Experiencing Burnout: John Henryism,Gender Role Conflict,and Anxiety Among Incarcerated Black Men

Abstract

At the intersection of race and gender, Black men encounter conflicting and often stress-inducing gender norms. Research suggests Black men may utilize John Henryism Active Coping (JHAC), a culturally-relevant strategy to manage stress. However, little is known about how incarcerated Black men cope with gender role conflict (GRC) and resulting psychological distress. To better understand stressors and coping strategies among Black male prisoners, the current study examined the relationships between GRC, anxiety, and JHAC among N = 193 incarcerated Black men nearing community reentry. Hierarchical linear regression results showed length of incarceration, GRC, and anxiety were all negatively associated with JHAC. Full-time employment prior to incarceration was positively associated with JHAC. Moderation analyses indicated anxiety increased the strength of the negative association between GRC and JHAC. Implications highlight incarcerated Black men may benefit from interventions that encourage active coping strategies to manage gender-related stress and anxiety.

Keywords

Black men incarceration John Henryism anxiety gender role conflict

Introduction

Black men in the U.S. experience unique sociocultural factors that influence their ability to navigate society and societal structures. Black men are nearly six times more likely to be imprisoned compared to White men (Carson, 2020). Overrepresented in prisons, Black men contend with gendered expectations around masculinity, which impact their mental health and responses to stress (Gordon et al., 2013; Iwamoto et al., 2012). For instance, incarcerated Black men might hyper-masculinize their identity for safety and survival (Gordon et al., 2013; Iwamoto et al., 2012; Nandi, 2002). Negotiating one’s masculinity is associated with gender role conflict (GRC; O’Neil, 2008; Wong et al., 2017). GRC occurs when a person’s feelings and behaviors are negatively restricted by adherence to societal gender roles. GRC is a consequence of conforming to masculine norms that is associated with heightened stress, increased risk for social sanctioning (e.g., incarceration), mental health problems (e.g., anxiety), and difficulty coping effectively (Hayes & Mahalik, 2000; Levant et al., 2009; O’Neil, 2008).

Black men report higher rates of GRC compared to men of other racial groups (Wade & Rochlen, 2013). As such, Black male prisoners are especially at risk for GRC due to living in a hypermasculine environment built on deprivation (Haney, 2011; Shammas, 2017; Sykes, 1958), which may result in anxiety and problematic coping. Prisoners nearing reentry may also experience compounded anxiety as they anticipate release (e.g., seeking employment; Shinkfield & Graffam, 2010). However, there is limited research examining gender-related stressors and coping strategies among Black male prisoners. It is critical to examine the distinct experiences of incarcerated Black men to better understand their reentry needs. Hence, the current study contributes to existing literature by examining the relationships between GRC, anxiety, and John Henryism Active Coping (JHAC)—a culturally-relevant and adaptive coping strategy promoting hard work and determination to overcome stressful situations (Hudson et al., 2016; Powell et al., 2016)— among incarcerated Black men nearing release.

Stress and Prison Culture

Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) stress and coping framework elucidates why incarcerated Black men may struggle to cope effectively with GRC and anxiety. This theory explains the processes by which individuals appraise stress and outlines how social status and sociodemographic characteristics shape exposure to adversity, resources, and mechanisms for coping (Pearlin, 1989). Notably, Black men face chronic social and economic stressors due to their marginalized identities of race, gender, and socioeconomic class (Griffith et al., 2013) and often have fewer psychosocial resources to buffer their well-being (Thoits, 2010; Williams et al., 2019). Well-being, which is indicated by symptoms of anxiety, has been established as a significant predictor of morbidity and mortality (Diener & Chan, 2011), cardiovascular health (Hemingway & Marmot, 1999), and adherence to healthy behaviors—all of which are issues particularly relevant to the inhibited longevity of Black men (Cunningham et al., 2017).

A correctional experience and carceral environment further shapes Black men’s exposure and coping responses to stress. Sykes (1958) seminal work identified prisons as systems of deprivation that are constituted by five pains of imprisonment: being deprived of liberty, heterosexual relationships, goods and services, autonomy, and safety. Prisons are rife with extreme stress, including violence, abuse, neglect, degradation, and persistent fear (Haney, 2011). These stressors engender environments ripe for displays of hypermasculinity, wherein perpetrating violence is often used to ward off being victimized by fellow prisoners (Haney, 2011; Rocheleau, 2013). Anger in correctional settings is typically a respected and reinforced symbol of strength (Nandi, 2002). According to Haney (2011), even characteristically nonviolent men (and boys) can be transformed into uncharacteristically violent predators in prison. The use of aggression and violence among men in prison is an unsurprising coping strategy given they are among the few forms of hegemonic masculinity—or ideal manhood—available to incarcerated men (Karp, 2010; Morse & Wright, 2022).

GRC and Anxiety Among Black Men

Restrictions on masculinity first begin outside of prison, particularly for Black men. Nandi (2002) emphasizes Black men encounter societal disadvantages prior to interactions with the criminal justice system. As racism hinders economic, educational, social, and political opportunities (Haney, 2011; Utsey, 1997; Wade, 1996; Wester, 2008), many Black boys and men who are unable to achieve hegemonic masculinity (e.g., independence, control, authority) and lack coping strategies may choose to re-assert their power in negative ways (e.g., aggression and violence). Societal constraints limit Black people’s options to achieve upward mobility and places them on a path to poverty and imprisonment instead. Black men learn about various expressions of masculinity used to cope with structural barriers to success (e.g., surveillance, policing, racial discrimination) and procure power in the face of powerlessness (Williams et al., 2019 ). Men have a decision to adopt or reject hegemonic masculine norms and expectations (Jewkes et al., 2015). However, research has shown Black men who have internalized a racist understanding of themselves from competing White hegemonic values suffer from GRC more than Black men who develop and appreciate their masculinity based on African American cultural norms (Wester et al., 2006).

Several factors influence hegemonic masculine norms (O’Neil, 2008), and embracing conflicting messages about how to fulfill expected roles of manhood can be stressful (Griffith et al., 2013). Notably, Black men experience higher levels of GRC relative to White men due to discrepant values and expectations between White and Black masculinity (Franklin, 2018; Wade & Rochlen, 2013). Black men learn about masculinity and gender role norms from peer groups, cultural communities, and larger White society, whom all provide different messages (Wade, 1996). For example, in a qualitative study examining Black and White men’s perceptions of manhood through focus groups, all participants discussed how masculinity encompasses responsibility. However, White men’s (n = 12) perspectives of masculinity aligned with hegemonic expectations of acquiring power through hierarchical relationships, achievement, and self-reliance. Black men’s (n = 11) definitions were different as they ascribed to cultural values of interdependence, group cooperation, and responsibility for their immediate and extended families, neighborhoods, and larger Black community (Brassel et al., 2020). Hegemonic masculine gender role norms are often defined from a White male perspective and tend to be viewed as “universal and culture-free” (Brassel et al., 2020, p. 336). However, hegemonic masculine norms overlook sociohistorical marginalization on Black men’s opportunities to fulfill such roles of competition and self-reliance (Hammond, 2012; Rogers et al., 2015; Wade, 1996). Structural barriers including racism, poverty, and overcriminalization prohibit Black men from assuming hegemonic masculine norms, such as obtaining reliable work, serving as the primary financial provider and protector for their loved ones, and achieving upward mobility (Utsey, 1997; Wade, 1996; Wester, 2008). Although gender and masculinity are socially constructed, Black men who solely endorse hegemonic masculine norms (without reconciling cultural values) and fail to meet society’s standards in the process may experience GRC and psychological distress (Mahalik et al., 2003; O’Neil et al., 1986).

GRC and Anxiety Among Incarcerated Black Men

Despite a dearth of quantitative research on GRC among incarcerated Black men, qualitative studies suggests male prisoners respond to conflicting masculine norms in three ways: (1) internalizing hegemonic masculinity; (2) transforming masculinity; or (3) redefining masculinity outside of hegemonic norms (Evans & Wallace, 2008; Morse & Wright, 2022; Nandi, 2002). Specifically, Nandi’s (2002) work shows incarcerated Black men likely internalize hegemonic norms based on how larger White society demonizes and devalue them. Based on interviews with 37 Black male prisoners of varying ages across the country, some participants presented their masculinity outwardly as tough and intimidating but admitted to inwardly experiencing fear, anxiety, and insecurity (Nandi, 2002). Men who experienced struggles with their masculinity reported feeling powerlessness due to a lack of freedom, rigid prison rules and hierarchies, and little resources, and engaged in maladaptive behaviors (e.g., anger, aggression, self-sabotage) in response to inner conflicts about being Black and male in the criminal justice system (Nandi, 2002; Williams et al., 2019). Hegemonic masculinity may be valued and accepted in prison as means for adaptation and survival (Morse & Wright, 2022); however, it has adverse consequences for the identity, mental health, and wellbeing of Black male prisoners.

Prison code, reflective of power and control, heterosexuality, and aggressiveness (Karp, 2010), may exacerbate Black men’s experiences of GRC and psychological distress (O’Neil, 2008; Wong et al., 2017). Anxiety is a common response to male GRC (Sharpe & Heppner, 1991). For example, in a sample of predominately Black male prisoners, Iwamoto et al. (2012) found men who endorsed hegemonic masculine norms reported significant anxiety, depression, and physical health concerns. Interpersonal stressors such as poor interactions with correctional officers, medical staff, and fellow inmates may directly challenge incarcerated men’s masculinity (Porter, 2019). Further, correctional restrictions imposed on Black men’s ability to achieve and display hegemonic forms of masculinity (e.g., protector and provider; Rogers et al., 2015) may also lead them to appraise prison stress with racialized GRC—a psychological state whereby Black men believe masculine socialization has negative consequences on their health as they attempt to fulfill hegemonic gender roles (Rogers et al., 2015). For instance, some Black men may recognize the negative consequences of restricting their emotional expression (e.g., not crying), but nevertheless feel compelled to abide by such prescriptive norms in order to achieve hegemonic masculinity (e.g., being mentally tough; Rogers et al., 2015). Racialized GRC can increase Black men’s anxiety (Wade & Rochlen, 2013), which may hinder active coping and instead lead to emotion-focused or avoidance coping strategies (King, 1993).

Coping With GRC and Anxiety in Prison and Upon Community Reentry

Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) framework also identifies coping actions used to counter the deleterious effects of stress. For example, active coping allows individuals an opportunity to change their person-environmental interactions that contribute to negative emotions and stress. Emotion-focused coping is characterized by regulating stress appraisal and negative emotional reactions to unchangeable stressors. Other ways of coping with stress include avoidance, denial, social support, religion, humor, venting, and behavioral and mental disengagement (Luke et al., 2021; Rocheleau, 2015).

Extensive research on coping in prison highlights how male prisoners use a variety of coping strategies and resources to navigate stress during incarceration. For example, Gullone et al. (2000) found emotion-focused coping was associated with more anxiety, depression, and lower self-esteem among prisoners. Conversely, problem-focused coping was associated with less anxiety and depression and higher self-esteem, yet so was avoidance coping. The authors argue because prisoners have limited control in prison, avoiding stressors may be an optimal way to cope. Additionally, social (e.g., interacting with family), cognitive (e.g., challenging dysfunctional thoughts), and spiritual (e.g., prayer, music, meditation) coping styles are associated with mental and physical wellbeing among prisoners (Kristofersson & Kaas, 2013 ; Maschi et al., 2015). However, GRC and anxiety may produce negative consequences for coping with prison-related stressors (e.g., little autonomy, freedom, and money) and the reentry process (e.g., seeking employment). For example, Amato (2012) found GRC and conformity to masculine norms were significantly associated with violent behavior among male prisoners. Further, because some Black men may feel inferior and have even less resources than White men in prison, hypermasculinity may be a coping mechanism to resist feelings of marginalization (Nandi, 2002; Williams et al., 2019). Until incarcerated Black men’s GRC is addressed prior to release, hypermasculinity and its consequences may extend beyond prison and have an adverse impact on communities (Manning, 2010).

Upon release, prisoners will reenter broader society where racial tensions have overtly manifested. Racism, deemed a “public health crisis” in the U.S. (American Psychological Association [APA], 2020), continues to be a key factor that drives racial inequities through discriminatory policies and practices within education, housing, and employment sectors (Mendez et al., 2021). Newly released Black men encounter stress associated with finding gainful employment and report lower earnings than White men who are similarly situated, suggesting a racialized reentry process (Western & Sirois, 2019). Employment challenges among formerly incarcerated Black men impact their masculine identity, leading to continued stress and anxiety (Panuccio & Christian, 2019; Williams et al., 2019). For example, gender-related stressors may be a reason why prisoners report above-average levels of anxiety that persist after community reentry (Shinkfield & Graffam, 2010). An inability to achieve hegemonic gender norms can hinder the use of active—and gender consistent—coping strategies. Few studies have explored gender-related stressors among incarcerated Black men despite their disproportionate numbers of imprisonment and increased exposure to hypermasculinity in correctional settings (Nandi, 2002). Thus, it is critical to examine if incarcerated Black men nearing reentry utilize active coping strategies in response to stressors such as GRC and anxiety. Addressing Black male prisoners’ coping mechanisms can help buffer proliferated stressors, improve psychological health, and reduce criminal recidivism among this group.

John Henryism Active Coping (JHAC)

As stress theory has developed, research indicates Black people may employ culturally relevant active coping strategies in response to racism-structured barriers to success to maintain positive outcomes. An example of this specific type of active coping is commonly referred to as John Henryism—which James (1994) defines as, “a strong behavioral predisposition to cope actively with psychosocial environmental stressors” (p. 163). The term John Henryism is used to describe attributes such as hard work, strong mindedness, and determination that individuals who lack resources draw from to achieve success in spite of high levels of exposure to adversity; it is a form of “high effort” coping that was named after the folklore of John Henry, an uneducated but strong former enslaved man who won a race against a mechanical steel drill and subsequently died of exhaustion immediately following the contest. John Henry’s premature death symbolizes a taxing exchange between a person and their environment, as well as the cultural values and expectations for coping with environmental stressors among Black people.

Despite the benefits of being strongminded and determined to achieve success, the high effort coping and vigor of JHAC may leave individuals, Black men in particular, vulnerable for experiencing poor physical health consequences (i.e., hypertension) (Ayazi et al., 2018; James, 1994; James et al., 1983), particularly if they have low socioeconomic position. The hypothesis of John Henryism has been used to explain a wide array of coping mechanisms and health outcomes among African Americans (Bennett et al., 2004), ranging from cardiometabolic outcomes (Ayazi et al., 2018; James et al., 1983), mental health problems (Hudson et al., 2016; Kiecolt et al., 2009; Neighbors et al., 2007), and poor help-seeking behaviors (Powell et al., 2016; Stevens-Watkins et al., 2016 ). While the health outcomes of JHAC are not entirely specific to Black people, this style of coping is more prevalent among Black people than non-Hispanic Whites (Neighbors et al., 2007). For example, John Henryism has been studied as a culturally relevant coping disposition to combat environmental stressors such as racism among African American men (Hudson et al., 2019; James, 1994; Lehto & Stein, 2013 ; Matthews et al., 2013; Plowden et al., 2016). Overall, trends in the literature on JHAC suggests it may strongly aid Black people in overcoming adversity; however, very little work has been done to explore JHAC among Black male prisoners, who have limited resources and encounter numerous gendered-racial stressors in correctional environments.

The Current Study

Black men experience societal marginalization, which limits their ability to assume hegemonic masculine norms. These men have to further negotiate their masculine identities in prison, which can lead to GRC, psychological distress, and maladaptive coping (Hayes & Mahalik, 2000; Levant et al., 2009; O’Neil, 2008; Wong et al., 2017). However, reports of gender role conflict among incarcerated Black men have yet to be examined, leaving a gap in current literature. Further, scant research on culturally-relevant coping strategies such as JHAC in correctional settings limits our understanding of Black men’s coping styles that likely impact their reentry success. Responding to Heppner’s (1995) call for more research that examines “complex relationships between GRC and psychological maladjustment by investigating moderating and mediating relationships” (p. 20), the current study seeks to fill these gaps by assessing the associations between GRC, anxiety, and JHAC among incarcerated Black men nearing community reentry. We examined three research questions: (1) Is GRC significantly associated with JHAC?; (2) Is anxiety significantly associated with JHAC ?; and (3) Does anxiety moderate the relationship between GRC and JHAC among incarcerated Black men?

Since high rates of GRC are associated with coping difficulties (Levant et al., 2009; O’Neil, 2008), we hypothesized incarcerated Black men who reported higher GRC will report a lower propensity to actively cope (JHAC). Second, previous research suggests incarcerated men who experience GRC report higher symptoms of anxiety (Iwamoto et al., 2012). Thus, we hypothesized incarcerated Black men who experience recent anxiety will report lower use of JHAC. Last, given these theorized relationships, we hypothesized anxiety would moderate the relationship between GRC and JHAC, such that recent anxiety would increase the strength of the negative relationship between GRC and JHAC.

Method

Study Participants and Procedure

The current study uses secondary data analyses among a sample of 193 incarcerated Black men nearing community entry from the Helping Incarcerated Men (HIM) data. Participants for the study were recruited from four minimum- to medium- security prisons in Kentucky in 2015 and 2016. The prisons were targeted because of the high percentage of Black male prisoners relative to other correctional institutions within the state. The principal investigator received a list of all Black men at each institution who were scheduled to see the parole board or be released. Study recruitment procedures included mailing a letter inviting eligible participants (e.g., self-identifying as Black, over 18 years of age, and eligible for community release within 120 days [i.e., meeting the parole board or release]) to participate in a study focused on drug use, mental health, and HIV risk behaviors. Research staff reviewed the details of the study and written informed consent with each participant. Participants who agreed to participate in the study were provided a total of $25 to complete the interview. The interviews were conducted using Audio Computer Assisted Self-Interviewing (ACASI) techniques to enhance validity of responses (Djawe et al., 2014) and to assist if any of the participants had literacy issues (Schneider & Edwards, 2000). Data were collected by trained research assistants who were masters-level mental health clinicians with experience working in prisons. This study was approved by the Department of Corrections Research Ethics Committee and the University Institutional Review Board.

Measures

Socio-demographics

Participants answered questions assessing the following sociodemographic characteristics: self-reported age, education, total length of adult incarceration, and full-time employment prior to incarceration (1 = yes; 0 = no). Given negative relationships between men’s employment status and GRC (Dodson & Borders, 2006) and negative associations between SES and JHAC (Kiecolt et al., 2009), we chose full-time employment prior to incarceration as an indicator of socioeconomic status among participants.

John Henryism Active Coping (JHAC)

The John Henryism Scale for Active Coping (JHAC12; James, 1996) is a 12-item scale measuring a person’s behavioral propensity to actively cope with difficult psychosocial stressors. The scale has been validated in Black populations and emphasizes three core themes: (1) efficacious mental and physical vigor; (2) a strong commitment to hard work; and (3) a determination to succeed. Responses are on a five-point Likert scale (1 = completely true; 5 = completely false). The total score is derived by summing the numerical values of the responses to all 12 items. All items were reverse coded. The responses to this item can range from 12 to 60. Higher scores indicate a greater disposition to cope actively with psychosocial stressors. Sample items include: “When things don’t go the way I want them to, that makes me work even harder,” and “It is not always easy, but I manage to find a way to do the things that I really need to get done.” The JHAC scale demonstrated good reliability in this study sample (α = .78).

Gender Role Conflict (GRC)

The Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS; O’Neil et al., 1986) assessed gender-role attitudes, behaviors, and conflicts among men. This 24-item inventory includes three subscales: Restricted Emotionality (10 items), Restrictive Affectionate Behavior Between Men (8 items), and Conflicts between Work and Family Relations (6 items). Responses use a six-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 6 = strongly agree). Subscale scores were added together to derive a composite score. The responses on this scale can range from 24 to 144, with higher composite scores representing higher levels of GRC. Sample items from each subscale include: “I do not like to show my emotions to other people,” “Affection with other men makes me uncomfortable,” and “When I am released, overwork and stress caused by a need to keep a job or go to school may hurt other parts of my life.” The GRC scale demonstrated good reliability in this study sample (α = .89).

Recent anxiety

Participants’ self-reported responses to anxiety were assessed with a single-item asking participants, “Have you had a significant period (that was not a direct result of drug/alcohol use) in which you have experienced serious anxiety or tension in the last 30 days?” Responses to this question were either no (0) or yes (1).

Data Analysis

Data analyses were completed using SPSS version 25. Pre-analysis screening was first conducted to check for multivariate outliers using Mahalanobis Distance. A total of 15 cases were deleted listwise due to missing data and outliers during the data cleaning process. Next, a series of descriptive, bivariate, and multivariate analyses were performed. Both Pearson and Spearman Rho correlation coefficients were used to examine the relationships between study variables and control variables (age, education, full-time employment prior to incarceration, and total months of adult incarceration). Tolerance and variance inflation statistics were under the acceptable cut-offs (tolerance <1.00 and Variance Inflation Factors (VIF) <10; Kutner et al., 2004), indicating no issues with multicollinearity between the study variables. Skewness and kurtosis of the distributions were also acceptable. To assess the relationships between GRC, anxiety, and JHAC among our sample, a hierarchical multiple regression was conducted. Socio-demographic control variables were entered into the model first, GRC was entered second, and 30-day anxiety was entered last. Since 30-day anxiety was a dichotomous variable (1 = yes; 0 = no), binary moderation analyses were conducted using Hayes’ PROCESS macro (Hayes, 2013) to determine if anxiety moderated the relationship between GRC and JHAC.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

There was a total of 193 Black male prisoners in the study sample. Sample characteristics are presented in Table 1. Participants ranged in age from 19 to 69 years old (M = 35.40; SD = 10.43). On average, participants achieved a high school education (M = 11.54; SD = 2.53), with years of education ranging from the sixth grade to 4 years of college. Participants reported periods of incarceration from 1 month to 420 months after age 18, with an average of 94.23 months (SD = 84.33; equivalent to approximately 8 years). Most participants reported being employed full-time prior to incarceration (40.4%) and nearly one-third (30%) of participants reported experiencing anxiety in the last 30 days.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations among Study Variables (N = 193).

Variable	1	2	3	4	5	6	7
1. John Henryism Active Coping	–
2. Age (years)	.03	–
3. Education (years)	.14	−.15*	–
4. Adult incarceration (months)	−.15*	.38**	−.01	–
5. Full-time employment^a	.19**	.32**	.04	−.14	–
6. Gender Role Conflict	−.20**	−.03	−.20**	−.01	.04	–
7. Recent 30-day anxiety^a	−.22**	−.01	.00	.14	−.11	.12	–
Mean	49.90	35.40	11.54	94.23		84.82
SD	6.82	10.43	2.53	84.33		24.39
Range	12–60	19–69	6–16	1–420	0–1		0–1
α	.78					.89
Percent of sample					40.40		30.00

Spearman Rho coefficients reported.

p < .05. **p < .01 (two-tailed test).

Bivariate Analyses

Bivariate correlations were conducted to explore the relationships between variables in the study (Table 1). JHAC scores were significantly negatively correlated with each of the independent variables: GRC (r = −.20, p < .01) and anxiety in the past 30 days (r_s = −.22; p < .01). There was a significant positive correlation between JHAC and employment prior to incarceration (r_s = .19, p < .01) and a significant negative correlation between JHAC and months of adult incarceration (r = −.15, p < .05). Covariates of age and education were not significantly correlated with JHAC.

Multivariate Analyses

Results of the hierarchical linear regression model examining the relationship between the independent variables and JHAC are presented in Table 2. The demographic variables of age, education, months of adult incarceration, and full-time employment were entered in the first model. The model was significant, F(4, 188) = 4.03, p = .004, and accounted for 8% of the total variance. Full-time employment prior to incarceration and months of adult incarceration were significant control variables in the first model. Results indicated incarcerated Black men who reported full-time employment prior to incarceration had higher levels of JHAC compared to men who were unemployed (β = .18, p = .01; 95% CI 0.57, 4.20). However, a 1-month increase in adult incarceration was associated with decreased JHAC scores (β = −.22, p = .005; 95% CI −0.03, −0.01).

Table 2.

Summary of Hierarchical Linear Regression of JHAC among Incarcerated African American Men.

Variable	Model 1			Model 2			Model 3
Variable	B	SE	β	B	SE	β	B	SE	β
Age	0.02	0.05	.03	0.01	0.05	.02	0.01	0.05	.01
Education	0.18	0.28	.05	−0.02	0.29	−.01	−0.05	0.28	−.01
Adult Incarceration	−0.02**	0.05	−.22**	−0.02	0.01	−.22**	−0.02	0.01	−.20**
Employment Prior to Incarceration(full-time)	2.33*	0.94	.18**	2.63	0.92	.21**	2.42	0.92	.19**
Gender Role Conflict				−0.06	0.02	−.21**	−0.05	0.02	−.19**
Recent 30-day Anxiety							−2.08	0.93	−.16**
R ²	.08			.12			.14
F for change in R²	4.03**			8.57**			5.02*

p < .05. **p < .01 (two-tailed test).

In the second model, GRC was added and accounted for an additional 4% of the total variance. The second model was significant, F (1, 187) = 8.57, p = .004. Results indicated that full-time employment prior to incarceration and total months of adult incarceration remained significant variables. Additionally, GRC was significantly associated with JHAC, such that increases in GRC were associated with decreases in JHAC (β = −.21, p = .004; 95% CI −0.09, −0.02).

In the third model, recent anxiety (past 30-days was added and accounted for an additional 2% of the variance. The final model was significant, F (1, 186) = 5.02, p = .03, and accounted for a total of 14% of the variance. Employment prior to incarceration, months of adult incarceration, and GRC remained significant, indicating these variables were significant correlates of JHAC. Recent 30-day anxiety was a significant negative correlate of JHAC, suggesting that anxiety reported in the past 30-days was associated with lower JHAC scores (β = −.15, p = .03; 95% CI −3.93, −0.23). In other words, the final model shows incarceration, GRC, and recent anxiety were significant barriers to JHAC.

Moderation model

Moderation analyses were employed using PROCESS macro (Hayes, 2013) to determine whether anxiety moderates the relationship between GRC and JHAC. The GRC scores were centered in the model because recent anxiety was recorded as a binary variable. Full-time employment prior to incarceration and adult incarceration were added to the model as covariates as they were significant predictors of JHAC. The results of the moderation model are presented in Table 3. The model was statistically significant, F(5, 187) = 7.73, p < .001, and accounted for 17% of the total variance in JHAC. The conditional effect of GRC was not significant. However, the conditional effect of recent anxiety was significant, (B = −1.83, SE = 0.91, p = .045, 95% CI [−3.62, −0.04]), suggesting that at the mean of GRC, experiencing recent anxiety was associated with a decrease of 1.83 points in JHAC scores. The interaction term was also statistically significant, suggesting anxiety significantly moderates the relationship between GRC and JHAC, (B = −0.08, SE = 0.04, p = .03, [95% CI −0.16, −0.01]), and the interaction term accounts for an additional 2% of the variance in JHAC scores. Overall, results indicate there was a significant negative relationship between GRC and JHAC among participants who reported recent anxiety, (B = −0.11, SE = 0.04, p = .0005, [95% CI −0.17, −0.05]).

Table 3.

30-Day Anxiety Moderates Link between GRC and JHAC.

Variable	Model
Variable	B	SE	t	p	95% CI
GRC	−0.03	0.02	0.17	.17	[−0.07, 0.01]
30-day anxiety	−1.83	0.91	−2.01	.045	[−3.62, −0.04]
30-day anxiety × GRC	−0.08	0.04	−2.18	.03	[−0.16, −0.01]
Conditional effects of GRC at recent 30-day anxiety	−0.11	0.03	−3.52.	.0005	[−0.17, −0.05]
R ²	.17
F for change in R²	7.73**
R² for interaction	.02*

Note. Covariates in the model: full-time employment and lifetime adult incarceration.

p < .05. **p < .01 (two-tailed test).

Discussion

The current study examined the relationships between GRC, anxiety, and JHAC among incarcerated Black men nearing community reentry. Our results suggest GRC and anxiety were negatively associated with JHAC among our sample. Further, moderation analyses indicated anxiety increased the strength of the negative association between GRC and JHAC. Regarding covariates, length of adult incarceration was negatively associated with JHAC yet full-time employment prior to incarceration was positively associated with this active coping strategy. Our findings have implications for addressing racialized GRC and psychological distress among Black male prisoners by promoting the use of culturally-relevant active coping strategies.

Our first hypothesis that GRC would be significant and negatively associated with JHAC was supported. Ultimately, GRC was found to be a barrier to utilizing JHAC. Literature focused on male prisoners indicates this population is more likely to engage in emotion-focused and avoidance coping rather than active coping to manage stress while incarcerated (King, 1993; Xuereb et al., 2009). For this reason, Black male prisoners may avoid utilizing JHAC due to a loss of personal control, exchange of goods and services, and freedom within correctional settings. Recent research on coping styles among prisoners reveals avoidance coping is associated with higher levels of psychological distress (Luke et al., 2021). Although avoidance coping may be initially beneficial to reduce anxiety, it can worsen prisoners’ mental health outcomes over time (Brown & Ireland, 2006; Luke et al., 2021). Newly released prisoners tend to rely heavily on avoidance coping styles when encountering practical barriers and emotional problems after reentry (Phillips & Lindsay, 2011). Men who experience conflict from hegemonic masculine norms and engage in avoidance coping when transitioning from a hypermasculine correctional environment to society could encounter exacerbated reentry stress.

Our results also demonstrated anxiety and JHAC were negatively associated, supporting our second hypothesis. Anxiety is one of the most prevalent mental health disorders among Black male prisoners (Reingle Gonzalez & Connell, 2014). Prison environments can be anxiety-provoking and this anxiety can hinder Black male prisoners’ engagement in active coping strategies when responding to prison-related stressors. For example, Gullone et al. (2000) found anxiety was positively associated with emotion-focused and avoidance coping among male prisoners. Our results are consistent with this literature, indicating while facing prison-specific stressors, anxiety can consume cognitive resources and inhibit problem-focused coping strategies among incarcerated Black men (LeDoux & Gorman, 2001; McMurran & Christopher, 2009). Since our sample is nearing community reentry, they may also be experiencing anxiety due to anticipatory stress related to barriers they will face upon release (Williams et al., 2019). Previous studies demonstrate prisoners experience elevated levels of anxiety pending release as reintegration represents a high stress time (Shinkfield & Graffam, 2010). Upon community reentry, anxiety along with other mental health concerns may persist and negatively impact mens’ problem-solving skills, demonstrating an area to target for clinical interventions among this population.

Black male prisoners’ use of emotion-focused and avoidance coping strategies instead of active coping strategies may persist as they face numerous reentry stressors such as racial discrimination, social stigma, and limited economic opportunities (Williams et al., 2019). Reliance on passive coping strategies including denial, withdrawal, and externalizing problems to combat GRC can contribute to feelings of helplessness (Kaya et al., 2019; Mahalik et al., 1998). JHAC measures active coping and perceived control over external stressors; however, given our findings, our sample may not believe they have personal control or the necessary resources to problem-solve while incarcerated and perhaps even after release. Negative problem solving appraisal, or self-efficacy about resolving problems, can induce anxiety and lead to a lower utilization of JHAC strategies such as seeking support, positive reframing, and future planning to prohibit criminal recidivism (Brown & Ireland, 2006; Gordon et al., 2013; McMurran & Christopher, 2009).

Understanding the role of anxiety in utilizing JHAC strategies is important as moderation analyses showed a significant negative relationship between GRC and JHAC among participants who reported recent anxiety in our sample. In other words, Black men who accept and internalize hegemonic masculine norms and experience GRC, are more likely to experience anxiety, which in turn hinders their engagement in active coping strategies to counter incarceration-related stressors. To present an example: Black male prisoners nearing reentry may be concerned with how they will be able to fulfill the hegemonic masculine responsibilities of being a protector and a provider for their immediate family and larger Black community (Brassel et al., 2020; Williams et al., 2019). Given their prohibited status in prison and larger society, this group reports high anxiety from navigating confusing and conflicting gender norms associated with how to achieve this goal through competition and emotional restriction (Iwamoto et al., 2012) and/or interdependence and emotionality (Brassel et al., 2020). Considering incarceration stressors and reentry barriers, some prisoners may choose to engage in emotion-focused coping (e.g., denial, disengagement, humor, venting) (Luke et al., 2021). Though Black male prisoners are housed in a correctional environment where emotional expression, especially between men, can be perceived as a personal weakness (Iwamoto et al., 2012; Nandi, 2002), denial, avoidance, and venting about stressors do not necessarily help to solve these problems while in prison and upon reentry. Active coping strategies such as positive reframing, concentrating efforts, and taking action may require prisoners to change their criminogenic thinking but also improve their ability to manage stress inside and outside of prison (Rocheleau, 2015). This study contributes to existing literature by positing gender-related stressors affect the mental health (Gordon et al., 2013; Iwamoto et al., 2012; Williams et al., 2019) and coping strategies of incarcerated Black men.

Finally, length of adult incarceration was negatively associated with JHAC. Greater criminal justice involvement influences the amount of time a person needs to strenuously cope with prison-specific stressors (Gordon et al., 2013). Extant research suggests active coping for extended periods can have deleterious effects on Black men’s health (James, 1994) and cause burnout, explaining why length of incarceration was negatively associated with JHAC among our sample. On the contrary, full-time employment prior to incarceration was positively associated with JHAC. Meaningful employment can help Black men meet hegemonic masculine expectations of serving the hardworking, financial provider role. Having a criminal record, however, interferes with one’s ability to seek and maintain employment, even more so for Black men who face racial discrimination in the workforce (Harding et al., 2014; Pager et al., 2009). Subsequently, engaging in maladaptive coping strategies including criminal behavior to fulfill hegemonic masculine gender roles can increase one’s likelihood of recidivism. Employment assistance and resources that promote active coping skills can aid in successful reentry.

Implications

Our findings suggest incarcerated Black men are less likely to utilize JHAC, particularly if they experience GRC and anxiety, which are common in male correctional settings. There is value in identifying clinical interventions to assist incarcerated Black men with reducing GRC and anxiety prior to release and after reentry. The use of active coping strategies can assist clients to manage their mental and physical health, seek educational and vocational training, participate in rehabilitation programming, and effectively resolve problems that arise with other prisoners or correctional staff (McMurran & Christopher, 2009; O’Connor, 2001). Additionally, JHAC can be useful for Black men after release in reducing recidivism while facing mental and gender-related stress due to cultural, social, and structural barriers in society.

While working with incarcerated Black males, it is important to acknowledge how the prison environment can impact one’s ability to cope with stress. Specifically, prison culture may inform their definition of manhood, how to navigate prison rules and hierarchies, as well as the expected roles and responsibilities of men within society (Gordon et al., 2013; Iwamoto et al., 2012; Nandi, 2002). Mental health professionals can develop evidence-based programming to help prisoners view their incarceration experience as an opportunity to analyze, evaluate, and potentially redefine their masculinity based on their own constructions. Support groups can serve as a strengths-based intervention to optimize healthy gender identity development (American Psychological Association, Boys and Men Guidelines Group, 2018). These groups can be adapted for incarcerated Black men to provide psychoeducation about racialized GRC, develop active coping strategies, and foster positive social networks amongst each other (Gordon et al., 2013; Iwamoto et al., 2012; Kniffley et al., 2018; Liu et al., 2005).

Support groups designed for men to hold conversations about masculinity successfully exist in correctional settings. For example, “Inside Circle” at California state prison is a men’s group that teaches prisoners to replace violence with vulnerability (Jackson, 2017). Further, prisoners in other state prisons engage in support groups to combat toxic masculinity based on the feminist teachings of hooks (2004). Two former male inmates who facilitated this group co-founded a non-profit organization called “Success Stories” after their release to introduce a 12-session educational curriculum about toxic masculinity into other state prisons (Cable News Network, 2018). In conjunction to peer-facilitated groups such as these, mental health staff can provide psychoeducation about male identity development and its influence on reentry outcomes prior to and during pre-release meetings.

Last, although hypermasculinity and GRC prevent those in need from seeking mental health services (Kupers, 2005), which increases the probability of maladaptive coping strategies and criminal recidivism, mental health professionals can help to eradicate structural barriers by increasing access to care. Structural barriers hinder Black men’s ability to connect with healthcare providers in community-based agencies (Binswanger et al., 2011 ). In addition to more comprehensive mental health care in prison that addresses gender-related stress and anxiety, there is also a need to connect newly released prisoners to community-based services to help men explore the impact of male socialization on their mental health and coping strategies.

Limitations and Future Directions

There are few limitations of this study that should be mentioned. First, cross-sectional data in this study does not allow inferences about causal relationships between study variables. We acknowledge the limitations of using moderation analyses with cross-sectional data. Second, our sample may not be nationally representative of all Black male prisoners as our participants were recruited from four prisons located in Kentucky. However, our participants were nearing community re-entry, which may be generalizable to the Black men among 600,000 prisoners whom re-enter U.S. society each year (Carson, 2020). Black men represent a group disproportionately involved in the criminal justice system yet remain understudied in research, which provides major credence to the current study. Our results examining how Black masculinities manifest in correctional settings, influence their mental health, and impact their coping strategies for successful reentry can provide information for future interventions to address unique gendered racial stressors among incarcerated Black men. Last, our study did not incorporate measures of adherence to hegemonic masculine norms. However, the gender role conflict scale used in this study attempted to measure conflicts with male gender role socialization. Future research could explore the implementation of interventions focused on masculine gender norms for Black men involved in the criminal justice system as well as the influence of GRC, anxiety, and coping on successful reintegration.

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-1-ijo-10.1177_0306624X221124841 – Supplemental material for Experiencing Burnout: John Henryism, Gender Role Conflict, and Anxiety Among Incarcerated Black Men

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-ijo-10.1177_0306624X221124841 for Experiencing Burnout: John Henryism, Gender Role Conflict, and Anxiety Among Incarcerated Black Men by Jardin N. Dogan, Danelle Stevens-Watkins, Brittany Miller-Roenigk, Christopher K. Marshburn and Myles D. Moody in International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the University of Kentucky and the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) K08DA032296 (PI: Stevens-Watkins). These funding agencies have no role in study design, data collection or analysis, or preparation and submission of the manuscript. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.

ORCID iDs

Jardin Dogan

Danelle Stevens-Watkins

Christopher Marshburn

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

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