Abstract
Advancement of technology has broadened possibilities for people working in the sex industry. Specifically, sex workers’ use of online classified advertisement websites to market companionship and escort services has increased in recent years, yet research has lagged behind these developments. This study addresses the gap in research by examining female companionship advertisements on one of the most popular websites: Backpage.com. The lead author qualitatively analyzed over 1,500 advertisements to identify common themes and patterns in how escort companions were described. This study explores the type of identity claims escort companions make and how they formulate advertisements to appeal to a broad client base. Research on gendered stereotypes is used to interpret escort companions’ use of language, symbols, and photography, through covert and overt messaging. Study results revealed that women offering companion services promoted and reinforced traditional gendered stereotypes through their online advertisements. Findings may be used to understand the context of sex work.
Introduction
The rise of the Internet and social media has led to a shift in the advertisement of street-based commercial sex work toward a more clandestine environment, similar to indoor commercial sex work. There is some debate about what the online market represents (i.e., a new marketplace or an expansion of an already established platform; Argento et al., 2018; Castle & Lee, 2008; Cunningham & Kendall, 2011). Yet, the Internet has undoubtedly reshaped how commercial sex sales are conducted and contributed to the shifting dynamics in commercial sex work (Jones, 2015; Kille et al., 2017). The street-to-online shift in commercial sex work is also likely tied to the readily available nature of online forums, developments in digital communication and technological advances (e.g., smartphones), and the constant mobility of people (Cunningham & Kendall, 2011; Farley et al., 2013; Rand, 2019). Furthermore, many sex workers have moved to online and indoor activities due to the changing spatial organization of the sex industry as a result of evolving law enforcement tactics and changing urban residency dynamics (Feldman, 2014). Additionally, many street-based sex workers may transition into the indoor realm of online escort companionship activities to attract more clients, increase their profits, decrease the risk of violence, and evade law enforcement (Dank et al., 2014). To attract clientele, sex workers can utilize online platforms, such as Backpage.com, to post advertisements promoting their services (Cunningham & Kendall, 2011; Rand, 2019). 1 These advertisements catalyze marketing wherein sex workers project an image they believe will yield more clientele interest (Argento et al., 2018; Cunningham & Kendall, 2011; MacPhail et al., 2015). Commercial sex industry research provides insight into various sex work aspects, including the recognition that many sex workers are female, which is an important consideration for future research (Farley, 2018; Monroe, 2005; Roe-Sepowitz, 2012). However, despite the increased use of online escort companionship advertisements, little is known about the advertisements’ content (Bounds et al., 2017). Therefore, this exploratory study seeks to determine how female escorts portray themselves in online advertisements and how they market themselves from a gendered perspective. Although this is an exploratory study, we posit that women will market advertisements in ways consistent with gendered normative values. Research indicates that a gender-based marketing strategy is likely to appeal to clients, and findings may be used to understand the context of sex work.
Escort Services
Escorts work independently or with the aid of an agency, and their work is conducted indoors. Escorts often frame their services as companionship for corporate functions, dinner dates, or travel to avoid legal prosecution (Koken et al., 2010). While sexual services are often implied, typically, any explicit language relating to sex is avoided because of the legal ramifications. Escort agencies strive to create an impression of sophistication and glamour and tend to portray themselves as delivering “high-end” companionship. Escort companionship is more costly than street-based sex work pricing and requires marketing, maintaining relationships with clients, and responding to the clients’ physical and emotional needs (Lever & Dolnick, 2010). Many escort advertisements sell the “girlfriend experience,” which includes more personal activity, such as kissing, intimacy, and emotional nourishment than what is typically provided by street-based workers (Lever & Dolnick, 2010). In general, escorts tend to invest more time with their clients to ensure they have memorable experiences, and thus ensuring repeat patronage (Lever & Dolnick, 2010).
Online Prostitution and Escort Advertisements
The presence of online prostitution has erupted over the past two decades (Farley et al., 2013). Though traditional sexual services continue to be offered online, the methods via which services are delivered, branded, and marketed have evolved (Jones, 2015). Given the prominence of online platforms to sell and buy goods, it is unsurprising that sexual services have also shifted to online platforms (Cunningham & Kendall, 2011; Jones, 2015). The business of selling sex (e.g., pornography, sex work) is a multibillion-dollar industry (Cunningham & Kendall, 2011; Witzer, 2010). In 2006, Americans spent $13.3 billion on the legalized portion of the sex industry (e.g., pornography), and this value did not include the illegal components of selling (e.g., escort services; Witzer, 2010). Online means of advertisement may be compelling to sex workers for many reasons. The anonymity of the Internet provides a forum for the client and escort to share information, enabling clients to search for escort companionship from the comfort and anonymity of their own homes as opposed to public venues and streets. Furthermore, the lack of regulation online provides commercial sex workers with a powerful tool to market and advertise. Overall, it appears that online solicitation expands, rather than displaces, traditional forms of sex work (Cunningham & Kendall, 2011).
The online commercial sex industry has revolutionized the “marketing” of a sex worker to maximize profits (Jones, 2015). The Internet provides a new autonomous and easily accessible platform for marketing and selling sexual services with the ability to reach an unlimited number of potential clients (Cunningham & Kendall, 2011; Jones, 2015). With the ease of advertisement availability, sex workers can now cater to the specific desires of potential clients. Clients may browse online escort advertisements, compare physical characteristics, and evaluate photographs of a sizable number of escorts, which would be more difficult via street-based prostitution (Cunningham & Kendall, 2011). While clients may affect the supply and demand of online escort markets, it is the sex worker’s role to capitalize on the market-demand by using language and photographs to entice client desires. As a result, sex workers serving as escorts must be attentive to clients’ interests to be successful.
One way for an escort to appeal to potential clients is through the use of coded language. There is a dearth of research on the use of language used within the advertisements posted by sex workers; however, studies have shown some escorts use coded language, as individual statements and words have different meanings (Burghart, 2018; Finn & Stalans, 2016). Active members within this subculture understand the hidden meaning behind the statements through word-of-mouth and previous interactions with prostitutes (Finn & Stalans, 2016). For example, Koken et al. (2010) interviewed Internet-based escorts and determined that independent escorts (i.e., those not working for an escort agency) reported using key strategies to maximize their client base. Some of the strategies they identified included exhibiting their genuine personality to bond with the client, promoting particular sexual services, and presenting a minimal advertisement featuring necessary information. Some escorts also noted their attempts to be noticeable in their advertisement by emphasizing their education, intelligence, or worldliness.
Furthermore, some escorts sought to avoid a client’s selectiveness by attempting to appeal to all potential clients as a way to increase their client base and income (Koken et al., 2010). The most common technique reported by the escorts was to run multiple advertisements using different pictures to maintain popularity on the website (Koken et al., 2010). Another commonly reported technique was to create advertisements that appealed to a prospective client’s fantasy through photos and specific text (Burghart, 2018; Koken et al., 2010). Koken et al. (2010) findings also revealed that many of the escorts learned what does and does not work through trial and error. Ultimately, one targeted purpose of the escort advertisements was to generate repeat business, as the escorts viewed themselves as entrepreneurs marketing a product (Koken et al., 2010). It has been suggested that successful female escorts know the qualities and traits their clientele are looking for and will modify their services accordingly (Edlund & Korn, 2002).
To examine the use of online advertisements among escort agencies, Castle and Lee (2008) conducted an exploratory analysis of escort websites. Their study findings revealed that most websites were for an escort agency instead of an individual escort advertising his/her services (77.6% vs. 17.1%: 5.2% being both). Their results also indicated that women’s advertisements were posted more often than men’s (80.3% vs. 6.6%; the remaining 12% included couplings of various identities, including transgender and couple advertisements). Additionally, their study included an analysis of the escorts who were advertised on the websites, and results indicated that roughly 87% of the escorts had a photograph included in their advertisement, all with varying degrees of dress (clothed 21.1%, semi-nude 44.7%, completely nude 19.7%). Further, approximately half (54%) of the advertisements contained some form of description. Castle and Lee (2008) reported results indicating consistencies in escorts’ characteristics, as many listed hair and eye color, age, body type, body measurements including height, weight and age, and ethnicity. Notably, 79% of the escorts listed the prices associated with their services, though 50% did not report on the form of payment accepted for such services. Concerning pricing and services, results indicated that the lowest rate was $100 for a half-hour service and that the “Dinner Date” and “Overnight” rates were commonly advertised (Castle & Lee, 2008).
Further to the Castle and Lee study, Burghart (2018) explored the wider culture of escort services examining language and images amongst distinctive online sex work markets, such as: female-to-male; male-to-male; female-to-female and male-to-female advertisements. Burghart (2018) identified eight prominent themes in the advertisements using discourse analysis. The first theme, romance, was evident in advertisements that referred to qualities of an ideal woman aligned with masculine notions of femininity, with standard terms being “sensual,” “flirtations,” or “charming.” (p. 323) Second, advertisements emphasized the selling of “the body” through photographs and language, emphasizing culturally constructed ideas of sexual attractiveness; examples included statements about breast size, posterior, and body type (i.e., toned and tanned). Escorts highlighted the attractiveness of their body and their willingness to satisfy the client. Third, many advertisements used language to infer the woman’s inclination to adopt a submissive role, such as the following example: “I want nothing more than to give you pleasure” (Burghart, 2018, p. 327). The fourth theme, sophistication, involved women describing themselves as “elegant” or as a “lady,” (p. 323) which convey normative conceptions of femininity. Fifth, the study revealed females used their advertisements as a form of risk management to maintain their safety. Escorts limited their services within advertisements and required clients to confirm their identity through email or a telephone number. Escorts further confined sexual liaisons to a “one-off encounter,” which was the sixth theme. Escorts included time limits and concise language to indicate the purpose of such encounters: to provide clients sexual gratification. The seventh theme, exclusive service, was associated with the escorts “presumed role in fulfilling male fantasy” (Burghart, 2018, p. 328). The final theme was “traditional ideas about middle classes” (Burghart, 2018, p. 330), which referred to as the escort’s possession of an “open and educated mind in and out of the bedroom” (Burghart, 2018, p. 330). These themes demonstrated language that supported conventional gendered norms, values, and identities to avoid “challenging the status quo of the encounter” (Burghart, 2018, p. 330).
Along the same line of inquiry exploring the content of advertisements, Griffith et al. (2016) explored aspects of attractiveness and their relation to the fees charged for escort services among escort advertisements. In particular, the study included an examination of the waist-to-hip ratio, reported escort age, a body mass index, and photographs containing either breast or buttocks nudity. Their findings revealed higher fees were associated with escorts who advertised a low waist-to-hip-ratio (under 0.7), a small body mass index, a younger reported age, and photographic displays of breast and buttocks nudity. Dunn (2018) calls attention to the pricing scheme within escort advertisements across various countries. In an analysis of pricing versus age, Dunn (2018) compared advertising prices between different age ranges in five different cultures (U.K., Australia, USA, Europe, and Ireland). Not surprisingly, younger escorts (<30 years old) charged significantly higher prices than older escorts (>45 years old). Women charged more for services when they were young and attractive as men were willing to pay the price for youthfulness and attractiveness (Dunn, 2018). It can be argued that younger women fit within a gendered idea of sexual attractiveness. Findings from the limited studies available indicate that the youthfulness and attractiveness of culturally constructed ideals appear to attract and warrant potential clients’ attention.
The Internet has led to an influx of discussion boards and online reviews (Milrod & Monto, 2012). Clients post “consumer” information about sex workers on discussion boards and review sites, including physical attributes and sexual performance ratings. A small number of studies have explored forums specific to male clients seeking female sexual services. Earle and Sharp (2016) found men preferred women who actively advertised their personalities, often being attracted to women who described themselves as “fun-loving,” “charming,” and possessing physical characteristics aligned with health (i.e., fit, toned, and tanned). Further, authentic representation was found to be central to men’s decision-making (Earle & Sharp, 2016). Male clients often seek out sex workers who describe themselves as the “girl next door” (Earle & Sharp, 2016). Milrod and Monto (2012) explored the preferences sought out by clients for commercial sex. Their findings revealed that the most attractive characteristics sought out by the male clients were women who appeared to be happy with a cheerful disposition (83.6%) and beautiful with a healthy appearance (78.1%). Seventy-two percent stated they chose women who fit the role of “a girlfriend” and not “a prostitute” (Milrod & Monto, 2012, p. 801). Finally, 67% stated they wanted women to demonstrate “enthusiasm in trying various sexual activities” (Milrod & Monto, 2012, p. 801). The most notable negative characteristics were height/weight issues (49.2%), bad genital/oral hygiene (85.2%), and misrepresentation through photographs and descriptions (73.2%). In summary, Milrod and Monto’s (2012) findings indicated clients preferred women who took care of their appearance and were enthusiastic, sexually adventurous, agreeable, and authentic in their interactions with clients.
Gendered Stereotypes
Normative values and expectations are relevant to discussions of advertising because they pertain to consumer demands. They exist within many societies, as there are numerous expectations placed on one’s behaviors and identities (Wood & Eagly, 2015). One of the most common factors in role expectations is gender (Wood & Eagly, 2015). A gender role is a set of societal norms that dictate what behaviors are generally considered acceptable, appropriate, or desirable for a person based on their actual or perceived sex. Some examples of female gender expectations include beliefs, including the view that women should be married, become mothers responsible for child-rearing, have careers (but not one more successful than their husband’s), take care of the home, persistently attend to their appearance to avoid being too frumpy or flashy, and be sexually available for their husband (Cortland & Kinias, 2019; Wiest & Duffy, 2013). Additionally, women are subjected to expectations to adhere to several common characteristics associated with femininity, such as being agreeable, passive, submissive, patient, nurturing, unselfish, and friendly (Nagoshi et al., 2012). Overall, feminine gendered roles command ideals of behavioral restraint, personal control, subservience, and lower status than men.
Moreover, there remains a longstanding sexual double standard in male and female societal expectations of sexual behavior. In general, women are expected to dress (and be) sexy yet maintain sexual modesty, attract men yet restrain their sexual urges, and look beautiful yet rebuff sexual advances (Vanwesenbeeck, 2009). These conflicting goals present women with a dichotomous decision tied to their perceived morality, called the Madonna-whore distinction (Vanwesenbeeck, 2009). If a woman is sexy but not sexually promiscuous, she is considered morally “good,” whereas if she becomes sexually promiscuous, she is deemed morally “bad.” Though these distinctions are likely more ambiguous in practice, it is likely that many escort advertisements will rely on these gender stereotypes and expectations to attract clients’ attention.
Gender stereotypes within the media
Gender stereotypes are reinforced by the many images we see in the media, as sex-role stereotypes are constructed through social discourses (Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008). The commodification of women’s bodies occurs frequently and for various marketing ploys, such as making a product appear more desirable, attracting men to sporting events (e.g., cheerleaders on the sidelines or ring girls in a boxing match), or placing a young, beautiful newscaster on the nightly news to increase male viewership (Desmond & Danilewicz, 2010). Media representations informally present what is expected and accepted within one’s society, wherein advertisements define and frame reality. These media representations tend to be formulated by a relatively small, select group of individuals (often heterosexual white males) who determine what is acceptable for all.
In many cases, women in media portrayals have been displayed as sexual objects. The culture of sexualizing bodies is grounded in the sociocultural, heterosexual context, encouraging others to sexualize the female body (Vandenbosch et al., 2013). Women’s presentation as sexual objects are found in images of women in a state of undress, women’s body parts used as an instrument in a sexually provocative manner, and as decorative objects (Guizzo et al., 2017). Women are sexually objectified in advertisements, films, music videos, television, and magazines more often than men (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Conley & Ramsey, 2011; Fouts & Burggraf, 2000; Hatton & Trautner, 2011; Vandenbosch et al., 2013).
Consequences of hyper-sexualization by the media contribute to sexual objectification and can influence the way women are perceived and treated by others (Guizzo et al., 2017). For instance, Stankiewicz and Rosselli’s (2008) study on media representations of women within popular magazines in the U.S. revealed that, roughly 32% of advertisements included images with women, and 50% of the print advertisements featured in magazines sexually objectified a woman. The percentage increased when only men’s magazines were reviewed. Further, of those images with women, the women were portrayed as sex objects nearly 76% of the time, compared to about 63% of women in women’s fashion magazines. Hyper-sexualization is also common in music videos as indicated in a content analysis of music channel programming (Vandenbosch et al., 2013). In this study, 39.3% of the analyzed scenes from the programming of the music channels contained sexualizing messages, with an average of 21 sexualizing references per hour. Unsurprisingly, most of the scenes specifically sexualized women (25.7%).
In short, women’s media representations frequently reinforce and influence the type of traits and characteristics a female may feel obligated (both consciously and subconsciously) to meet. Female escorts live and operate within these cultural contexts, and it is likely that they utilize similar stereotypical gender roles and expectations in their advertisements to appeal to potential clients. Existing literature on the commercial sex industry has revealed that the ideal escort is not only an attractive woman, but also one who fits within the gender heteronormative ideals perpetuated through the media (Hatton & Trautner, 2011; Vandenbosch et al., 2013). Studies that have examined desirable escort characteristics have indicated that clients find beauty and youthfulness appealing, as well as escorts that possess an attitude of authenticity and enthusiasm. Altogether, these characteristics suggest a client’s decision to engage with an escort is not only about sexual activity but also about meeting the right type of woman—one who represents an ideal female image. In order to appeal to a broad client pool, escorts must tailor advertisement content to portray these characteristics, especially in ways that emphasize the entire ideal package rather than one characteristic, trait, or ability.
The Current Study
As noted previously, technological advances, such as smartphones and Internet access, have contributed to a more significant number of sex workers advertising their escort services online. These companionship advertisements permit sex workers working as escorts to present themselves in a marketable fashion to potential clientele. Although there has been an increase in online escort advertisements in recent years, little is known regarding how female escorts market themselves and to what extent gender stereotypes play a role in such advertisements. Therefore, this exploratory study seeks to determine how escorts portray themselves in online advertisements and how they market themselves from a gendered perspective through an examination of roughly 1,500 online female escort advertisements. Guided by previous research findings, we hypothesized that female sex workers would market their escort advertisements in ways consistent with conventional gender normative values.
Method
Data consisted of online escort advertisements posted online on Backpage.com, for the city of Buffalo, New York for the entire month of March 2016. A total of 1,526 advertisements were collected within the adults’ menu subsection titled “escorts.” Four advertisements were removed, as they were postings for business places in the adult entertainment industry, resulting in a final number of 1,522 advertisements. All 1,522 advertisements were posted by females. Each advertisement was coded for a wide range of variables, including emoticons, language statements, adjectives, and attributes found within included photographs. Data were coded based on available content, including the number of times each emoticon, adjective, photographs, and language statement was used in the advertisement. The first author completed all data collection and coding for this study.
Variables
Escort characteristics
Escort characteristics are personal descriptions the female sex workers used to advertise their physical features to potential clients. Several additional characteristics were noted and categorized, including age (in years as stated in the ad), race and ethnicity, weight, height, bra size, and pricing (see Table 1 for descriptive statistics). Escort age was indicated in advertisements and was further divided into the following categories: 18 to 24 years old, 25 to 34 years old, 35 to 44 years old, and 45 to 53 years old. 2 Race and ethnicity denoted an escort’s self-identified race or ethnicity. Race and ethnicity were delineated into the following categories: Black, White, Hispanic, and other (e.g., Native American, Korean, Chinese), which were coded as (0 = no, 1 = yes) for each racial category. Some research studies have found a racial hierarchy amongst escorts (Koken et al., 2010); therefore, it is not required for an escort to disclose her race or ethnicity. The weight variable designated whether an escort reported her weight within her advertisement (0 = no, 1 = yes) and was separated into the following categories: under 100 lbs., 101 to 130 lbs., 131 to 160 lbs., and 161 to 200 lbs. The height variable indicated whether the escort denoted her height within her advertisement (0 = no, 1 = yes). Height was further defined into subsequent categories, including under 5 feet, 5″1′–5″3′, 5″4′–5″6′, and 5″7–5″8′. Bra size represented whether an escort shared her breast cup size within her advertisement (0 = no, 1 = yes). The breast cup sizes reported within the advertisements included A, B, C, D, and E. The pricing variable indicated whether an escort incorporated a set fee for services within her advertisement (0 = no, 1 = yes). Pricing was further divided into three separate categories, including quick stop, half-hour, and hour based on each type of service’s listed price.
Descriptive Statistics of Escort Characteristics.
Emoticons
Emoticons are described as a visual representation of non-verbal and verbal communication using typographic symbols (Derks et al., 2008; Garrison et al., 2011). The use of emoticons in written speech allows for the creativity of expression and meaning, along with an interpretation due to the constraints of a non-verbal message (Garrison et al., 2011). The use of emoticons is an integral part of extracting meaning from text. Seven types of emoticons were identified and coded into separate count variables based on the image: appearance symbols, physical attributes, young, feminine attributes, sexual symbols, money, and others (see Table 2 for descriptive statistics). Not every emoticon neatly fit into a group, as the meaning of some emoticons was not evident; therefore, an additional other category served to represent emoticons that did not fit in the other six categories. For each of the following variables, we counted the number of times the emoticon appeared in a single advertisement. Appearance symbols represented inferences of the women’s physical presence. The emoticons within this category include 100%, bullseye, top hat, “X,” siren, checkmark, high heel, lipstick, diamond, crown, and sun. Physical attributes denoted physical activities that can be accomplished by either the poster or respondent. The emoticons within this category are lips, kissing people, hand symbol (i.e., sign language symbol for okay), holding hands, hands clapping, pointing the finger, and smiling. Young contained emoticons that inferred youth or ideals of being young and included the following emoticons: bow, ribbons, apple, candy, rainbow, and balloons. Feminine attributes contained symbols that represented feminine/delicate features or items. The category included flower, heart, angel, double heart, snowflake, and a princess. The sexual symbols category denoted sexually implicit images. The sexual category included a face with the mouth open and tongue hanging out, a cat, a cat face with the tongue hanging out, a devil face, a vampire face, tongue, fire, cherries, waterfall, water splash, and a lollipop. Money represented images that signify a monetary reference, such as a money bag, a stack of money with wings, and a dollar sign. The other category included other emoticons that were not quickly discernable, or the meaning was unknown to the researchers. For example, some emoticons placed in the other category included a monkey, a dress shirt, and a comb.
Descriptive Statistics for Escort Advertisements.
Descriptive adjectives
Descriptive adjectives were identified as expressive words an escort used to describe herself physically or outline her performance style and preferences. Eight descriptive adjectives were identified: sexual, age, feminine, skillset, physical acts, submissive, appearance, and personality. Each adjective was coded as a separate variable, and each variable represents a count of the number of times the adjective appeared in a single advertisement. Sexual adjectives referenced sexual acts or sexual language, such as addictive, juicy, soaker, naughty, superhead, freaky, adult pleasure, and spankable. Age here referred to descriptive language in addition to a number used to suggest escort age: mature, young, and cougar. Feminine included adjectives that inferred a woman’s feminine, idealistic image: loving, luxurious, sensual, flirty, luscious, sweet, and girl of dreams. Skillset represented a particular skill the escort boasted about, such as experienced, delicious, one & only, soft-touch, talented, unrushed, very skilled, discrete, amazing, and magical. Physical acts encompassed language related to an escort’s physical attributes and included: very able, clean, tight, 100%, busty, BBW (big-boned women), and curvy. The submissive variable involved language that implied an agreeable and submissive demeanor and encompassed the following: aim to please, a seductive, open mind, and tame. The appearance variable included descriptive words that referenced an escort’s physical appearance and included: thick, petite, sexy, chocolate, all-natural, bombshell, stunning, pretty, hot, beautiful, cute, and ebony. Finally, the personality variable included words related to an escort’s personality and included the following words: professional, classy, charming, independent, energetic, tantalizing, sassy, fun, passionate, nice, wild, friendly, and vivacious.
Language statements
Subsequent variables incorporated language statements made throughout an advertisement. Language statements were divided into variables. Many of the advertisements had descriptive sentences and word phrases, which included many adjectives and statements. An escort’s wording varied from specific comments about potential clients to implicit sexual statements. The language statements were divided into the following six variables: appealing, sexualized, pleasing goal client, requirements of client, skill set, and characteristics. Again, each language variable represents a count of the number of times the specific language appeared in a single advertisement. The appealing variable referenced statements made in the advertisement to gain the potential client’s attention to selecting the escort who posted the advertisement. The appealing variable included statements: specials advertised, “let’s have fun,” “here to satisfy your cravings,” “looking for excitement,” “time never rushed,” “dreams come true,” “new experiences,” “new girl in town,” “looking to spoil client,” “unbelievable experience,” complimenting the potential client and “worth your time.” The sexualized variable involved statements made by the escort to garner attention through sexual desires and included the following statements: “Looking to play,” “fetish friendly,” mentions ejaculation, “open to degradation,” “open for domination” and uses a synonym for vagina. The goal of pleasing the client referred to statements made in the advertisement in which the ultimate goal was the client’s satisfaction. The statements within the goal pleasing client variable were: “worth your time,” “dreams come true,” statement desiring client, “available anytime,” and stating the main goal is pleasing the client. Some women had requests for potential clients within advertisements, represented by the client category’s varying requirements. Codes included “no drama,” “no pimp,” “older men only,” “White men only,” “No African men,” No Black men,” and “No thugs.” A second skill set variable was centered around language that denoted the escort’s skill set though they were not adjectives. The language skill set encompassed the following statements: “I have the skills,” “Are you ready for a new experience” and “Superior skills.” The escort traits variable described escort traits and included the following statements: “no alcohol,” “disease-free,” “party friendly,” “new in town,” ‘new girl,” “drug-free,” “420 friendly,” “no prostitution” and “non-negotiable rates.”
Photography
Over 90% of advertisements (1,402) contained at least one photograph used as another method to attract potential clients. Three variables were established from the examination of photographs. The number of photographs was a count of the number of photos in the advertisement. Face visible represented whether the escort included at least one photograph of her face within the advertisement (0 = no, 1 = yes). Lingerie indicated whether the escort was wearing lingerie in at least one photograph within the advertisement (0 = no, 1 = yes).
Data Analysis
Univariate analyses were conducted to determine collective demographic and characteristic information across all variables.
Results
A review of the 1,522 Backpage.com escort advertisements in Buffalo revealed a wide range of strategies used by the female sex workers to market their escort services (see Table 1 for descriptive statistics). Female escorts were aged 18 to 53 years, with an average age of 25.5 years. Fifty-eight percent of the escorts self-identified their race or ethnicity. Of those who noted their race, 71% identified as Black, 16% identified as Hispanic and nearly 10% identified as White, and roughly 2% identified as another race. It was less common for escorts to provide other physical characteristics: only 30% mentioned their weight, 31% mentioned their height, and 10% mentioned their bra size. The majority of advertisements that included this information highlighted less weight and shorter stature, which may be perceived as more feminine.
Additionally, there was variation amongst pricing for services for both time and amount. The average price for a “quick stop” was about $68, and it was $90 for a half-hour and $145 for an hour. From the entire sample of 1,522 advertisements, only 320 advertisements included pricing (21%).
Descriptive statistics for emoticons (symbols), descriptive adjectives, language statements, and photography are reported in Table 2. Study findings revealed extensive use of all four advertisements; all advertisements had at least one emoticon and adjective, and nearly 98% had a language statement, while 89% included at least one photo. All types of emoticons were prevalent, though the ones that appeared a more significant number of times in advertisements were sexual symbols (M = 21.62), appearance symbols (M = 16.90), and feminine attributes symbols (M = 14.42). 3 Escorts used a variety of adjectives within their companionship advertisements, though these were typically limited in number. The most frequently used adjectives were words describing personality (M = 4.42), skillset (M = 3.87), and appearance (M = 3.20). The most frequently used phrases referenced escort traits (M = 3.26), a requirement of the client (M = 2.60), appealing language (M = 2.47), and sexualized word descriptions (M = 2.09).
The escort advertisements within this study also frequently included the use of photography (89%). Compared to physical descriptions shared in advertisements, escorts were much more likely to include a photograph. The average number of photographs in an advertisement was three, with the highest number of photographs included in an advertisement being 11.
For each adjective variable, the most frequently used adjectives were spankable for the sexual adjectives (n = 681), young for the age variable (n = 690), sweet for the feminine variable (n = 578), unrushed for the skill set variable (n = 530), busty for the physical attributes’ variable (n = 518), aim to please for the submissive variable (n = 527), sexy for the appearance variable (n = 750) and finally, tantalizing for the personality variable (n = 562). For each language variable, the most frequently used statements were “time never rushed” for the appealing variable (n = 706), a synonym for vagina for the sexualized variable (n = 952), the main goal is pleasing the client for the ultimate goal of pleasing the client variable (n = 1,100), “no drama” for the requirements of a client variable (n = 975), “superior skills” for the skill set variable (n = 645) and lastly, “new in town” for the escort traits variable (n = 841). The most frequently used emoticons were diamond for the appearance symbols (n = 1,125), lips were the most frequently used symbol for the physical attribute symbol variable (n = 1,296), candy was the most frequently used symbol for the young symbols (n = 1,169), flower and princess were the most frequently used symbol for the feminine attributes (n = 1,287), the face with the mouth open and cat were the most frequently used symbols for the category of the sexual symbol (n = 1,298). A dollar sign was the most frequently used symbol for the money variable (n = 1,228).
Discussion
Despite the dramatic increase of online escort companionship advertising in the past two decades, there is a dearth of information surrounding this phenomenon, including the understanding of how gender expectations and norms are presented in escort advertisements. Therefore, this study intended to determine how female escorts present themselves within their companionship advertisements and ascertain how they market themselves through a gendered perspective. The study findings revealed that the advertisements female escorts in Buffalo, NY posted used various tactics to entice potential clients, including the use of symbols, language, and photography, and while doing so, generally portrayed themselves as highly sexualized and feminine.
With the expansion of the online marketplace for commercial sex, as with traditional expansion, innovation and reinvention within the marketplace is likely to occur. Within the female to the male commercial sex industry, innovation and reinvention within the advertisements has not occurred (Burghart, 2018). Male-to-male, female-to-female, and male-to-female online commercial sex markets have seen increased presence and innovation in advertisements (Burghart, 2018). However, in the female-to-male markets, the online marketplace continues to be constructed around heteronormative values and scripts (Burghart, 2018). The results of this study underscore the extent to which the commercial sex industry is constrained by traditional socially and culturally constructed perceptions. These findings show that even within an open online marketplace, whereby workers can challenge self-presentation, women in this study adopted gendered sex roles and sexual objectification using conventional sexual scripts. Our results revealed the advertisements supported the use of gendered stereotypes, which were demonstrated in their content. Advertisements were largely similar, all contained at least one emoticon and adjective, 89% contained a photo, and nearly 98% contained a language statement.
In line with findings from prior research on escort companionship advertising, female escorts in this study employed symbols, language, and photographs. For instance, 89% of female escorts included a photograph of themselves, which is consistent with Castle and Lee’s (2008) finding that most escort websites contained photographs. The female escorts in this study reported physical and personality characteristics and pricing parameters within their advertisements; however, adjectives and other descriptive language forms were more frequently used in this study than simple statements of physical characteristics. For example, an adjective was nearly always used, whereas one’s race, height, and weight were less frequently stated. It could be argued that posting prices is considered too forward, undesirable, or unfeminine. Alternatively, by using photography and specific language, escorts could attract potential clients and subsequently have a pricing conversation. An absence of pricing within an advertisement could also be linked to the legality of the services. As prostitution is illegal, an advertisement with no pricing parameters could be considered a legitimate adult companionship advertisement rather than a thinly veiled advertisement for prostitution services.
As prior research has indicated, the gender norms and expectations placed on women center around their level of attractiveness (as it relates to their physical appearance) and their behavioral characteristics (e.g., Nagoshi et al., 2012; Wiest & Duffy, 2013). Our findings support prior research results in that some of the female escorts highlighted their height, weight, and breast size within their advertisements, which permitted prospective clients to assess them based on their physical appearance. The use of photography further supported this. Wherein numerous escorts displayed photographs of themselves wearing lingerie (i.e., a hyper-feminine piece of apparel). The advertisements also revealed descriptive words and language statements that imply gendered expectations of submissive, feminine women. For instance, an escort advertisement incorporated an average of 14 feminine symbols and at least one feminine descriptive word. In some cases, female escorts chose to use descriptive wording and language statements linked to the concepts of submissiveness and goal pleasing to indicate the gendered expectation that women should aim to be submissive and agreeable to their male’s desires companions. This was also evident in the appealing category of language statements, wherein escorts included phrases such as “here to satisfy your cravings,” which implies the objectification of herself for her client’s pleasure.
In line with earlier studies that have demonstrated the importance of “ladylike” portrayals of escorts (Earle & Sharp, 2016; Milrod & Monto, 2012), the results of the study indicate overt sexual communication made through language statements were infrequent compared to the use of sexualized emoticons (a coded form of communication). The use of coded forms of communication reinforces the importance of appearing “ladylike” and “acting like a girlfriend not a prostitute” (Milrod & Monto, 2012). Gender normative values state women are not overtly sexual through their language, and it would be improper to speak in graphic sexual nature; however, clients utilize the commercial sex industry for an experience they perhaps cannot obtain with their partners (Milrod & Monto, 2012). Female escorts aim to walk the fine line within their advertisements of communicating their openness to sexual adventures outside of the conventional and traditional gender norms while also communicating conformance with traditional feminine characteristics a client may seek. As our findings suggest, female escorts appear to manipulate and capitalize their use of language to play on stereotypical sexual desires. Also, as Burghart (2018) noted, covert sexual language used in this study may help communicate a sense of sophistication, which is a common theme of messaging in sex work advertisements.
Further, as noted by Milrod and Monto (2012) and Earle and Sharp (2016), clients often desire that escorts present an authentic-seeming personality. The escort advertisements examined within this study offer further support to this claim. Many of the advertisers included pictures, with 76% including their faces within the photo frame. The commonly used adjectives in the earlier studies, such as “charming” and “fun-loving” were frequently used within the advertisements examined. These frequently used adjectives describe their presented personality to attract clients. Though we were unable to ascertain how much of an escort’s true personality was presented in her advertisement, it was evident that certain personality traits as presented to potential clients to convey charm and approachability, which is a persistent theme in the desired characteristics of an ideal woman (Earle & Sharp, 2016; Milrod & Monto, 2012).
As noted by Koken et al. (2010), escorts have utilized coded language (e.g., specific statements/words) to conceal hidden messages, and escorts use various strategies to maximize their appeal to potential clients. While we were unable to confirm the intent behind using symbols and language statements, suggestive and gendered symbols and language can be used to entice potential clients and maximize potential profits. For instance, escorts frequently used sexual and feminine symbols (emoticons) in advertisements, and these symbols mimic the juxtaposition in the “ideal woman” who is sexually available, yet still agreeable and submissive. There appears to be a standard for the inclusion of individual information about the escort, as the presentation of an ideal woman is the “industry standard.” The inclusion of specific information about the escorts (e.g., beauty, enthusiasm, authenticity, and charm) is reinforced through media sources, which often accentuate emerging stereotypes while affirming existing stereotypes (in this case, the idea of an ideal woman). Symbols and language were also used to emphasize femininity despite the sexual nature of the content (e.g., princess emoticons, “time never rushed” and “looking to spoil client”). Such symbolism and language may be used to minimize the inherent contradiction of gender norms in sex work. Within normative constructs, a woman should not be with multiple partners; ideally, a woman is faithful to one partner. In reality, sex workers have multiple clients, which contradicts the idealism of faithfulness within a relationship.
Findings from this study can be used to inform the contexts of sex work and reduce harms of sex work. In 2016, the anti-trafficking movement included an emphasis and focus on the online platforms for the commercial sex industry (Soderberg-Rivkin, 2020). In 2018, the U.S. government enacted the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act and the House’s Victims to Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act, otherwise known as FOSTA-SESTA (Soderberg-Rivkin, 2020). This legislation made it illegal for online services to facilitate, assist, or support sex trafficking on their platforms. Therefore, all online platforms (such as Backpage.com) were required to remove all escort advertisements; this also included the development of applications for smart devices (Soderberg-Rivkin, 2020). What was neglected in the development of this legislation were the voices of sex work organizations which argue that online platforms kept them safer (Soderberg-Rivkin, 2020). The claim of safety relies on the ability of sex workers to screen clients, notify other workers of dangerous clients, and distribute harm reduction information (Belak & Bennett, 2016). Ultimately, the online platform sites were shut down a couple of years ago, halting the development of new media surrounding the online commercial sex industry. As a result, some have argued that the commercial sex industry has moved further underground (McCabe & Conger, 2019). Blunt and Wolf (2020) surveyed community-based sex workers on the impact since the closure of Backpage. The respondents described their inability to independently work online with the alternative being working for an exploitative third-party or on the streets. The respondents also spoke of not feeling safe due to the failure to utilize web-based harm reduction techniques (Blunt & Wolf, 2020). Some of the techniques used include flagging clients with a history of violence or non-payment and identification verification (Blunt & Wolf, 2020). With the advertisements being removed from online platforms, knowledge on the context of sex work and means of harm reduction are eliminated for further study.
Limitations and Research Implications
While this study does contribute to the knowledge base surrounding female escort companionship advertisements, several study limitations should be noted. First, given the nature of the content analysis, contact with the escorts who posted their advertisements was not feasible. Therefore, confirmation of our interpretation of their symbols, adjectives, language statements, and photographs was impossible.
Another notable limitation lies within the approach of having one researcher conduct the majority of coding, though this is common within qualitative research. Qualitative analysis entails some degree of subjective interpretation, and it is possible that others could interpret the language of escort advertisements differently. This concern is countered by the level of detail in the advertisements and the fact that they were posted unobtrusively online. It is less likely that reactivity was an issue as the lead author conducted coding. Further, all coding was supervised by the second author, and the development of variables within the study was discussed and decided upon among all authors. Future research should aim to test and replicate findings from this study, possibly by interviewing or surveying escort workers to determine the reasons why they communicate in specific ways.
Moreover, we could not discuss which personas/characteristics the escorts believed brought them the most clients. It is suggested that future research studies examine interviewing escorts who place companion advertisements to explore these avenues further. Second, this study was conducted in one midsize city in the Eastern United States city within one month, rendering a localized data collection. The study results are specific to the one location and are therefore not generalizable to all escorts who place companionship advertisements. Further examination of escort companionship advertisements across other locations is warranted to determine our findings’ applicability to a more generalized population of escorts post advertisements for companionship. Furthermore, this study only included female escorts, and thus, it remains unclear if and how gendered norms and perceptions may play a role in male escort companionship advertisements. Research study findings have revealed males engage in sex work (e.g., Argento et al., 2018), and therefore, it is recommended that researchers explore a similar examination of gendered perspectives and male escort companionship advertisements.
Conclusion
The findings of this research contribute to the growing body of literature on technology and its use among sex workers, particularly among those utilizing the Internet to reach potential clientele. This study’s results contribute to our greater understanding of the diverse tactics used in commercial escort companionship advertisements and how escorts chose to frame their identity (e.g., personality, skills, physical characteristics) to potential clients. This study sought to examine the type of identity claims escorts make and to whom the advertisements are targeted. In particular, we explored how gender stereotypes and expectations related to escort companionship advertisements through symbols, language, and photographs. Our findings revealed that most advertisements promoted either a sexualized or feminine female stereotype and that gender stereotypes were reinforced through the escort companionship advertisements. This research study offers a gendered overview of how female escorts working within the commercial sex industry advertise themselves and their services in alignment with their perceived customers’ sexual wishes, further contributing to debates around sex work and sexual behavior.
Footnotes
Authors’ Note
Trisha Rhodes is now affiliated with School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of Nebraska, Omaha.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
