Fear of Crime among Female North Korean Defectors in South Korea

Abstract

Although some studies have focused on immigrants’ fear of crime in the United States, it is important to point out that the number of North Korean defectors to South Korea has rapidly increased since the 1990s. Therefore, understanding factors associated with fear of crime for North Korean immigrants, especially female defectors, is important for ensuring their successful transitions into South Korean culture. The present study used existing survey data from a sample of female North Korean defectors to explore factors related to fear of crime. Results indicate that the number of North Korean friends, language proficiency, and patriarchal attitudes toward gender were significant predictors of fear of crime for the North Korean female defectors. Findings are described and discussed as a potential source for policymaking to reduce North Korean immigrants’ acculturative stress and fear of crime and to encourage smooth transitions into new cultures.

Keywords

fear of crime North Korean defectors acculturation patriarchal attitudes

Introduction

While a large body of research investigating fear of crime has provided a rich source of information, very little research has addressed the issue of fear of crime among immigrants (cf. Brown & Benedict, 2004; Lee & Ulmer, 2000; Luo & Zhao, 2017; Wu & Wen, 2014). The noticeable gap in this line of work is critical considering that many countries are experiencing rapid growth of ethnic minority populations while trying to help immigrants successfully adjust to their host societies (Castles et al., 2013).

Virtually all researchers exploring fear of crime among immigrants have employed samples of immigrants residing in the United States (e.g., Ackah, 2000; Brown & Benedict, 2004; Grubb & Bouffard, 2014; Sundeen, 1984). While these studies offer valuable information regarding the impacts of immigrant-specific factors (e.g., language proficiency, length of stay) on fear of crime, their external validity is limited. Examining fear of crime among samples of immigrants in different sociopolitical settings is crucial for a broader understanding of the scope, nature, and extent of fear of crime among immigrants and has the potential to address external validity concerns by replicating important findings from previous studies.

The current study makes several contributions to the growing research on fear of crime among immigrants. First, we used a sample of female North Korean defectors to examine factors related to fear of crime. This is especially important because the number of North Korean defectors in South Korea has been rapidly increasing since the 1990s due to economic, financial, and humanitarian reasons (Lankov, 2014). Currently, more than 33,000 North Korean defectors are residing in South Korea (Ministry of Unification, 2019), and thousands more attempt to escape North Korea each year (Taylor et al., 2017). Although North Koreans share some history, symbols, and customs with South Koreans, and their physical appearance is indistinguishable from that of South Koreans, North Korean defectors are often subject to discrimination due to cultural differences and dialect (Kim & Lee, 2009). For example, many North Korean defectors report difficulties in adjusting to South Korea because of challenges involving identity crisis and financial hardships (Choi et al., 2017; Park et al., 2017).

Second, with this study we are among the first to consider the effect of patriarchal attitudes on fear of crime among female immigrants. Critical and feminist scholars have argued that social structures can shape individuals’ perceptions of gender roles (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; West & Zimmerman, 2009). For instance, when gender inequalities are institutionalized, and when patriarchal gender relations are normalized and accepted as common cultural templates, individuals may develop patriarchal norms that masculinity and femininity are natural and critical properties of all men and women (West & Zimmerman, 2009). Some scholars contend that men seek to exercise their power and dominance over women through fear and that women are constantly worried about the possibility of being attacked by men (Pain, 1991; Stanko, 1995; Valentine, 1989). While researchers have hinted at the possibility that internalized patriarchal attitudes can influence fear of crime among women (Cobbina et al., 2008; Day, 2001; Stanko, 1995), a lack of data with measures that capture women’s patriarchal attitudes has been a major limitation to the literature on fear of crime. As a step to advance the understanding of the fear of crime, we used the current study to test whether patriarchal attitudes are related to fear of crime among female North Korean defectors.

Finally, we employed several key variables (e.g., number of close North Korean defectors in South Korea, regular participation in a social group) to measure acculturation that not only replicates measures found in previous studies but also contains additional acculturation domains sensitive to immigrants. With few exceptions (Lee & Ulmer, 2000), fear of crime researchers have considered only a few proxies (e.g., length of stay, language fluency) to tap into immigrants’ levels of acculturation. To more fully understand immigrant-specific factors associated with fear of crime, a focus on different dimensions of acculturation is a necessary foundational step. In the next section, we leverage information from previous studies to formulate a set of research questions regarding fear of crime among female North Korean defectors.

Literature Review

Correlates of Fear of Crime

Several theoretical frameworks have been formulated to account for fear of crime among the general populations. The victimization model posits that personal experience of victimization can heighten fear of crime because prior victimization can prompt a sense of vulnerability in relation to future victimization (Garofalo, 1979; Skogan, 1987). It is also possible that individuals are reminded of their experiences of victimization when responding to questions involving emotional fear (Skogan & Maxfield, 1981). While there is a voluminous body of literature to support for the victimization model (Box et al., 1988; Rader et al., 2007; Rountree & Land, 1996; Skogan & Maxfield, 1981), some researchers have not found a significant relationship between victimization and fear (Fisher & Nasar, 1992; Mesch, 2000; Wilcox et al., 2007). Still others find limited evidence that the victimization experience is related to fear of specific types of crime and that the impact of previous victimization experience is conditioned by demographic or situational factors (Chiricos et al., 1997; Fox et al., 2009; Gibson et al., 2002).

Some scholars have extended the victimization model and proposed that knowledge of other people’s victimization (i.e., vicarious victimization) can influence one’s levels of fear of crime (Box et al., 1988; Ferraro, 1996; Skogan & Maxfield, 1981). However, the results from this line of work have also been conflicting. For example, some researchers fail to find significant effects of vicarious victimization and one’s own personal fear of crime (Ackah, 2000; Cook & Fox, 2011; Fisher et al., 1995; Fox et al., 2009; Mesch, 2000); whereas other investigators report that vicarious victimization increases personal fear of crime (Box et al., 1988; Skogan & Maxfield, 1981). Overall, the empirical validity of the victimization model remains unclear (see also Agnew, 1985; Warr, 1984). Only a handful of researchers have empirically examined the effects of direct and vicarious victimization on property and personal crime fears separately (Ferraro, 1996; Lee & Ulmer, 2000). Moreover, to date, empirical investigation of direct and vicarious victimization on fear of sexual assault has also been limited.

Another popular model to explain the fear of crime is the risk perceptions model, which suggests that the perceived likelihood of victimization is a key predictor of fear of crime (Box et al., 1988; Ferraro, 1996). In other words, those who perceive that they are more likely to be victims of a crime express greater fear of crime. Empirical studies have shown that high perceived victimization risk is one of the strongest correlates of fear of crime (LaGrange & Ferraro, 1989; Lane & Fox, 2012; Lee & Ulmer, 2000; May, 2001; Mesch, 2000).

North Korean Defectors and Fear of Crime

North Korean defectors flee their country to find a better quality of life; they do so because life in North Korea is often marked by adverse living conditions such as chronic malnutrition, forced labor, and political persecution (Jang, 2014; Lankov, 2007; Park & Vollers, 2016; United Nations Human Rights Commission, 2014). Many defectors intend to come to South Korea because the South Korean Constitution states that those who reside in North Korea are legally citizens of South Korea, and the South Korean government provides North Korean defectors with financial and social support. Unfortunately, many defectors encounter challenges in the course of coming to South Korea and even after settling there (Kim, 2016; Lee et al., 2001; Park et al., 2015; Song et al., 2011).

A growing body of empirical research documents that North Korean defectors consequently tend to have psychiatric symptoms such as depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder at a higher rate than that among South Koreans (An et al., 2018; Kim et al., 2011; Lee et al., 2001; Park et al., 2017). North Korean defectors’ fear of crime in South Korea may contribute to their poor mental health status and impede their adjustment to South Korean society; for instance, they may come to distrust South Koreans and withdraw from social activities (Skogan, 1986; Stafford et al., 2007). Despite its importance, little is known about the nature and correlates of fear of crime among North Korean defectors to South Korea.

Previous studies on the relationship between immigrants and fear of crime are useful for identifying potential correlates associated with fear of crime among North Korean defectors. First, some scholars have argued that acculturation is an important mechanism for understanding the fear of crime among immigrants (Grubb & Bouffard, 2014; Lee & Ulmer, 2000; Luo & Zhao, 2017; Wu & Wen, 2014; Yun et al., 2010). Acculturation can be defined as the “phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups.” (Redfield et al., 1936, p. 149). Immigrants need to adjust to the social norms and values of a host society, and there can be variations regarding how well immigrants learn and embrace the changes involving their identities (Berry, 1997; Lee & Ulmer, 2000).

Scholars have noted that immigrants’ language proficiency, length of stay, and participation in social activities are effective proxies for their levels of acculturation and are important correlates of fear of crime among immigrants in the United States (Brown & Benedict, 2004; Grubb & Bouffard, 2014; Lee & Ulmer, 2000; Yun et al., 2010). Because lack of understanding about a host society can result in suspicions toward other people and a sense of vulnerability to crime, which can in turn heighten the fear of crime, researchers argue that acculturation can serve to reduce fear of crime among immigrants (Ackah, 2000; Lee & Ulmer, 2000; Luo & Zhao, 2017). However, it is possible that high levels of acculturation can actually increase fear of crime among immigrants. Some scholars have noted that acculturation can erode immigrants’ positive perceptions toward the institutions in a host society because they become more familiar with the problems present in the destination country (Berry, 1997; Choi, 2019; Michelson, 2003). That is, highly acculturated immigrants can be more aware of the crime problems in a host society and come to fear crime more than do newly arrived immigrants in the society; however, no researchers have discussed this possibility in the literature on fear of crime among immigrants.

To test the relationship between acculturation and fear of crime, Lee and Ulmer (2000) employed one of the most comprehensive acculturation measures in a study of fear of crime among Korean immigrants in Chicago communities. The researchers measured acculturation based on (a) English proficiency, (b) the number of close non-Korean American friends, (c) immigration status, and (d) years of residence in the United States. Lee and Ulmer found that English proficiency and length of stay in the United States were significantly related to fear of crime among Korean Americans, while the other proxies were not. Specifically, Korean immigrants who stayed in the U.S. longer exhibited higher levels of fear of crime than their counterparts; and, Korean Americans who were more fluent in English were less likely to be afraid of crime compared to their peers. These results provide some evidence that acculturation can decrease levels of fear of crime in a host country.

Other researchers have used a single item, language proficiency, to measure the level of acculturation and found that lower acculturation correlated with greater fear of crime among immigrants (e.g., Brown & Benedict, 2004; Luo & Zhao, 2017). However, not all studies have yielded strong support for the effects of acculturation on fear of crime. Using a sample of Chinese immigrants in Houston, Texas, Yun et al. (2010) found that length of stay in the United States did not predict fear of crime. Similarly, Ackah (2000) found that Ghanaian immigrants who had lived in the United States for a longer period of time exhibited more fear of crime than did more recent arrivals. Additionally, frequent involvement in social activities in a new society was associated with more fear of crime among this sample. Thus, it is a contentious issue whether acculturation is related to fear of crime among immigrants.

North Korean defectors complain of a variety of difficulties in adjusting to South Korea (Choi et al., 2017; Kim & Lee, 2009; Park et al., 2017; Yu et al., 2012). Both empirical research and defectors’ testimonies reveal that North Koreans are subject to an enormous amount of acculturative stress (Choi et al., 2017; Park et al., 2017; Song & Denney, 2019; Yu et al., 2012). For instance, North Koreans report vast differences between their dialect and that of South Koreans, which pose barriers to communication (Kim & Lee, 2009). Also, contrary to popular ideas, most North Korean defectors decide to escape from North Korea not because of a desire for political freedom or democracy, but for economic and livelihood reasons (Hur, 2018). In fact, given that North Koreans are indoctrinated from an early age through forced education sessions and recitations of key Korean Workers Party policies, it can be challenging for North Korean defectors to adjust to westernized South Korea (Lankov, 2014; Park & Vollers, 2016).

Patriarchal Attitudes and Fear of Crime

Scholars have long been interested in understanding high levels of fear of crime among women compared to men. Various theoretical frameworks have been formulated to explain the relationship between gender and fear of crime. For example, the vulnerability hypothesis suggests that women are more fearful of crime, reflecting their sense of vulnerability to the danger involving crime (Jackson, 2009; Maxfield, 1984; Schafer et al., 2006). On the other hand, the shadow of sexual assault hypothesis proposes that women tend to display high levels of fear of crime because their fear of sexual assault overshadows their fear of other crimes (Choi et al., 2020; Ferraro, 1996; Yodanis, 2004). Despite the importance of these frameworks in understanding gender as a key variable associated with fear of crime, most of the works on these frameworks have treated women as an internally homogenous group, failing to distinguish differences within women.

However, some critical and feminist scholars have yielded insight into how gender can influence fear of crime from a different perspective, focusing on the social structure of male domination (Pain, 1995; Stanko, 1995; Valentine, 1989). These scholars have argued that the gender inequality inherent in a patriarchal society can contribute to the development of patriarchal attitudes regarding gender roles that in turn can influence fear of crime (Day, 2001; Franklin & Franklin, 2009; Madriz, 1997; Pain, 1995; Stanko, 1995; Valentine, 1989). Several mechanisms of patriarchy can foster fear of crime among women. First, a patriarchal society restricts women’s activities and access to career opportunities, and consequently, women may spend more time in the home, which can reinforce their fear of possible crime outside (e.g., Valentine, 1989). Second, women may encounter the threat of male physical and sexual violence more frequently in a patriarchal society because male dominance is valued and recognized (e.g., Junger, 1987; Stanko, 1995). Finally, a patriarchal society stresses women’s sexual integrity, and women may worry more about possible sexual assault and harassment, and this fear of sexual victimization can overshadow other fears (e.g., Choi et al., 2020; Ferraro, 1996; Yodanis, 2004).

Although these studies are important in discussing the potential influence of a patriarchal society on women’s fear of crime, researchers have yet to assess the variations in patriarchal norms within women. There are several reasons it is likely that patriarchal attitudes differ among individuals within the same society (See Choi & Merlo, 2021 for a further discussion about patriarchy, gender identity, and fear of crime). For example, previous research has demonstrated that attitudes toward appropriate gender roles are shaped by many factors other than sex at birth, including age, education, and parental education and employment (Grasmick et al., 1996; Hagan et al., 1985, 1990; Tsuya et al., 2000).

North Korea is a generally patriarchal society. After comparing the rhetoric regarding women’s emancipation in North Korea with the reality, Jung and Dalton (2006) concluded that “the treatment of women by the North Korean leadership is consistent with the construction of gender in many other socialist systems” (p. 758). More specifically, they note that

[o]fficially, socialist systems support gender equality: all socialist country constitutions state that men and women are equal and that it is illegal to discriminate based on sex, age, and so on. However, in reality, throughout the communist world, progressive laws, policies, and political pronouncements mask the persistence of traditional patriarchal social values. These continue to inform employment practices and attitudes toward the role of women in the home, long after the establishment of communism. (pp. 758–759)

Additional comments about patriarchal social norms in North Korea are found in several recent qualitative studies (Choo, 2006; Song & Denney, 2019). Consider how one of Choo’s (2006) female interviewees working for North Korean defectors in South Korea put it: “North Korean men are like Confucian emperors. . .North Korean men now seem to be similar to South Korean men in their 60s and 70s” (p. 592). Under this social atmosphere, female North Korean defectors may have developed patriarchal attitudes regarding gender roles.

The review above highlights that feminist scholars have suggested that patriarchy serves to expand men’s control over women by inducing fear of crime among women (Pain, 1995; Stanko, 1995; Valentine, 1989; Yodanis, 2004) and that female North Korean defectors are likely to have been influenced by their patriarchal social structure. Given that patriarchal gender norms can increase fear of crime among women and patriarchal attitudes can vary among female North Korean defectors, we investigated whether patriarchal values would predict higher levels of fear of crime among female North Korean defectors.

Current Study

Very little is known about what predicts fear of crime among North Korean defectors. The theories and research reviewed above have suggested several correlates that can predict fear of crime among North Korean defectors. The current study examined four research questions that emerged from the preceding observations in the literature review. Specifically, we asked the following four research questions:

Research question 1: Do direct and vicarious experiences among female North Korean defectors influence fear of personal crime, property crime, and sexual assault?

Research question 2: Does the perceived likelihood of victimization predict fear of crime among female North Korean defectors?

Research question 3: Are measures of acculturation among female North Korean defectors associated with their fear of crime?

Research question 4: Do high levels of patriarchal norms fostered among female North Korean defectors operate to enhance fear of crime?

We investigated these questions using a sample of 123 female North Koreans, a hard-to-reach population. Understanding fear of crime among North Korean defectors is important not only because fear of crime can act as an impediment to successful transition to the South Korean society, but also to assess the external validity of the theoretical frameworks established in the literature on fear of crime (e.g., the victimization model).

Method

Participants

Data for the current study were collected in 2006 through a self-report survey from North Korean defectors by the Korean Institute of Criminology (Jang & Lee, 2006). The survey instrument primarily featured questions about different types of victimization, fear of crime, and acculturation into South Korea. Approximately 2,000 North Korean defectors settled in South Korea in 2006 (Ministry of Unification, 2019). Jang and Lee (2006) noted that both convenience and snowball sampling were employed to collect data because detailed information regarding the North Korean defectors was not available, and thus it was difficult to create a sampling frame for random sampling. The authors contacted people who worked for organizations to support North Korean defectors in South Korea and obtained information about where defectors were living. Many were residing in public housing provided by the Korean government, and they were sampled while considering the regional distribution of North Korean defectors in South Korea. Although the convenience sample limited the external validity of the findings, given that North Korean defectors are a hard-to-reach population, our findings can still provide important insights into their perceptions of crime.

Materials

Jang and Lee (2006) delivered the survey questionnaires to research participants in different cities through informants or agents who worked for institutions that supported North Korean defectors’ welfare. The self-report survey was administered between July 1 and September 20, 2006. A total of 254 surveys were returned from eight major cities and eight provinces, but 40 cases were excluded because of missing data or because respondents were younger than 19 years old. For the current study, we only used the data from a sample of 123 female North Korean defectors not only because crucial measures (e.g., fear of sexual assault) were not collected from male respondents but also because we intended to focus on the fear of crime specifically among this population.

Dependent Variables

We used three dependent variables in our statistical models: (1) fear of property crime, (2) fear of personal crime, and (3) fear of sexual assault; respondents were asked to indicate the degree to which they were afraid of the different types of crimes. For example, the respondents were asked to rate how afraid they were of having someone break into their home when they were away or of being robbed while in the house. These items were comparable to the measures used in previous studies on fear of crime (Ferraro, 1995; Lane et al., 2014). Response categories for the items ranged from 1 (“not at all afraid”) to 4 (“very afraid”). We created three indices constructed to measure the three types of fear by combining survey responses to eight items: (1) fear of property crime: (a) home burglary or (b) theft; (2) fear of personal crime: (c) robbery in the house, (d) robbery in the street, (e) attacked by someone whom I know, or (f) attacked by a stranger; and (3) fear of sexual assault: (g) sexual assault by someone I know and (h) sexual assault by a stranger. We created all indexes by adding the responses to all items included in the index so that higher scores represented greater fear of crime. A series of principal components analyses with a direct oblimin rotation were conducted to check the potential grouping of the items for each type of fear. Factor analyses confirmed each scale’s unidimensionality. Cronbach’s alpha scores showed high internal consistency for fear of property crime (α = .803), fear of personal crime (α = .857), and fear of sexual assault (α = .924).

Predictor Variables

Direct and vicarious victimization

Regarding direct victimization, respondents were asked to provide the number of times they had personally been victimized by certain crimes since they had arrived in South Korea: home burglary, theft, robbery, home invasion, assault, sexual assault, and harassment. We coded responses of any crime victimization as 1 and others as 0.

We measured vicarious victimization using items that mirrored direct victimization. Respondents were asked to indicate whether people they were close to (e.g., friends, relatives, and close neighbors) had been victims of certain crimes: home burglary, theft, robbery, home invasion, assault by a known person, assault by a stranger, sexual assault by a stranger, sexual assault by a known person, and sexual harassment on the street or public transportation. Responses indicating that a person close to the respondent had been a crime victim were coded as 1, and others were coded as zero.

Perceived risk of crime victimization

Respondents were asked to rate, on a five-point Likert scale, the chances that they would experience any of the same crimes in the future; response options ranged from 1 (“very unlikely) to 5 (“very likely). Using the same crimes as in the fear indexes, we constructed three measures of the perceived risk of victimization to capture (1) perceived risk of property crime, (2) perceived risk of personal crime, and (3) perceived risk of sexual assault. We summed responses to all items for each index to create the perceived risk indexes. Each scale conformed well to a one-factor solution, and the Cronbach’s alphas indicated high reliability for all three indices: perceived risk of property crime, α = .788, perceived risk of personal crime, α = .911), and perceived risk of sexual assault, α = .886.

Acculturation

We employed five proxies to reflect the levels of acculturation of female North Korean defectors: (1) language proficiency, (2) length of stay in South Korea, (3) number of South Korean friends, (4) number of North Korean friends in South Korea and (5) regular participation in social activities. These proxies for acculturation are comparable with the measures employed by Lee and Ulmer (2000). Language proficiency was measured by respondents’ self-rating of their ability to understand the dialect in South Korea on a scale from 1 (“not at all”) to 5 (“very well”). The length of stay in South Korea was measured in years.

The number of North Korean friends in South Korea was measured using a single item that asked respondents to identify the number of close North Korean friends in South Korea. Similarly, the number of close South Korean friends was assessed using a single item that asked respondents to determine the number of close South Korean friends. Finally, regular participation in social activities was measured by asking respondents whether they regularly participated in a social gathering or group; responses were coded as 0 for no or 1 for yes.

Patriarchal attitudes toward gender

One of the most well-known attitudinal scales of patriarchy was developed by Grasmick et al. (1996). However, researchers have used different measures or variations of Grasmick et al.’s scale to investigate traditional gender schemas (e.g., Hagan et al., 2004; McCarthy et al., 1999). The items used to capture patriarchal norms in our study were comparable to the items used to measure traditional gender schemas by Hagan and his colleagues (e.g., “Even if women work, the man should be the main breadwinner and the woman should run the household”). We used the six items that related to respondents’ patriarchal attitudes toward gender: (1) “Women should keep their virginity until they get married,” (2) “A lot of sexual interests and experiences are associated with masculinity,” (3) “Women who are sexually initiative are not feminine,” (4) “Men are more independent than women,” (5) “Men are more adventurous than women,” (6) “Women are more obedient than men.” Respondents answered on a scale from 1 (“strongly disagree”) to 4 (“strongly agree”), with higher scores indicating more patriarchal attitudes toward gender. All items loaded on one overall factor, and the Cronbach’s alpha was .647.

Demographic Variables

We included age (continuous), household income (continuous in 10,000 won), and marital status (married and living with a spouse in South Korea together = 1, others = 0) in the models as demographic variables.

Analytic Plan

We proceeded in two steps. First, we examined the descriptive statistics, including frequency distributions, for the sampled female North Korean defectors. Second, we performed a series of ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models to examine the relationships between independent variables and fear of different types of crime. We conducted a preliminary investigation to check the OLS assumptions, examining bivariate correlations (see Table 1) and variance inflation factors (VIFs), and we found that there was no multicollinearity problem: All VIFs were lower than the conservative cut-off point of 2.5. Analysis of normal quantile-quantile and probability-probability plots revealed that the data were normally distributed. The histogram of standardized residuals indicated that the residuals were homoscedastic.

Table 1.

Correlation Matrix Between Dependent Variables, Independent Variables, and Control Variables.

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12	13	14	15	16	17
1	1
2	0.822*	1
3	0.568*	0.638*	1
4	−0.123	−0.121	−0.139	1
5	0.091	0.114	0.020	−0.247*	1
6	0.036	0.055	−0.092	−0.096	0.355*	1
7	−0.048	0.005	−0.026	0.147	0.012	−0.165	1
8	−0.006	−0.027	0.008	−0.149	0.132	−0.068	0.223*	1
9	0.487*	0.524*	0.311*	−0.285*	0.165	0.228*	0.076	0.190*	1
10	0.467*	0.520*	0.370*	−0.363*	0.237*	0.128	0.062	0.180*	0.829*	1
11	0.409*	0.454*	0.414*	−0.355*	0.271*	0.079	−0.004	0.211*	0.593*	0.861*	1
12	0.014	0.010	−0.089	0.008	0.140	0.056	−0.015	0.007	−0.098	−0.175	−0.226*	1
13	−0.047	−0.054	−0.028	0.116	0.004	0.176	−0.039	−0.048	−0.037	−0.002	0.013	0.292*	1
14	0.211*	0.195*	0.124	0.275*	0.071	−0.095	0.095	−0.136	−0.086	−0.006	0.006	0.009	0.137	1
15	0.000	0.011	0.014	−0.040	0.084	−0.022	0.107	0.061	0.004	0.062	0.147	0.079	0.148	0.264*	1
16	−0.029	−0.033	0.023	0.358*	−0.101	−0.106	0.154	−0.046	−0.138	−0.174	−0.182*	0.223*	0.172	0.240*	−0.064	1
17	0.232*	0.228*	0.337*	0.211*	0.021	0.033	0.000	−0.095	0.047	0.041	0.089	−0.249*	0.074	0.253*	0.110	0.057	1

Note. 1 = fear of property crime, 2 = fear of personal crime, 3 = fear of sexual assault, 4 = age, 5 = income (in 10,000 won), 6 = marital status (1 = married and living with a husband in South Korea), 7 = victimization (1 = yes), 8 = vicarious Victimization (1 = yes), 9 = perceived risk of property crime, 10 = perceived risk of personal crime, 11 = perceived risk of sexual assault, 12 = language proficiency, 13 = length of stay, 14 = North Korean friends, 15 = South Korean friends, 16 = participation in social activities, 17 = patriarchal attitudes toward gender.

p < 0.05.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Table 2 displays the information about the characteristics of the female North Korean defector sample. The women did not self-report particularly high levels of fear of any of the different types of crime considering the possible ranges of the scales: More than 3% of the respondents had been personally victimized since their arrival in South Korea, and about 15% reported being close to someone who had been a victim of crime. Most respondents (46.3%) reported that they could understand the dialect in South Korea fairly well, and 35.1% felt they could understand most of the dialect; in contrast, 12.2% of the female North Korean defectors reported only understanding the South Korean dialect a little, and 7.3% could not understand most of the dialect.

Table 2.

Descriptive Statistics (N = 123).

Variable	%	M	SD	Range
Dependent variables
Fear of property crime		4.537	2.070	2–18
Fear of personal crime		8.886	3.924	4–36
Fear of sexual assault		4.342	2.449	2–18
Independent variables
Victimization (1 = yes)	3.25 %			0–1
Vicarious Victimization (1 = yes)	15.70 %			0–1
Perceived risk of property crime		4.512	1.790	2–10
Perceived risk of personal crime		8.639	3.293	4–16
Perceived risk of sexual assault		4.041	1.825	2–9
Language proficiency		4.073	0.870	2–5
Length of stay		3.390	1.823	0–9
North Korean friends		2.659	2.115	0–8
South Korean friends		1.594	1.995	0–8
Participation in social activities	58.54 %			0–1
Patriarchal attitudes toward gender		16.504	2.945	6–24
Demographic variables
Age		40.984	12.504	20–77
Income		70.262	44.698	0–210
Marital status (1 = married and living with a husband in South Korea)	44.72 %			0–1

In terms of the length of stay, the respondents had, on average, spent 3.39 years in South Korea. The women had an average of 2.66 close North Korean friends in South Korea and fewer close South Korean friends (M = 1.59), and more than half of the respondents (58.54%) reported regularly participating in a group or activity; notably, respondents also tended to express patriarchal attitudes toward gender. The average age of the female North Korean sample was 40.98, and the monthly household income reported was 70.26 in Korean currency, roughly exchanged as 1 to 10 U.S. dollars; additionally, 44.72% of the respondents reported being married and living with their husbands in South Korea.

Multivariate Regression Analyses

Table 3 presents the results of OLS equations, predicting fear of property crime, personal crime, and sexual assault. None of the demographic variables (i.e., age, income, and marital status) were statistically significant in predicting fear of crime across all models. In all models in Table 3, greater perceived risk of specific types of crime predicted fear, consistent with findings from prior research with the general public (e.g., Ferraro, 1995; Lee & Ulmer, 2000; Warr, 2000). Several measures of acculturation had significant effects on fears of certain types of crime among female North Korean defectors, but in the opposite direction from most of the existing studies (e.g., Ackah, 2000; Yun et al., 2010). Interestingly, a higher number of North Korean friends in South Korea was associated with greater fear of property crime and personal crime.

Table 3.

Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) Regression Models Predicting Fear of Property, Personal, and Sexual Crime Among Female North Korean Defectors.

	Model 1: Property crime		Model 2: Personal crime		Model 3: Sexual assault
Variables	b	(SE)	b	(SE)	b	(SE)
Age	−0.014	0.015	−0.005	0.030	−0.028	0.019
Income	−0.001	0.004	−0.006	0.008	−0.006	0.005
Marital status (1 = married and living with a husband in South Korea)	−0.344	0.372	0.123	0.678	−0.496	0.445
Victimization (1 = yes)	−1.055	0.973	−0.338	1.811	−0.230	1.186
Vicarious Victimization (1 = yes)	−0.259	0.473	−0.818	0.880	−0.295	0.583
Perceived risk of property crime	0.605***	0.099	—		—
Perceived risk of personal crime	—		0.685***	0.104	—
Perceived risk of sexual assault	—		—		0.584***	0.127
Language proficiency	0.390	0.211	1.043**	0.400	0.376	0.268
Length of stay	−0.104	0.097	−0.327	0.182	−0.101	0.120
North Korean friends	0.254**	0.088	0.348*	0.164	0.097	0.108
South Korean friends	−0.090	0.087	−0.168	0.162	−0.124	0.107
Participation in social activities	−0.115	0.371	−0.176	0.692	0.343	0.456
Patriarchal attitudes toward gender	0.152*	0.060	0.310**	0.112	0.295***	0.074
F	5.252***		5.681***		4.235***
Adjusted R²	0.306		0.326		0.251

Note. Standard errors in parentheses.

p < 0.05.

p < 0.01.

***

p < 0.001.

Additionally, North Korean defectors with higher language proficiency reported higher levels of fear of personal crime; specifically, with a one-unit increase in the self-rated South Korean understanding scale, fear of personal crime increased by 1.043 units. Finally, patriarchal attitudes toward gender were statistically significant in all models; when we looked at the standardized beta coefficient (not shown in the table), the effect of patriarchal norms toward gender was particularly pronounced when predicting fear of sexual assault. The independent variables together explained 30.6% of the variation in fear of property crime, 32.6% of the variation in fear of personal crime, and 25.1% of the variation in fear of sexual assault among female North Korean defectors.

Supplementary Analyses

In this section, we report the results from a set of supplementary analyses that examined the validity of the findings using a sample of 91 male North Korean defectors excluded in our multivariate regression models. Our OLS models predicting fear of property and personal crime among male North Korean defectors did not provide significant F-test results, indicating that the proposed relationships between two dependent variables and the set of predictors were not reliable among a sample of male North Korean defectors. In other words, the overall model fits of OLS regression models were poor when explaining fear of property and personal crime within male North Korean males. We speculated that two reasons could explain these results. First, it is possible that the small sample size of male North Korean defectors may not have allowed us to detect the power of predictors in the models. Second, the significant findings involving patriarchal norms among female North Korean defectors may not have been replicated because the variation of patriarchal norms within male North Korean defectors was smaller compared to female North Korean defectors. Additional research using a larger sample of North Korean defectors can shed light on this topic.

Discussion

The purpose of the current study was to explore whether immigration-specific variables specified in previous empirical work could explain the fear of different types of crime among female North Korean defectors. Additionally, we examined whether and to what extent patriarchal values toward gender accounted for fear of different types of crime.

The findings reported in the current study indicate that some measures of acculturation are important in understanding fear of crime among North Korean defectors. Specifically, the number of close North Korean friends in South Korea was positively associated with fear of property crime and personal crime among female North Korean defectors. It is possible that more attachment to North Korean friends in South Korea may have alienated them from the mainstream culture and led them to withdraw from social interactions with South Koreans. Our finding is in line with Ackah’s (2000) finding that Ghanaian immigrants who frequently participated in Ghanaian cultural activities reported an increased fear of crime (see also Sundeen, 1984). Similarly, female North Korean defectors who had more close North Korean friends in South Korea may not have had enough ties to understand South Koreans, which in turn increased their fear of crime.

Another notable finding involves the language proficiency of female North Korean defectors. While language proficiency was not significantly correlated with fear of property crime or sexual assault, it was positively associated with fear of personal crime. This finding is inconsistent with findings from a few previous examinations of the relationship between language proficiency and fear of crime among immigrants (Lee & Ulmer, 2000; Luo & Zhao, 2017; Yun et al., 2010). Although it is possible that our results differ from previously established patterns because of our sample of North Korean defectors—a sample of immigrants not used in previous studies—our results are consistent with those of a related study that explored the relationship between acculturation and trust in the institutions (e.g., political trust or perceptions of the criminal justice system) in a host society (Berry, 1997; Choi, 2019; Michelson, 2003). After finding that more acculturated Mexican Americans tended to express lower political trust, Michelson (2003) noted that there is “a corrosive effect of assimilation through exposure to and integration into mainstream American culture” (p. 928). Female North Korean defectors who could better understand the South Korean dialect might have been more frequently exposed to information involving crime, and this exposure could have increased their fears of personal crime.

Two findings related to the effects of patriarchal attitudes toward gender are noteworthy. First, participants who reported high levels of patriarchal norms were more likely to express greater fear of crime. These results are in line with theoretical expectations that emphasize the role of a patriarchal society in shaping women’s fear of crime (Cobbina et al., 2008; Day, 2001; Franklin & Franklin, 2009; Madriz, 1997; Pain, 1995; Stanko, 1995; Valentine, 1989). Feminist scholars have long argued that patriarchal societies induce women’s fear of crime as a powerful social control to regulate their behavior (Stanko, 1995; Valentine, 1989). Our findings lend credence to this argument by showing that female North Korean defectors who exhibited higher levels of patriarchal values tended to be more afraid of crime.

Second, while we identified the effects of patriarchal attitudes toward gender across models for predicting fear of different types of crime, the effect of patriarchal norms toward gender was more pronounced for predicting fear of sexual assault than for the fear of property or personal crime. Feminist scholars have contended that the fear of sexual violence is a particularly powerful mechanism of social control over women’s daily lives (Pain, 1991; Stanko, 1990). Our findings tend to support the notion that patriarchal attitudes toward gender among women can be an important source of the fear of sexual violence, showing that “structural and symbolic facets of gender inequality” can contribute to women’s heightened concerns about sexual violence (Cobbina et al., 2008, p. 675).

Our findings also well replicate some critical findings from previous studies. For example, we found that the perceived risk of crime was one of the strongest predictors of fear of crime among female North Korean defectors. There exists a large body of empirical research linking cognitive assessment of risk to emotional responses to crime, such as fear (e.g., Box et al., 1988; Ferraro, 1995; Lane & Fox, 2012; Mesch, 2000). We also examined whether direct and vicarious victimization influenced fear of property crime, fear of personal crime, and fear of sexual assault. Previous studies on this question have yielded conflicting results, with some researchers finding significant effects of personal and vicarious victimization on fear of crime while others reported mixed findings (Box et al., 1988; Cook & Fox, 2011; Ferraro, 1996; Skogan & Maxfield, 1981). We did not detect significant effects of personal or vicarious victimization on fear of crime across models. Thus, it remains equivocal whether victimization experiences are predictive of fear of crime among immigrant populations.

Despite its contributions, our study is not without several limitations. First, for the current study, we used cross-sectional data, which precluded firm conclusions regarding a temporal order between variables used in the study. However, it is important that our study presents preliminary evidence regarding the relationship between immigration and fear of crime, which serves as the first step for additional research. Another data limitation concerned the age of the data that is almost a decade and a half old. According to the statistics from the Ministry of Unification (2019), there were 9,727 North Korean defectors in 2006. However, this number went up, and there were more than 33,000 North Korean defectors at the end of 2019. Considering that there are more North Korean defectors in South Korea now than when the data were first collected, it is possible that the environment and setting in which North Korean defectors are situated have changed. More social networks within North Korean defectors and between South Koreans have been developed, and more government programs designed to support North Korean defectors have been created (Kim et al., 2015). These changes can influence the generalizability of our results. Therefore, subsequent research should employ more recent data to test whether the results here can be replicated.

Also, we used secondary data with several limiting features. The respondents sampled were not representative of North Korean defectors residing in South Korea because convenience sampling was used to maximize and encourage the participation of a limited number of North Korean defectors living across different cities in South Korea. This sampling limited the generalizability of the findings from the inferential statistics conducted in the current study.

Owing to the nature of secondary data, there were also several variables that we could not include in our statistical models. For instance, previous studies have shown that fear of crime can depend on individuals’ perceptions of neighborhoods, including physical and social disorders or social support (Choi et al., 2020; Garofalo, 1979; Gibson et al., 2002). Future researchers can consider a complete set of variables that hold the potential to explain fear of crime among immigrants.Additionally, future researchers should consider investigating immigrants’ personal experiences using qualitative research to gain a richer, more complex and comprehensive understanding of the emotional and cognitive aspects of immigrants’ day-to-day lives in host countries. Finally, although it was comparable with the sample size used in earlier criminological research on immigrants (Wu & Wen, 2014), our sample size was small, which could have influenced statistical significance in the model.

Given that many countries are receiving burgeoning immigrant populations and that fear of crime can function as acculturative stress in adjusting to host societies (Castles et al., 2013), it is critical to expand our knowledge regarding the nature and extent of fear of crime among immigrants. Our broader understanding of immigrants’ fear of crime can help policymakers to develop and implement prevention and intervention efforts to diminish such fears. As a step in this direction, the current study provides preliminary evidence regarding fear of crime among female North Korean defectors.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Jaeyong Choi

Julak Lee

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