Abstract
This article is the publication of a beaded scarab from a mummy-net, excavated at Lahun in 1889–90 and donated to the Victoria and Albert Museum.
A beaded scarab in context
Although Flinders Petrie is best known for his excavations undertaken on behalf of the – then – Egypt Exploration Fund, between 1887 and 1892 he acted independently. During this time, his work was funded by two private individuals and friends, Jesse Haworth and Martyn Kennard. 1 In a similar arrangement to the partage organised between the Fund and Cairo authorities, both Haworth and Kennard were entitled to retain a portion of the finds from the excavations they supported; much of this material would go on to be donated to British museums.
Much of Haworth’s collection is today held in the Manchester Museum. Haworth, a cotton magnate from Lancashire, continued to support the museum throughout his life. 2 However, other museums also received donations of excavated material. The piece under discussion here, a beaded winged scarab from inside a sarcophagus, was donated to the Victoria and Albert Museum (henceforth V&A) by Haworth following its discovery at Lahun, 1889–90 (fig. 1). 3 That season’s excavation report notes that many examples of such beadwork were found, although the report is otherwise sparse on details. 4

Beaded scarab 421-1890 (photo: author. Courtesy of the Victoria and Albert Museum).
The scarab, measuring 35 cm by 15.5 cm, is today within a wooden frame of 39.8 cm (w) by 19 cm (h) by 3.5 cm (d). It comprises disk-beads in four colours – red, turquoise, white and black – individually measuring 0.2 cm by 0.5 cm. These are mostly strung together in pairs to make the design, as is typical in other examples. 5 In most instances, the turquoise has since degraded to green or even white, save for a few exceptions on the secondary wing feathers. 6 The body of the scarab is formed from black disk-beads, with the elytra and space between the body and legs outlined in turquoise, and the eyes by individual red beads. The entire body in turn lies within a rectangular white ground. On many examples of beaded scarabs, a sun-disk is held in each of the top and bottom pair of legs; however, the V&A’s example cannot originally have extended any further to include these, as the surrounding diagonal netting into which the scarab was woven can be seen at both top and bottom edges. The wings have a lozenge design, alternating in diagonal rows of red and turquoise bordered by white; the left-hand wing exhibits several lozenges where incorrect coloured beads have been threaded. The primary wing feathers are black, and the secondary feathers alternate red and turquoise, again all bordered in white.
Scarabs such as this would have formed part of a far larger ‘shroud’ made of turquoise cylinder beads, woven into a net and placed over the entire body within the sarcophagus. 7 As already noted, the remains of the diagonal netting into which this scarab was originally woven can be seen in figure 1. The V&A has a further small example of such netting, unfortunately of unknown provenance, which incorporates additional yellow-white ring beads at the intersection of the cylinder beads (fig. 2). In the simplest and earliest of such nets, the network of diagonally threaded beads covered the body, with amulets such as scarabs and the Sons of Horus joined to it as separate amulets. 8 Over time, the nets developed into a more complex form including a full face, broad-collared necklace, winged scarab over the chest, depictions of the sky goddess Nut and Sons of Horus, and sometimes a vertical band of inscription, all woven from beads themselves. 9

Unnumbered fragment of mummy-netting (photo: author. Courtesy of the Victoria and Albert Museum).
Petrie dated Lahun graves containing such netting to the Twenty-Second Dynasty. 10 Research continues to agree that the tradition of placing beaded nets over the mummy began during the Third Intermediate Period, 11 continuing through into the Ptolemaic Period, with the emergence of beaded scarabs and faces occurring in the Late Period. It has been suggested that the form of beaded nets ultimately relates to the beaded dresses known from the Old Kingdom. 12 However, such dresses are typically associated with females, whereas the funerary nets are associated with both male and female burials. There is also a long chronological gap between beaded dresses and the emergence of beaded nets. 13 Others have suggested that the practice may have developed from or been inspired by Nubian customs. 14 At the other chronological end, it is possible that beaded nets are the origin of the reticulated bandage pattern often found on Roman Period mummies, which would speak to their lasting significance. 15
The symbolism of beaded nets has been thoroughly discussed. 16 All interpretations connect their meaning primarily with the rebirth of the deceased into the afterlife, and solar deities linked to regeneration. The form of the net itself has been understood as a reference to the symbolic net with which the deceased could entrap and neutralise potential dangers on the journey to the afterlife. 17 Arnst therefore refers to it as a ‘Ganzkörper-Amulet’. 18 In the Book of Gates, the 10th Hour recounts the battle with Apophis and his neutralisation with nets; the deceased as Osiris therefore mirrored this journey through the beaded net placed over their body. Indeed, Osiris – the prototypical figure of regeneration, with whom the deceased was assimilated – seems to have been a primary symbolic referent for beaded nets. A Twenty-Sixth Dynasty net actually bears faience plaques at the intersections between beads, with the name of the deceased on one side and that of Osiris on the other. 19 Specifically, bead nets may relate to a form of Osiris called Wsỉr ḥmȝg, ‘Osiris the Wrapped’, who is attested from the Twenty-First Dynasty onwards, roughly correlating with the emergence of beaded nets. 20 As the root ḥmȝg has connotations of both ‘to wrap’ and by extension ‘to protect’, 21 Zibelius-Chen suggests that it may have been used as the (today unknown) term for the beaded net itself. 22
The various amulets woven into or attached to nets further reinforce a relationship with predominantly solar deities related to regeneration of the deceased. The goddess Nut was both the mother of Osiris, and swallowed the sun each evening to facilitate its daily rebirth. Indeed, from the New Kingdom onwards, a beaded garment is often shown on depictions of Nut. 23 Alongside the symbolism of protection discussed earlier, it has also been suggested that the shape of the net relates to the pattern of stars often depicted across Nut’s body, and may be intended to represent the sky itself. 24 Although of later date, it is worth mentioning here a scene within the Kom el-Shoqafa mausoleum, which depicts the deceased as Osiris in a network of either beads or bandages, which are entwined with images of the moon, stars and other astral symbols. 25 The fringe sometimes found on nets has been suggested to recall the sun’s rays, again referencing the deceased’s transformation into a solar being. 26
The beaded face woven into nets typically depicts the false beard of Osiris, although the face itself has been identified as numerous figures. 27 Part of the problem with interpretation is that such faces are attested in several colours – red, green, yellow and blue. They have been associated with Horus, son of Osiris, due to phonetic similarity between the divine name and the hieroglyphic symbol for the face. 28 Others have identified the faces as representations of the deceased themselves. 29 Arnst suggests the face represents the sun, given the overt solar symbolism of the other elements of beaded nets, with the multiple attested colours alluding to the various phases of the sun’s cycle. 30 It is possible that the faces held multiple contiguous meanings, but regardless of the specific figure depicted, the varying interpretations all agree on a solar connotation, and thus a relationship to the deceased’s transformation.
Beaded scarabs such as the piece under discussion here fit entirely into the foregoing symbolic scheme. The scarab beetle was associated with morning sun-god Khepri and its journey, and winged scarabs such as the V&A’s example, bedecked with falcon feathers, enhanced the solar connotations further through association with the winged sun-disk and divine falcon Horus Behdety. 31 The scarab beetle was furthermore a symbol of regeneration itself, through its daily reappearance from the ground. 32 As with the other amulets on beaded nets, therefore, the presence of a winged scarab linked the rebirth of the deceased to the rising and passage of the sun.
Considering the complex symbolism of beaded nets, the colour choices of the beads comprising the V&A’s scarab warrant mention. Turquoise is well established as being associated with concepts of rebirth and regeneration, as is black with Osiris. The use of red however bears solar meanings. 33 In the context of beaded nets, Arnst links both red and turquoise with aspects of both the evening and morning sun, and therefore its daily passage and transformation, again reflecting that of the deceased. 34
Discovery of the scarab
Compositionally, this example of a scarab is well paralleled elsewhere. Close parallels of the design are Boston MFA 72.4629 and 27.443, although the latter in particular is largely reconstructed. A specific point of interest lies in its presentation, which illustrates the method by which such delicate assemblages were removed from the body and transported. The scarab lies in a wooden frame, surrounded by a thick layer of wax. Petrie described how such a process was used to remove the netting from bodies whilst preserving the designs, as the threading had typically decayed away: When opening tombs of this age I always cut or drew the pegs, which fastened the coffin lids, as gently as possible. Then, looking in, I saw if there was any pattern beadwork on the body. If there were, the coffin was moved without the slightest shake, as all the threads were rotted out, and the beads lay loose. I then fetched a petroleum stove, and pot of wax; melting the wax down in the tomb I then slopped out spoonfuls of it over all the beads. If too hot it sinks in too deep, and sticks to all the bandages below; it should be just on the point of chilling. If poured on to the beadwork it runs away in a narrow stream; it needs to be dashed on, sufficiently sharply to spread it, but not hard enough to move the beads. When the coat is laid, and has hardened, it may be lifted up with all the beads sticking together, and then transferred to a tray and fixed in with more wax. This is the only way to preserve these bead patterns when the thread has decayed.
35
The results of this procedure are clearly visible on the scarab. A hole in the very left-centre of the wax is probably the result of a skewer or pin which might have been stuck into the wax to help lift the mass off once it had cooled.
To conclude, this scarab is noteworthy in two respects. Firstly, its display acts as a fascinating legacy of both its excavation history and contemporary fieldwork methods. Secondly, it provides a rare example of bead-netting where the original stringing and composition have remained intact.
Footnotes
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
1.
Petrie made frequent reference to this arrangement in his excavation reports and memoirs. See for example W. M. F. Petrie, Hawara, Biahmu and Arsinoe (London, 1889), 3–4; W. M. F. Petrie, Ten Years Digging in Egypt (London, 1893), 2; W. M. F. Petrie and W. Spiegelberg, Six Temples at Thebes (London, 1897), 2. For their relationship see also more recently R. David, ‘Foreword. Petrie at “Kahun”’, in S. Quirke (ed.), Lahun Studies (Reigate, 1998), x–xi, and A. Stevenson, Scattered Finds: Archaeology, Egyptology and Museums (London, 2019), 11, 56.
2.
Stevenson, Scattered Finds, 56.
3.
Both Haworth and Kennard’s donations to the V&A were typically made using Petrie as an intermediary. Petrie’s communications with the museum about this material are today enclosed in its Registered File for the British School of Archaeology in Egypt (V&A MA/1/B2694).
4.
W. M. F. Petrie, Illahun, Kahun and Gurob: 1889–90 (London, 1891), 26. The Artefacts of Excavation project (available online at:
accessed 25 February 2020) has recently done much work into tracing the distribution of finds from these early excavations, where the physical reports are otherwise brief or lacking. For such distributions, see A. Stevenson, ‘Artefacts of Excavation: The British Collection and Distribution of Egyptian Finds to Museums, 1880–1915’, Journal of the History of Collections 26:1 (2014), 89–102, and Stevenson, Scattered Finds.
5.
N. Xia, Ancient Egyptian Beads (Berlin, 2014), 132.
6.
On the degradation of blue and blue-green faience colours, see A. Moussa and M. F. Ali, ‘Color Alteration of Ancient Egyptian Blue Faience’, International Journal of Architectural Heritage 7:3 (2013), 261–74; F. M. Helmi and N. S. Abdel-Rehim, ‘Study of Color Conversion by Time in Ancient Egyptian Faience Artifacts’, Scientific Culture 2:3 (2016), 17–23.
7.
For the technique used to string together such large compositions see K. Bosse-Griffiths, ‘The Use of Disc-Beads in Egyptian Bead-Compositions’, JEA 61 (1975), 114–24.
8.
See F. Silvano, ‘Le reticelle funerarie nell’antico Egitto: Propose di Interpretazione’, EVO 3 (1980), 84–8, categorised therein as ‘Type A’.
9.
K. Bosse-Griffiths, ‘Some Egyptian Bead-Work Faces in the Wellcome Collection at University College, Swansea’, JEA 64 (1978), 100–2; Silvano, EVO 3, 91–2 (Types Bb and C). See also D. Aston, Burial Assemblages of Dynasty 21–25: Chronology—Typology—Developments (Vienna, 2009), 290–3, following Silvano’s chronology. Examples of beaded nets in situ can be seen in, amongst others, H. Ranke, Koptische Friedhöfe bei Karâra und der Amontempel Scheschonks I bei el Hibe (Berlin, 1926), pl. xi.6, re-discussed in C. Nauerth, Karara und el-Hibe: Die spätantiken (“koptischen”) Funde aus den badischen Grabungen 1913–1914 (SAGA 15; Heidelberg, 1996), 76–8; J. E. Quibell and A. G. K. Hayter, Excavations at Saqqara. Teti Pyramid, North Side (Cairo, 1927), pl. vi.4; P. Basta, ‘Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Saqqara (1964) & the Discovery of a Tomb from the 5th Dynasty’, ASAE 63 (1979), 37, pls x–xi, xiii; K. Gosford, ‘Three Burial Assemblages of the Saite Period from Saqqara’, in E. Pischikova, J. Budka and K. Griffin (eds), Thebes in the First Millennium BC (Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014), 534–6, fig. 27.4.
10.
Petrie, Illahun, Kahun and Gurob, 25.
11.
Bosse-Griffiths, JEA 64, 104–5; Silvano, EVO 3, 83; C.-B. Arnst, ‘Vernetzung. Zur Symbolik des Mumiennetzes’, in M. Fitzenreiter and C. E. Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie—ein Phänomen der Kulturgeschichte (IBAES 1; Berlin, 1998), 79; F. D. Friedman, Gifts of the Nile. Ancient Egyptian Faience (Providence, RI, 1998), 249; Aston, Burial Assemblages, 292.
12.
The most well-known example being UC17743; see G. Brunton, Qau and Badari I (BSAE 44; London, 1927), pl. xxix.19. See also Boston MFA 33.1020.1, a Sixth Dynasty example from Giza, published in M. Jick, ‘Bead-net dress’, in S. D’Auria, P. Lacovara, and C. H. Roehrig (eds), Mummies and Magic: The Funerary Arts of Ancient Egypt (Boston, 1988), 78–9.
13.
For critique of the connection, see K. Zibelius-Chen, ‘Das Tübinger Fragment eines Perlennetzes (Inv. 1842)’, SAK 40 (2011), 401–2.
14.
Bosse-Griffiths, JEA 64, 106; Aston, Burial Assemblages, 399.
15.
Arnst, in Fitzenreiter and Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie, 80.
16.
For the most comprehensive discussions of the meaning of beaded nets see Arnst, in Fitzenreiter and Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie; Zibelius-Chen, SAK 40.
17.
Arnst, in Fitzenreiter and Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie, 81–3; Zibelius-Chen, SAK 40, 403–4. This contrasts with evidence from other funerary literature where nets often had negative connotations, the deceased being themselves at risk from being trapped in the nets of dangerous creatures. Spells such as Coffin Text spell 343 were in fact intended to safeguard the deceased from such dangers; see W. Wendrich, ‘Entangled, Connected or Protected? The Power of Knots and Knotting in Ancient Egypt’, in K. Szpakowska (ed.), Through A Glass Darkly: Magic, Dreams and Prophecy in Ancient Egypt (Swansea, 2006), especially 261.
18.
Arnst, in Fitzenreiter and Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie, 90.
19.
See S. Pernigotti, ‘Saitica, II’, EVO 8 (1985), 7.
20.
C. Farvard-Meeks, Le Temple de Behbeit el-Hagara. Essai de reconstitution et d’interprétation (BSAK 6; Hamburg, 1991), 367–8; Zibelius-Chen, SAK 40, 405–6.
21.
Wb. III, 94.8–9.
22.
Zibelius-Chen, SAK 40, 406.
23.
Arnst, in Fitzenreiter and Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie, 89.
24.
W. Budge, The Mummy: A Handbook of Egyptian Funerary Archaeology (2nd edn revised and enlarged; New York, 1925), 222.
25.
F. W. von Bissing, La catacombe nouvellement découverte de Kom el Chougafa (Les bas-reliefs de Kom el Chougafa) (Munich, 1901), pl. x; A. Rowe, ‘Excavations of the Graeco-Roman Museum at Kom el-Shukafa During the Season 1941–42’, BSAA 35 (1942), pl. x.2 (the figure identified there as Ptah). See discussion in J. Taylor, Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt (London, 2001), 207; M. S. Venit, Visualising the Afterlife in the Tombs of Graeco-Roman Egypt (Cambridge, 2015), 75, fig. 2.26.
26.
Friedman, Gifts of the Nile, 249.
27.
Zibelius-Chen, SAK 40, 403–5 presents a critical treatment of the various interpretations.
28.
K. Myśliwiec, ‘A propos des signes hiéroglyphiques “ḥr” et “tp”’, ZÄS 98 (1973), 96–7.
29.
C. Hüttner, Mumienamulette im Totenbrauchtum der Spätzeit (BzÄ 10; Vienna, 1995), 10–13.
30.
Arnst, in Fitzenreiter and Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie, 87–8.
31.
D. Wildung, ‘Flügelsonne’, LÄ II, 278. The imagery of the hybrid winged-scarab can perhaps be traced back as early as the Old Kingdom, where Pyramid Text Spell 267 (§366) describes the deceased king ascending as a bird and alighting as a scarab on the throne of the sun god’s bark.
32.
For the symbolism of scarabs generally, see Y. Cambefort, ‘Le scarabée dans l’Égypte ancienne: Origine et signification du symbole’, Revue de l’histoire des Religions 204 (1987), 3–46.
33.
For the religious symbolism of these colours generally, see H. Kees, ‘Farbensymbolik in ägyptischen religiösen Texten’, NAWG 11 (1943), 413–79.
34.
Arnst, in Fitzenreiter and Loeben (eds), Die ägyptische Mumie, 83–5.
35.
Petrie, Illahun, Kahun and Gurob, 25–6. The practice is similarly described in Petrie, Ten Years Digging in Egypt, 125.
