwest China. Although the vast majority of Chinese people are of the Han nationality, ethnic minority people account for 8.5% of the overall population of the country (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2011). Statistics from the most recent national census show that by the end of 2015, the population of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region was more than 48 million, and approximately 38% of the region’s population were ethnic minorities. Most of the ethnic minority people in question there were of Zhuang nationality (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2016), among whom Confucian thought is deeply ingrained into their cultural heritage. It is important to note that Zhuang minority group is highly assimilated into the Chinese culture and way of living. In addition, Zhuang minority group does not have its own written language. This is different from two minority groups that live in Tibet and Xinjiang regions.

The subjects of this study were junior high school students (Grades 7, 8, and 9) from all 30 ethnic minority schools in the Southwestern region, representing approximately half of the Region’s population. Two classes at Grade 7 and Grade 8 in each school were randomly selected. The ninth graders did not participate in the study due to their busy schedule preparing for very important exams required to be eligible to enter senior high schools. The self-administered survey was conducted in the spring semester of 2014 without the presence of teachers or administrators in any of the survey completion sessions. The students were informed of the purpose of the study, and they were assured of their anonymity and fully voluntary nature participation in the survey. The total sample size achieved was 6,527 respondents, and the response rate attained was 96.9%.

Dependent Variable

The dependent variable in this research is a latent variable with five items measuring the extent of JATP in China. Previous studies suggest JATP include perception of police demeanor, police attitudes toward citizens, and effectiveness in crime control. These items are often used in both the United States (Brick et al., 2009; Flexon et al., 2016; Geistman & Smith, 2007; Hurst et al., 2000) and China (Ren et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2014). More specifically, the five items used are reported in Table 1. The responses were arranged on a Likert-type continuous scale ranging from 1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree with no option for middle scale neutrality. The Cronbach’s alpha of this scale is .89, suggesting robust internal validity of measurement.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics (N = 6,527).

Variables	Measure	M	SD	Frequency %
Endogenous variable
Attitudes toward the police	Ordinal (1-4)
The police are courteous		3.13	0.747
The police are effective in controlling crime and protecting lives and property		3.40	0.692
I have a high-level of trust in the police		3.23	0.753
I am very satisfied with the job that the police do in my neighborhood		3.19	0.753
In general, I like the police		3.15	0.778
Explanatory variables
Ethnic identity	Ordinal (1-4)
I spend a lot of time gathering my own ethnicity-related information, such as its history, tradition, and customs		1.99	0.72
I actively participate in activities organized by social groups, most of whose members are of my own race/ethnicity		1.98	0.822
I know clearly my ethnic background and what it means to me		3.03	0.748
I often discuss with others topics related to my ethnic background		1.98	0.809
I participated in ethnic and cultural practices, such as enjoying food, music, and customs of my own ethnicity		2.06	0.856
Respect	Ordinal (1-5)
The elderly should be respected and I always respect my parents and the elderly		4.23	0.896
My parents educate me to be obedient		4.37	0.749
I always respect my teacher		4.24	0.843
I always listen to my teachers		3.99	0.946
Western pop culture	Ordinal (1-5)
Western popular music makes me feel high and cool		2.38	1.286
I hope I can come to own many things (such as a cell phone, clothes, and jewelry) of Western name brands		2.36	1.247
There is nothing wrong with pursing a Western lifestyle		2.37	1.173
If possible, I like to read Western fashion magazines		2.42	1.213
I like to watch Hollywood blockbuster movies		2.94	1.329
Being labeled	Ordinal (1-5)
My classmates said that I am a big fan of foreign things		1.90	0.987
My parents said that I am a big fan of foreign things		1.85	0.974
Control variables
Gender	Dichotomous (0 = Male, 1 = Female)			46.2 (male)
Age	Continuous (11-18)	13.88	0.936
Ethnicity	Dichotomous (0 = Han, 1 = Minority)			78.5 (minority)
Neighborhood context	A sum of six items (6-24)	19.26	3.910
Victimization	Ordinal (1-5)	1.10	0.448
Family economic status	Ordinal (1-4)	2.52	0.748

Table 2.

Confirmatory Factor Analysis Summary.

Factor	Indicator	Standard estimate	SE	Standard estimate / SE
Attitudes toward the police	The police are courteous	0.670	0.008	88.606***
	The police are effective in controlling crime and protecting lives and property	0.704	0.007	100.514***
	I have a high-level of trust in the police	0.873	0.004	218.985***
	I am very satisfied with the job that the police do in my neighborhood	0.862	0.004	206.956***
	In general, I like the police	0.813	0.005	161.331***
Ethnic identity	I spend a lot of time gathering my own ethnicity-related information, such as its history, tradition, and customs	0.750	0.007	114.813***
	I actively participate in activities organized by social groups, most of whose members are of my own race/ethnicity	0.705	0.007	96.173***
	I know clearly my ethnic background and what it means to me	0.807	0.006	144.941***
	I often discuss with others topics related to my ethnic background	0.832	0.005	161.869***
	I participated in ethnic and cultural practices, such as enjoying food, music, and customs of my own ethnicity	0.744	0.007	111.805***
Respect	The elderly should be respected and I always respect my parents and the elderly	0.644	0.009	69.714***
	My parents educate me to be obedient	0.747	0.008	94.078***
	I always respect my teacher	0.775	0.007	103.311***
	I always listen to my teachers	0.671	0.009	75.940***
Western pop culture	Western popular music makes me feel high and cool	0.697	0.008	89.535***
	I hope I can come to own many things (such as a cell phone, clothes, and jewelry) of Western name brands	0.783	0.006	122.289***
	There is nothing wrong with pursing a Western lifestyle	0.821	0.006	140.420***
	If possible, I like to read Western fashion magazines	0.728	0.007	99.666***
	I like to watch Hollywood blockbuster movies	0.506	0.011	48.047***
Being labeled	My classmates said that I am a big fan of foreign things	0.585	0.017	33.952***
	My parents said that I am a big fan of foreign things	0.782	0.021	37.395***

***

p < .001.

Explanatory Variables

Four explanatory variables are included in this study. The first one concerns ethnic identity, which is derived from an abbreviated Phinney’s (1992) multigroup measure of ethnic identity. It is noteworthy that Phinney’s measure of ethnic identity was designed for juveniles in particular. The measure has an acceptable level of reliability, with the Cronbach’s alpha statistics ranging from .71 to .92 (Avery, Tonidandel, Thomas, Johnson, & Mack, 2007). More specifically, Phinney found that the strength of ethnic group identity should be greater within-group variation than between-group variation. As noted above, ethnic identity is closely connected with adherence to the cultural tradition in China (Ku, 2010; Phinney, 1992). The strength of ethnic identity was measured with five survey items (see Table 1). Students indicated their degree of agreement or disagreement with each item, employing a 4-point rating scale (1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree). The second latent variable measures the key element of interpersonal relationships that is deeply rooted in the Chinese culture—namely, respect. It is a measure of proper behavior in front of parents, and obedience to parents and teachers. In the Confucian doctrine, respect is the cornerstone of a hierarchical social structure (Liu & Palermo, 2009; Phuong-Mai et al., 2005; R. Zhao et al., 2019). Four items were used to tap into this concept of respect (see Table 1). The respondents were asked to register their answers on a Likert-type scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5).

The third latent variable, Western popular culture endeavors to capture seeking for novelty and openness to deviation from the traditional culture. In his classic study on Western influence on adolescents in contemporary China, Kwong (1994) noted that there was somewhat of transformation occurring among Chinese youth, who appeared to be admiring virtually everything foreign—principally movies, clothes, music, and the unrestrained lifestyle of the West. Accordingly, this variable in this study is measured using a scale consisting of five items (see Table 1). The response categories were coded the same as the previous variables. The last latent variable in our model is being labeled as a fan of Western culture with two items (Table 1). The responses for both of the variables were coded in a similar way as the previous variables. As prior studies have revealed, informal labels attached to young people can have a significant effect on their appraisals of self and self-presentation (Matsueda, 1992). Parental labeling plays a particularly key role in the process of informal labeling (Kavish, Mullins, & Soto, 2016; Matsueda, 1992). The Cronbach’s alpha values of the four scales indicate strong internal validity of measurement in each, with alpha = 0.88, 0.80, 0.83, and 0.93 respectively.

Six control variables are also incorporated in our analysis based on previous literature. Victimization is a variable with only one item: I have been seriously beaten and the injury sustained attracted the attention of others. Neighborhood context is measured with six items including “If I had to move, I would miss my neighbors”; “When I behaved inappropriately, most of my neighbors would inform me”; and “I like my neighbors.” Gender is a dichotomous variable coded as 0 = male and 1 = female. Age is measured as the actual age of a respondent at the time of the survey. Family economic status is an ordinal variable with four categories, ranging from 1 = well off to 4 = poor. Ethnicity is coded as 0 being Han and 1 being an ethnic minority person.

SEM is utilized in the analyses because it can conduct confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to explore the theoretical and conceptual dimensionality of observed and latent scales that might be presented in complex models. It is more accurate in causal inference due to the nature of accessing and correcting the measurement errors encountered in analysis (Byrne, 2011). Moreover, SEM can incorporate both latent and observed variables, and control for the other variables at play simultaneously (Schumacker & Lomax, 2004). In this study, all analyses including the standard estimate of the latent variables (see Table 2) are conducted using Mplus version 8. The model parameters are estimated via maximum likelihood (ML).

Results

Descriptive Analysis

Descriptive statistics for the dependent variable, independent variables, and control variables are displayed in Table 1. All of their means are reported for initial assessment of the appropriateness of the model for the data to be analyzed. For the dependent variable, the means of all five observed items are above 3 (out of 4), ranging from 3.13 to 3.40. The mean distribution of these items suggests that juveniles in this sample tend to hold favorable views of the police (also see: Ren et al., 2016; Wu et al., 2011).

Four latent variables are included in our model to predict JATP. The first latent variable is ethnic identity. The means of the five observed items range from 1.98 to 3.03 (out of 4). Generally speaking, juveniles in this sample are strongly attached to their ethnic identity. The item “I participated in ethnic and cultural practices, such as enjoying food, music, and customs of my own ethnicity” had the second highest mean value of 2.06. Our second latent variable is that of respect for seniors. The mean ratings of these items are all above average, suggesting that juveniles are likely strongly influenced by traditional Chinese culture. The lowest rating registers at 3.99 out of 5, and the highest is 4.37. This latent variable touches three aspects of respect regarding elderly, parents, and teachers (Phuong-Mai et al., 2005; R. Zhao et al., 2019).

Similarly, for the latent variable of Western popular culture, the mean values are all relatively high, ranging from 2.36 to 2.94 out of 5. The observed item with the highest mean value is the one that holds “I like to watch Hollywood blockbuster movies” (M = 2.94). The last latent variable is being labeled as a fan of Western culture with two items, and their mean ratings are 1.90 and 1.89 out of 5.

The control variables indicate that 46.2% of the participants are male. That is to say, there are slightly more females than males in our sample. The average age of juveniles is 13.88, ranging from a minimum of 11 years old to a maximum of 18 years old. Ethnic minority accounts for 78.5% of the surveyed respondents. Six items are used to measure neighborhood context. Its mean rating is well above the average (19.26 out of 24) signifying very positive attitudes toward the neighborhood environment. Victimization possesses a mean rating of 1.1 out of 5. This low value of victimization, to a certain degree, indicates that Chinese juveniles do not have much contact with the police, which is quite different from the youth in the United States (Friedman, Lurigio, Greenleaf, & Albertson, 2004; Jacob, 1971). Their family economic status is measured by their own perceptions of the family economic situation ranging from well off to poor with a mean of 2.52 (out of 4). To wit, the students’ family economic status is generally relatively low.

SEM Analysis

The results from SEM analysis are displayed in Figure 1. For simplicity of visual presentation and ease of interpretation of findings, only significant standardized coefficients (p < .05) are reported. The goodness-of-fit statistics calculated suggest that the theoretical model fits the data adequately.

Figure 1.

Empirical model of JATP.

The results indicate that all of the four latent variables and the demographic items (except family type) are statistically significant predictors of JATP. Associated with our first hypothesis, the outcome indicates that ethnic identity is indeed negatively correlated with Western popular culture, possessing a standardized coefficient of −0.036 (p < .05). Similarly, respect for seniors has a negative relationship with being labeled as a fan of Western culture, with a standardized coefficient of −0.195 (p < .001). These outcomes suggest that the traditional Chinese culture and Western popular culture, as hypothesized, indeed play distinct roles in JATP in China. Although they are not mutually exclusive, ethnic identity can reduce the influence of Western popular culture, and vise versa.

The SEM outcome is also consonant with our second assumption that juveniles who are more attached to the traditional Chinese culture and record respect to parents/teachers tend to have a positive view of the police. The standardized coefficient between ethnic identity (a representative of cultural elements) and respect to conventional figures (a representative of students in the sample) is 0.248 (p < .001). Both the ethnic identity and respect variables are positive predictors of JATP, possessing a coefficient of 0.111 (p < .001) and 0.220 (p < .001), respectively. Specifically, the juveniles in this sample expressing a strong sense of ethnic identity show higher levels of respect to elderly, their parents, and their teachers compared to those with less ethnic identity. Youths who record higher levels of respect to conventional parental and teacher figures are more likely to hold positive attitudes toward the police than their less respectful counterparts.

Likewise, this model provides supportive evidence regarding our last proposition that juveniles who like Western popular culture and being labeled as a fan of it are more likely to hold a negative view of the Chinese police. According to Figure 1, Western popular culture is positively correlated with being labeled (β = .349, p < .001), which means that if juveniles are attached to Western popular culture they are more likely to be labeled as a fan of it. In addition, both Western popular culture and being labeled are directly and negatively related to JATP, with a standardized coefficient of −0.071 (p < .001) and −0.065 (p < .001), respectively. Clearly, when the youth are immersed in Western popular culture and being labeled as a fan of it, they are prone to disfavor the police.

All demographic background variables with the sole exception of family economic status are statistically significant predictors of JATP. Female students, for example, are more likely to have negative attitudes toward the police than their male counterparts (β = −.038, p < .05). This is inconsistent with previous studies in the United States (Hurst et al., 2000). We call for further studies on this point. Ethnicity is positively correlated with JATP (β = .029, p < .05), indicating that minority students tend to have a more positive overall attitude toward the police than the Han population. Moreover, the younger the students are, the more positive they are regarding their perceptions of the police (β = −.043, p < .001). Similarly, if the youth had an experience of being victimized, they are more prone to hold a negative perception of the police than their counterparts (β = −.045, p < .001). On the contrary, if the youth had been victimized, he or she is more likely to have a positive attitudes toward ethnic identity (β = .047, p < .001). These reporting favorable perceptions of their neighborhoods are likely to have a favorable view of their police (β = .257, p < .001). Neighborhood context is also a positive predictor of both ethnic identity (β = .318, p < .001) and respect for seniors (β = .302, p < .001). Overall, the whole model explains approximately 24% of the variance in JATP.

Discussion and Conclusion

Culture is the key to understand group behaviors, particularly at a time of rapid social change (Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Phinney & Ong, 2007; Rokeach, 1973). The primary findings reported have lent support to our hypotheses. Ethnic identity, for example, is found to be negatively related to Western popular culture. Moreover, ethnic identity is a significant predictor of respect, representing a strong link between a respondent’s sense of ethnic group identity and his or her respect for seniors, parents, and teachers. This important link is consistent with the literature on the correspondence between cultural identification (Confucius teachings) and respectful behaviors displayed in the Chinese society (e.g., Liu & Palermo, 2009; R. Zhao et al., 2019). Similarly, Western popular culture that emphasizes individual-oriented self-expression and self-centeredness is very much at odds with the goal of Confucian group-oriented harmony deeply rooted in the traditional Chinese culture. Consequently, our findings indicate that ethnic identity is positively associated with favorable and trusting attitudes toward the police while the link between Western popular culture and juveniles’ view of the police is decidedly negative (Leiber et al., 1998; Ren et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2014). All the directional signs of the explanatory variables are in the hypothesized directions.

We offer three overarching observations drawn from the findings reported in this study. Our first observation concerns the different aspects of the two cultures. The SEM results clearly indicate that sense of ethnic identity and respect for seniors exert a much stronger influence than affections for Western popular culture and being labeled as a fan of Western culture. The magnitude of the standardized coefficient of respect for seniors (0.220), for example, is 3 times more than that of being labeled as a fan of Western culture (−0.065). Similarly, the coefficient of ethnic identity (0.111) is much larger than that of Western popular culture (−0.071). This set of findings show that the influence of traditional culture and observance of the social values and practices reflecting respect for hierarchical social structures remains a dominant force in the contemporary Chinese society.

The next observation concerns the fact that the contemporary conflict between traditional Confucian culture and Western popular culture is much milder in nature, perhaps due to frequent and broad-based interactions, a multitude of tourists and vast expansion of global commerce, particularly as occurs in China’s urban settings. Starbucks Coffee shops, for example, are found virtually everywhere in China, and coffee drinking has been accepted as a way of life in a nation of tea-drinking tradition of long standing. The survival of Confucius principles and its proposed social structure of citizen behavior have been intriguing. It is noteworthy that students who participated in the survey rated respect of seniors higher than any other norm or uniform, indicating strong acceptance of the behavioral principles deeply scatted in Chinese society. In fact, it can be viewed as one of the cardinal principles that has remained virtually unchanged for 2,000 years (Zhang et al., 2014).

Finally, we found that the victimization experience of juveniles produces different effects on JATP and ethnic identity. In particular, if students reported having experienced serious victimization, they are more likely to hold a negative view of the police (Avdija, 2010; Brick et al., 2009). At the same time, the relationship between victimization and ethnic identity is a positive one. Our explanation is that citizen’s support of the police can be categorized into two groups: general support versus specific support (J. S. Zhao & Ren, 2015). When people have specific experience with the police, their general attitudes may change. In this regard, juveniles who had experience of victimization are more likely to hold negative attitudes toward the police. In addition, students’ perceptions of ethnic identity is more stable than that of confidence in the police. Noteworthy, juveniles from different ethnic backgrounds hold no significantly different attitudes toward ethnic identity. This may be due to the nature of our sample that more than 70% of the participants were minority students.

Policy Implication and Limitations

The findings derived from this study offer significant policy implications from both globalization standpoint and individual standpoint. First, the traditional approach to Western popular culture in China has been suppression-oriented because it is seen as an obstacle to the heritage of the traditional cultural identity (Hevia, 1992). In addition, the traditional culture emphasizes group unit rather than freedom of expression oneself. It is true that the results found that there is significant and negative relationship between ethnic identity and Western popular culture. However, globalization is a trend that includes cultural and technological exchanges. The findings of the negative relationship suggest that policy makers need to realize the importance of this difference and identify ways to minimize potential conflict. Compromise and assimilation are better strategies than confrontation and suppression.

Second, this study identified the negative effect of being labeled. Students who like elements of Western popular culture tend to be singled out among peers. In turn, they hold negative attitudes toward the police in China. School teachers should take the responsibility of educating students and parents regarding labeling individual students simply because they have favorable views of Western popular culture and like to mimic movie stars and fashion magazines. In the United states, there has been a rich body of literature on this negative effect of labeling which may lead to stigmatize individual adolescents. We believe that mutual understanding and tolerance should be the key to this issue.

Several primary limitations of this study should be noted. First, this study is based on cross-sectional data that cannot answer the question of what leads to cultural change over time. For example, the difference between the traditional culture and Western culture has been an evolutionary process. Future research can explore the dynamics of cultural difference for an extended period of time. It is also true that this study was conducted in one province. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized to the whole country. Moreover, the sample was not randomly collected, and the results were explorative in nature. Finally, the influence of the Internet on JATP deserves substantially examination as well.

In conclusion, we hope that the interesting findings reported here can serve as a catalyst of future research. Globalization is a trend in today’s world, and it is undeniable that the world is getting “smaller” by improvement in technology. We believe that cultural aspect is more important than business exchanges because it reflects a much deeper and broader social setting. The contemporary Chinese history has been a replete with examples of cultural clash due to an increase in commercial and personal exchanges. Sometimes, such clashes can lead to misunderstanding and even violence such as the Boxer Movement at the turn of the 20th century. Therefore, the research on JATP derived from cultural aspect is not only necessary but also crucial for the prosperity of international exchanges in the future.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Xinting Wang

Hongwei Zhang

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