Funerary Objects and an Intact Secondary Burial in the Early Ramesside Tomb of Iurokhy at Saqqara

Abstract

The area of the North Saqqara plateau south of the causeway of King Unas became one of the most prominent necropolis sites of Memphis during the New Kingdom. It is where the archaeological expedition of the Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University discovered dozens of temple-shaped tombs dating to the Ramesside Period. Recently, the expedition led by Ola El-Aguizy uncovered the tomb of Iurokhy (Urhiya), an army general during the early reign of Ramesses II. This paper focuses on the unusual finds discovered in one of the tomb’s chapels. These comprise an intact secondary burial in a wooden coffin along with wooden shabtis. This paper proposes to identify the individual buried in the chapel as a member of the personnel that serviced the mortuary cult of Iurokhy. Further objects deposited in the chapel shed light on the continued use of the chapel as a space of burial and commemoration.

Keywords

Heriherneferher ear stela Saqqara shabti Iurokhy

A Brief Overview of the Archaeological Exploration of the Saqqara New Kingdom Necropolis

During the New Kingdom, Saqqara was extensively used for the burial of senior administrators resident at Memphis, including army generals.¹ To date, there is archaeological evidence of four main clusters of tombs on the North Saqqara plateau: 1) the eastern cliff above the village of Abusir; 2) the area south of the causeway of King Unas; 3) the Cliff of Ankhtawy, now better known as the Bubasteion; and 4) the area to the north and east of the pyramid of King Teti.² It is estimated that at least 509 high officials built their tombs replete with a superstructure at Saqqara during this period.³ A large number of these tombs were excavated in the early nineteenth century and subsequently were lost. The modern-day archaeological exploration of the cemeteries in the last half a century has led to the re-discovery of a selection of these tombs.⁴ Thus, in 1977, the late professor of Islamic Architecture Soad Maher of the Faculty of Archaeology at Cairo University initiated work in an area south of the causeway of King Unas.⁵ She searched for a Coptic monastery but instead found structures dating to pharaonic times. Due to her disinterest in these earlier remains, work at this site was closed shortly afterward.

The late professor Sayed Tawfik resumed work at the site in 1984 and continued to work there until 1988. Unlike Maher, he was interested in the earlier structures and during five years of excavations, he discovered 36 monumental New Kingdom tombs.⁶ Only sixteen tombs were found to be decorated and inscribed. Their owners lived and died during the reign of Ramesses II. All tomb owners had occupied high-ranking positions at court and in temple and civil administration. Tawfik assigned the structures ST (Saqqara Tombs) numbers, starting with ST 0, the tomb of Neferrenpet. Other prominent monuments in this area include ST 6, the tomb of Djehutyemheb, ST 7 of Nebmeheyt, ST 8 of Baketwerner, ST 103 of Neferhotep,⁷ ST 218 of Nebnefer and his son Mahu,⁸ and ST 101, the tomb of Amenemone.⁹ The excavations were halted due to the untimely death of Tawfik. After a lengthy interruption, Ola El-Aguizy of the Faculty of Archaeology at Cairo University resumed excavations in this area in 2005. She first cleared the tombs, uncovered by Tawfik, of the drifting sands that had gradually covered them.¹⁰ In the subsequent seasons of fieldwork, she uncovered several new tombs, including those of Wadjmes and May, and re-located various tombs last seen in the mid-nineteenth century that were subsequently lost, including the tomb of Ptahemwia, and most recently, in 2017/18, that of Iurokhy last seen in 1843.¹¹

New Kingdom tombs were typically aligned along an east-west axis forming several ‘streets’ that developed from south to north. In this area of the necropolis, the tombs were built as far north as the edge of the steep escarpment sloping down towards the causeway of Unas.¹²

The Tomb of Iurokhy and Its Owner

The tomb of Iurokhy (Ἰwrḫy) lies at the southern extent of the cluster of Ramesside tombs, c. 50 m north of Maya, Tutankhamun’s treasury overseer.¹³ Iurokhy’s tomb had first been recorded by the Prussian expedition to Egypt led by Carl Richard Lepsius in spring 1843.¹⁴ The expedition assigned to it LS (Lepsius Sakkara) number 25. The archaeological expedition of Cairo University re-discovered it 174 years later, in 2017.¹⁵ As can be seen in table 1, the titles of Iurokhy attest to the senior positions he held in the military, his prominence at court, and his role in the administration of the king’s Theban temple of Millions of Years, the Ramesseum.¹⁶

Table 1.

Titles held by Iurokhy, as recorded in his tomb at Saqqara.

	šs nsw	Royal scribe
	ỉmy-r pr wr	High steward
	ỉmy-r mšʿ wr	General of the Army
	ỉmy-r pr n ḥwt Ἰmn	High steward of the temple of Amun
	ỉmy-r pr m ḥwt-wsr mȝʿt-Rʿ-stp-n-Rʿ m pr Ἰmn	High steward of the temple of Weser-Maat-Re-Setep-n-Re in the estate of Amun
	ỉmy-r pr n nb tȝwy	High steward of the Lord of the Two Lands
	ḥry pḏ.t n nb tȝwy	Chief of bowmen of the Lord of the Two Lands¹⁷

The texts inscribed on the tomb’s walls also mention the names of Iurokhy’s relatives. He had a son named Yupa, who followed his father in a selection of his offices, and a grandson named Hatiay.¹⁸ The name, Iurokhy, might be foreign, probably Hurrian.¹⁹ Iurokhy attained his elevated titles during the reign of Seti I, continued to officiate in the reign of Ramesses II, and died probably in the second or third decade of that king.

The tomb of Iurokhy lies adjacent to that of the contemporary high official Ptahmose to the south.²⁰ Another Ramesside official, named Ptahemwia, who likewise officiated in the Theban Ramesseum, built his tomb also adjacent to Iurokhy’s and immediately west of that of Ptahmose (fig. 1).²¹ The design and layout of the contemporary tombs of Iurokhy and Ptahmose are almost identical. The walls of both were constructed of mud bricks and covered with a limestone revetment bearing decoration and texts on their interior. The superstructure consists of an entrance pylon in the east, an open forecourt, a rectangular space (statue room?) flanked by four lateral chapels (two entered from the east and two from the west), an inner columned courtyard with access to the burial shaft, and three chapels in the west (fig. 2). In this paper, we will limit ourselves to one of the lateral, vaulted chapels entered from the forecourt in the east. It is in the northeast chapel that various finds of particular interest were made during the recent excavations of Cairo University. Such vaulted spaces served multiple purposes, including the performance of mortuary practices for the tomb owner. Such spaces might have also been used as magazines for the storage of vessels and other requisites of the offering cult,²² and as places where relatives of the deceased assembled at certain occasions to eat and drink, for example during funerary banquets.²³ The example of the tomb of Iurokhy shows that such spaces continued to be used in later times for secondary burials.

Fig. 1

Plan of the New Kingdom necropolis south of the causeway of Unas, showing the archaeological concession areas of Cairo University and Leiden-Turin. The three tombs that were recently discovered by the Cairo University mission are singled out (drawing: Nico Staring).

Fig. 2

Provisional plan of the tomb of Iurokhy, indicating the locations of the secondary burial (1) and the graffito (2) of Heriherneferher (drawing: Nico Staring).

The Secondary Burial of Heriherneferher in the Northeast Lateral Chapel of Iurokhy

This paper focuses on the vaulted chapel entered from the north side of the forecourt in the east of the tomb (fig. 3). The space measures c. 5.45 m east-west. An entrance doorway measuring 1.15 x 1.80 m leads to a rectangular space of 3.65 x 1.60 m. The height of the walls, excluding the vaulted area, measures c. 3.30 m. These walls are made of mud bricks and finished with a layer of mud plaster. Very faint traces of polychrome painted decoration can be observed.²⁴ The floor was originally paved with slabs of limestone, just like the rest of the tomb. At some point in time, this floor was partially broken up in order to reuse the chapel as a burial place. At a depth of c. 20 cm below the original floor level, the Cairo University expedition found a plain wooden coffin lowered at the center of the chapel (fig. 4). The coffin appeared to be undisturbed and included the physical remains of an individual wrapped in linen.²⁵ The coffin also included five shabtis made of wood. Another five shabtis made of pottery and the upper fragment of a sixth specimen were found outside the coffin. The coffin, human remains, and the objects will be described in further detail below.

Fig. 3

Plan of the northeast lateral chapel with the position of the wooden coffin of Heriherneferher, a deposit of pottery shabtis and ear stela (drawing: Amr Attia).

Fig. 4

The location of the wooden coffin in the middle of the northeast chapel, looking east (photo: Tarek Tawfik).

The wooden coffin: Description and contents

The trapezoidal coffin is made of acacia wood.²⁶ It contained neither decoration nor inscriptions. Gypsum was used to fill gaps between some of the wooden parts.²⁷ The lid was made of two long, roughly shaped boards pegged together. Four wooden pegs were used to affix the lid to the box. The coffin has a total length of 188 cm. The width at the head end measures 46 cm and at the foot end 36 cm. The height at the head end measures 40 cm and at the foot end 37 cm. The coffin contained the physical remains of a human individual wrapped in linen and laid in a supine position.²⁸ The linen bandages had been affected by insects. Thus, the outer bandages had deteriorated, and in some areas, such as at the head and legs, the linen had disappeared altogether. The expedition’s conservators identified the residues of resins stuck on the linen wrappings at the bottom of the coffin, and they are preparing the mummy for CT scanning.²⁹ The male individual measures 159 cm in length.³⁰ Although the wooden coffin is undecorated and bears no texts that could offer a date, the type of coffin can be compared to examples found elsewhere in the Memphite New Kingdom necropolis. Similar coffins found in the Memphite tomb of Iurudef have been dated to the Ramesside Period.³¹ A more precise date can be proposed by analysing the objects associated with the burial that bear the name of the deceased individual.

The wooden shabtis of Heriherneferher

A total of five variously sized shabtis made of wood were found inside the coffin. These were covered by sand that had entered the coffin through the holes in its lid. The measurements of the shabtis are listed in table 2 and their spatial distribution is visualized in figure 5.³² One shabti had been deposited to the right side of the individual’s head, two shabtis lay to the right of his feet, and two specimens were found to the left of the individual’s knees. The shabtis numbered 1–4 have various features in common, while shabti 5 represents a different type.

Table 2.

Measurements of the wooden shabtis.

	Shabti 1	Shabti 2	Shabti 3	Shabti 4	Shabti 5
Hight	21 cm	18 cm	19.5 cm	20 cm	18 cm
Width	5.9 cm	5.2 cm	5.6 cm	5.7 cm	4.7 cm
Thickness	2.6 cm	2.4 cm	2.5 cm	2.6 cm	2.2 cm

Shabtis 1–4 are mummiform and are covered with a thin layer of stucco plaster. All are in a good state of preservation. Shabtis 2 and 4 show only minor damage. The body of the shabtis bear variously coloured texts and decoration. The parts of the body not covered by the garment are coloured white. Red and black pigments were used for drawing the broad usekh-collars that cover most of the chest areas and the agricultural tools that are indicated on the front and the back of the shabtis. The eyes, eyebrows, and chin are outlined in black, and the lips are red. The black tripartite wig reveals the ears of shabtis 1, 2 and 4, while it covers the ears of shabti no. 3. The hands are crossed over the chest.³³ The cursive hieroglyphic texts are written in black, and the dividing lines are coloured red. Each line of text on shabtis 1, 2 and 4 starts and finishes at the shabti’s back. Start and finish of each line are separated by a white column. The white space of shabtis 2–4 is covered in crosshatches. The text on shabtis 1 and 3 is laid out in five lines and that of nos 2 and 4 in four lines. Shabti no. 3 has a text column at the front, and the lines of text start on the proper right side of it.

Shabti no. 5 differs from nos 1–4. It does not represent a mummified individual but depicts the shabti wearing the dress of daily life (fig. 6). At the end of the New Kingdom, this dress was dedicated to the chief of the shabti gang that is nowadays referred to as the reis.³⁴ The statue’s body had been covered with stucco, although most of it has now vanished. The eyes, eyebrows, lips, and hands are coloured black. The face and all other parts of the body, not covered by garments, have a reddish colour. Traces of a vertical column bearing a hieroglyphic inscription in black can be seen on the front of the kilt. Only the word sḥḏ, usually written at the beginning of the shabti spell, can be read. The hands of the individual are crossed over the chest, each holding a hoe painted in black. The collar is also depicted on the chest as smaller than the other wooden examples. The tripartite wig is different from the style that occurred on the other statues. The lower part running over the chest is formed in a rounded shape, while the back part of the wig is completely different as it is runs over the back in a rounded shape as well. On the back of the shabti, faint drawings of a small basket can be seen.

Fig. 5

The plain coffin made of acacia wood before and after removing the lid with a sketch of the coffin and its contents, showing the distribution of the shabtis (drawing: the author).

Fig. 6

The five wooden shabtis, showing the front and back of each specimen (photos: author).

Texts and commentary

Shabti no. 1

Notes on text and translation:

[a] In the word sḥḏ, the scribe used sign N8 as a classifier instead of N5.³⁵ Both signs could be used interchangeably.

[b] The vocative article ỉ. is determined with A26 instead of the more common A2.³⁶

[c] The word šbty is preceded by the Aleph that has no place in the spelling.³⁷

[d] The article ỉr is omitted.

[e] The word ḥbsw is written in a complete spelling. The abbreviated spelling is also common.³⁸

[f] ỉry ipt is repeated in lines 3–4 with the name of the deceased, which is unusual.

[g] The plural definite article nȝ before the name of the deceased is erroneously used instead of pȝ.

Shabti no. 2

Notes on the text:

[a] The Aleph sign before the word šbty is written in a different form from shabtis 1, 3, and 4 where there is a small tick under the neck of the bird.

[b] The use of this word here is unusual, and its meaning is still ambiguous.

[c] The text reaches the end of the line without being finished.

Shabti no. 3

Notes on the text:

[a] The beginning of the text is set in a column on the front side of the shabti. Usually, when the text starts in a column and continues horizontally, the wig that cover the ears is used. When the text is set entirely in lines, the wig revealing the ears is used.

[b] The spelling of the word shabti differs from the other examples of this group. It does have the Aleph preceding the word in common with the other examples.

Shabti no. 4

Proposed date:

A number of iconographic and textual features suggest that the shabtis date to the 19th Dynasty reign of Ramesses II. The evidence can be summarised as follows:

- The wig and the hand positions are typical for shabtis of the New Kingdom.³⁹

- There are indications that can attribute the shabtis to Ramesses II in comparison with other examples. The layout, distribution of the text, and colours are similar to the New Kingdom examples such as the other specimens displaying the same layout of text and use of colours, which date to the reign of Ramesses II (the lady Henutmehyt),⁴⁰ or the early 19th Dynasty (the draughtsman Pay from Deir el-Medina).⁴¹

- The maximum number of shabtis dedicated to a non-royal individual in the early 19^th Dynasty is ten. It is only in the later New Kingdom that the number of shabtis increases.⁴²

- Shabtis were equipped with agricultural tools from the middle of the 18^th Dynasty onwards.⁴³ From the early 19^th Dynasty, the representation of these elements on private shabtis became the rule rather than the exception.⁴⁴ The yoke, water pots, and bags represented on the shabtis of Heriherneferher are similarly attested on other examples dated to the New Kingdom.⁴⁵

- Wood was widely used for shabtis during the Second Intermediate Period and the New Kingdom.⁴⁶ Schneider notes that the best quality of wooden shabtis were made in the 18th and 19^th Dynasties, while faience and stone specimens become more popular towards end of the New Kingdom.⁴⁷

Heriherneferher: A Servant in the Mortuary Cult of Iurokhy

The shabtis found inside the coffin identify the individual as Heriherneferher. The theophoric name is linked to the god Nfr-ḥr, who is connected to the Memphite area and its principal god Ptah.⁴⁸ Nfr-ḥr was also a common epithet of Ptah. Thus, unsurprisingly, most of the attestations of the name Heriherneferher derive from the Memphite region.⁴⁹ The name of the deceased is attested on the four shabtis using the sign A52 as a classifier. In the late New Kingdom, this name was usually written with the suffix pronoun after the first ḥr-sign as ḥr(.i) ḥr nfr ḥr, my face is towards the one beautiful of face (i.e., Ptah).⁵⁰ The name preserved on the present group of shabtis does not contain the suffix pronoun. The first part of the name, Heriher, forms part of some names borne by both men and women in the New Kingdom. Examples are Heriherpara, , Heriheramun, , and Herihernebipet, .⁵¹

Further evidence for Heriherneferher: A graffito in the tomb of Iurokhy

Further evidence for Heriherneferher was found at the entrance doorway to the tomb of Iurokhy. There, a graffito carved on the south reveal depicts a man named Heriherneferher entering the tomb. It is carved on the undecorated dado below a scene depicting the tomb owner, Iurokhy, standing and oriented to the east (fig. 7A). The graffito depicts three men with shaven heads carrying boxes of offerings on their shoulders as they enter the tomb (fig. 7B). The title associated with the individual leading the group identifies him as a sḏm-ʿš, servant, and it is very likely that the other two also served in that role. The hieroglyphic signs associated with the individual in the middle of the group identify him as Heriherneferher. The spelling of the name is identical to that attested on the wooden shabtis associated with the burial in the tomb’s northeast chapel.⁵² The style of the wigs and garments worn by the individuals depicted in the graffito point to a date in the 19th Dynasty reign of Ramesses II also.⁵³ It strongly suggests that the individual named in the graffito should be identified as the man buried in the chapel. This, in turn, offers a link between the secondary burial and the personnel that serviced the mortuary cult of this high-ranking individual from the court of Ramesses II.

Fig. 7

(A) Location of the graffito on the left entrance of the tomb with a red arrow indicating the burial place (photo: author). (B) The representation of the shabti owner as one of three priests holding the title sDm-aS (photo: Nico Staring).

The title sḏm-ʿš has been recorded in various New Kingdom tombs at Saqqara.⁵⁴ For example, textual graffiti carved next to the depictions of two offering bearers in the original tomb decoration of Tia, the brother-in-law of Ramesses II, identify them by their titles, sḏm-ʿš, and names.⁵⁵ The servant Mḏrỉȝ is depicted on a stela while presenting offerings to the lady Tia, spouse of Tia, along with his family.⁵⁶ On a pilaster in the late-18th Dynasty tomb of Maya and Meryt, an offering bearer carrying a bouquet on his shoulder is identified as the sḏm-ʿš (n) Mry(t) m pȝ(y).s pr Ptḥ-m-ḥb, ‘the servant of Meryt in her estate, Ptahemheb’.⁵⁷ The Ramesside tomb of Paser, situated in the archaeological concession area of Cairo University at Saqqara, depicts three offering bearers below a scene of the tomb owner in a standing position along with his wife.⁵⁸ The three men bear the title sḏm-ʿš, while the first one is described as sn.f sḏm-ʿš, ‘his brother, the servant’. ⁵⁹ These parallels indicate that people bearing the title sḏm-ʿš could have played a role in presenting offerings to the tomb owner. Individuals bearing this title were thus responsible for maintaining the offering cult of the tomb, ⁶⁰ some of whom might have been considered relatives. Thus, Heriherneferher may have been a member of Iurokhy’s household during Iurokhy’s life and became responsible for the maintenance of his tomb cult after death.⁶¹

Additional Objects Found in the Northeast Lateral Chapel

Assorted objects were discovered in different contexts close to the intact burial of Heriherneferher.⁶² These include a small ear stela and pottery shabtis. It is unclear whether these were associated with Heriherneferher’s burial. However, as the chapel would subsequently be utilised by other people for funerary purposes, putting such items there can attest to the chapel’s sanctity. The pottery shabtis and ear stela are described below.

A deposit of seven pottery shabtis

Seven mummiform shabtis of varying sizes table 3 (figs 9 –12) made of pottery were found inside the northeast chapel, deposited as a group along the east wall (fig. 8). The pottery shabtis preserved traces of a whitewash.⁶³ The white colour was used for the body of the shabtis except for the parts not covered by linen.⁶⁴ One of the shabtis was found broken (fig. 12). The shabtis wear a plain tripartite wig with arms crossed over the chest. No tools were associated with the shabtis.⁶⁵ The feet were modelled curving forward. On the front part of the statues, there is one line of text in hieratic, written in different sizes and directions. The texts mention the feminine name ḥnwt-Mwt, which accords to the feminine features of the shabtis.

Table 3.

Measurements of the pottery shabtis.

	Shabti 1	Shabti 2	Shabti 3	Shabti 4	Shabti 5	Shabti 6	Shabti 7
Hight	14.7 cm	14.6 cm	15.2 cm	14.6 cm	14.6 cm	14.7 cm	7 cm
Width	4.7 cm	4.7 cm	4.7 cm	5 cm	5 cm	4.7 cm	5.5 cm
Thickness	3.5 cm	3.6 cm	4.2 cm	3.6 cm	3.6 cm	3.5 cm	3.7 cm

Fig. 8

The shabtis found wrapped in pieces of linen in a deposit against the east wall of the chapel.

Fig. 9

Pottery shabti nos 1 and 2 from two sides (photo: author).

Fig. 10

Pottery shabti nos 3 and 4 from two sides (photo: author).

Fig. 11

Pottery shabti nos 5 and 6 from two sides (photo: author).

Fig. 12

Upper part of the pottery shabti no. 7 (photo: author).

Fig. 13

The ear stela with hieroglyphic writing on its edge (photo: Hamdy Al Deeb).

Five shabtis contain a single horizontal line of hieratic text. Shabti no. 3 presents the same text written twice, once vertically and once horizontally. The texts are all identical and are written in black ink. The hieratic texts were placed on the front of shabtis nos 1, 2, and 6. In shabtis nos 3 and 4, the hieratic writings are placed on the side, while the text in specimen no. 5 is placed on the back side.

Shabti texts were typically written in hieroglyphs or cursive hieroglyphs. Shabti texts written in hieratic are generally observed on the stick-type specimens dated to the Second Intermediate Period and the early New Kingdom.⁶⁶

The hieratic texts on the current shabtis are composed of a title + name, reading wḥʿ-mw? ḥnwt mwt. The reading of the first signs as wḥʿ-mw seems to be clear, however, the interpretation is still uncertain, because the name of the owner of the shabtis is feminine and does not match the masculine profession of fisherman. Alternatively, it could be a misspelling for the title wȝḥ-mw, water-pourer,⁶⁷ also known as mortuary priest (choachyte).⁶⁸

The paleography of some of the hieratic signs help to propose a date. The first sign, , is written as , which is very similar in form to that attested at the end of the New Kingdom, .⁶⁹ The writing of the vulture-sign, G14, is also very close to that known in the New Kingdom, .⁷⁰ Examples attested after the New Kingdom display a dot over the back of the vulture: .⁷¹ These features suggest that theses shabtis date to the end of the New Kingdom. In addition to the hieratic writings, there are five examples of a semi-rectangular shape seen on the figurines in various locations, often on the sides or the backs of the artefacts, particularly in the higher portions table 4. Although I am unsure of their purpose in this instance and am unaware of any comparable instances, these marks could be manufacturers’ marks or workshop signs.

Table 4.

Facsimile of the hieratic texts on five pottery shabtis with their marks (drawing: author).⁷²

Shabti one			Shabti four
Shabti two			Shabti five
Shabti two			Shabti six

Ear stela

A small limestone ear stela measuring 10 cm high and 9 cm wide was found deposited in the centre of the northeast lateral chapel. It is decorated on two sides. One side contains the sculpted representation of two large ears. These were coloured red and outlined in black. A third and smaller ear, similarly coloured, is situated above the large ear on the left. The space above the large ear on the right shows traces of a fourth, smaller ear, now erased. The other side of the stela is undecorated. The short side, on the other hand, contains a hieroglyphic text written in black ink.

Ear stelae were first attested in the 18^th Dynasty for use by non-royal individuals.⁷³ The stelae are associated with several deities, including Osiris, also known as sḏm nḥ n rḫyt, ‘who hears the prayer of the people’.⁷⁴ The Memphite deity Ptah has also been well attested.⁷⁵ In the tomb of Khabekhent in Deir el-Medina, Ptah is referred to as Ptḥ n msḏrwỉ sḏm nṯr ʿȝ nb mȝʿt, ‘Ptah of the two hearing ears, the great god, Lord of truth’.⁷⁶ The god Amun is also described as ‘Amun of the hearing ear’.⁷⁷ Most probably the ears depicted on the stelae represented the ears of the god to receive the prayers of the people.⁷⁸ However, as for the ear stela found in the chapel, it seems that it was presented to the god Osiris on behalf of the deceased mentioned on the stela.⁷⁹

Text and commentary

The scribe put this text between two black lines as borders drawn vertically on the edge of the stela. The ink has largely faded, yet can be identified as a ḥtp-dỉ-nsw offering formula. The last part of the text is damaged, and the name of the deceased is erased.

‘An offering which the King gives (to) Osiris Wennefer, lord of the sacred land, the great god, Ankh…that he may give…’

Conclusion

The archaeological remains uncovered at the New Kingdom necropolis at Saqqara, south of the causeway of Unas offer invaluable information about the former inhabitants of Memphis. The northern part of this cemetery is currently under excavation by the archaeological mission of the Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University. Over the last few years, several tombs containing hundreds of objects have been unearthed. A number of the objects can be linked to (fragments of) other pieces distributed to museums worldwide. The finds made during the current excavations offer a context for them.⁸⁰ The present paper discussed the finding of a secondary burial and associated objects within the northeast chapel of the Ramesside tomb of Iurokhy. The wooden coffin containing the mummified human remains of a male and the shabti figures placed alongside the body date to the reign of Ramesses II. The shabtis identify the individual as a man named Heriherneferher. Interestingly, this name is also mentioned in a graffito incised at the entrance of the tomb. There, Heriherneferher bears the title sḏm-ʿš, ‘servant’. It suggests that he served in the upkeep of the mortuary cult of the high status tomb owner, and that he was buried in the funerary monument to which he was professionally associated in life.⁸¹

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my gratitude to Ola El-Aguizy, director of the expedition of the Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University in the area of Saqqara, for allowing me to publish this set of objects. Many thanks go to Tarek Tawfik for discussing some details with me. I would also like to thank Dr Matthias Müller for his comment on the hieratic text of the pottery shabtis. Many thanks go to Prof Dr Rob Demarée for his comments on the hieratic writing on shabtis. I would like to thank Dr Hamdy Al Deeb and Dr Sherief Omar from Department of Archaeological Conservation for their help. My special thanks also go to Mr Nader El Hasanen for his assistance. Many thanks also go to Mr Magdy, Mr Montaser, and Ms Weam for their kind assistance on the site. My gratitude goes to architect Amr Attia for making the plan of the chapel used in this paper. Special thanks to Nico Staring and Wolfram Grajetzki for reading this manuscript and providing me with valuable comments. This contribution was prepared for publication through the author’s participation in the Mentoring for Egyptian and Sudanese Authors (MESA) scheme of the Egypt Exploration Society thanks to generous funding from their Patrons, with Nico Staring acting as a mentor to the author.

Funding

The author did not receive funding for this project.

ORCID iD

Khaled Hassan

1.

El Aguizy, et al. 2020: 427.

2.

: ch. 3.

3.

4.

For a concise overview of the history of the exploration of the site, see : 84–88.

5.

: 41; Leclant 1978: 278.

6.

El Aguizy 2007: 41; : 404.

7.

Tawfik 1991: 404–405.

8.

For the publication of this tomb, see .

9.

Gohary 1992: 195–205. Multiple numbering systems were used for Saqqara New Kingdom tombs, including LS-numbers (Lepsius), H-numbers (Mariette), Loret-tomb numbers, SAE-numbers (Quibell), Bub.-numbers (MAFB expedition), ST-numbers (Cairo University), and TNM-numbers (Macquarie University). In addition, a large number of tombs never received a number. The different systems pose problems to the study of the New Kingdom necropolis at Saqqara. For that reason, Nico Staring introduced a new numbering system that covers all Saqqara New Kingdom tombs, see : 73–79.

10.

: 43.

11.

Gohary 2009; .

12.

El Aguizy, et al. 2020: 428.

13.

: 190, 308–309 (004/USC).

14.

LD Text, I, 182. See also PM III/2, 661; KRI III, 191–195; : 305.

15.

El Aguizy, et al. 2020.

16.

KRI III, 191–195; Staring 2014/15: 74–76; El Aguizy 2018: 1; El Aguizy, et al. 2020: 439; : 308–309 (004/USC).

17.

Wenig 1967: 96; /15: 74, 86, table 5.

18.

See Van Dijk 2016; and El Aguizy 2018: 1. His son Yupa held some of the positions also held by his father Iurokhy, such as general, Staring 2015a: 305. For more details about Yupa, his career, and monuments, see Staring 2014/15: 74–76. Hatiay, Iurokhy’s grandson, also held several positions such as the chief of Medjay and overseer of works on all monuments of his majesty. It is worth noting that the names of a man named Yupa and his son Ptahemwia are mentioned in a hieratic dipinto dated to year 50 of Ramses II, left in the Old Kingdom mastaba of Ptahshepses at Abusir, : 58–61.

19.

Kitchen 1979: 74; El Aguizy 2018: 1; El Aguizy, et al. 2020: 439.

20.

Ptahmose was the mayor of Memphis and the chief steward in the temple of Ramesses II in the house of Ptah. This tomb was rediscovered by the expedition of Cairo University in 2010. For more information see Staring 2014a: 455–518; Staring 2014/15: 58–59; Staring 2014b: 117–146; : 43–54.

21.

Ptahemwia bore the titles of overseer of the treasury of the Ramesseum and great overseer of cattle (Staring 2014/15: 53–56). The tomb was photographed by Charles Theodule Devéria in 1859 and had not been seen since. More recently, in 2021, the expedition of the Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University re-located the entire tomb. For information about the work of Devéria in this tomb, see .

22.

: 46.

23.

Raven and Walsem 2014: 325; : 46.

24.

The design of the chapels is very similar to the chapels of the 18^th Dynasty tomb of Ptahemwia, : 47.

25.

The human remains were found in a bad state of preservation.

26.

I would like to thank my colleagues at the Department of Archaeological Conservation, Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University for identifying the wood.

27.

For similar techniques, see : 23.

28.

For similar positions of mummies in coffins, see : 24–31.

29.

I would like to thank the conservators of the Saqqara Inspectorate and Department of Archaeological Conservation, Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University for providing me with these details.

30.

The human remains will undergo a detailed physical anthropological analysis. Thus, information, such as the age, is not presently available.

31.

The tomb of the Ramesside official Iurudef contained a cache of more than 70 burials in different coffins found together in one area of the tomb. Besides the anthropoid coffins, about ten rectangular coffins were present. The shape of the coffins and the techniques used for manufacturing them is very similar to the coffin under study. The coffins also had the lids fixed to the case with four or six wooden tapered pins. The rectangular coffins in Iurudef’s tomb are also undecorated and uninscribed contrary to the anthropoid coffins that were painted and decorated (: 13–15, pl. 13).

32.

Shabtis could also be kept in boxes, usually made of wood. For examples, see Aston 1994: 21–54; Cooney 1975: 229–239; Marini 2012: 83–124; Marini 2016; Marini 2017:1–12; : 287–300.

33.

: 168, H.24.

34.

: 161–162.

35.

: 22.

36.

37.

There are various examples for this use: : 78.

38.

See, for example, the shabtis of Yuia, : 23.

39.

Examples displaying the same hand positions and wigs are mentioned in Schneider 1977: fig. 12, H 24 (hand positions); and , wig 8.

40.

Between 1905–1913, W. Budge purchased a group of funerary objects from Luxor. Most of these objects are now in the British Museum. These objects comprise wooden coffins, a canopic box, and four shabti boxes with wooden shabtis within. For images of the shabtis and shabti boxes, see <https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/Y_EA41548_1> (accessed 26.04.2022); <https://www.bmimages.com/preview.asp?image=00031000001> (accessed 26.04.2022); <> (accessed 26.04.2022). On most of the objects, the name of the lady and chantress of Amun, Henutmehyt, was mentioned. All of the boxes included 40 shabtis for the same woman. Several women in the New Kingdom held this name, however, based on textual and iconographical evidence, these objects were dated to the reign of Ramesses II.⁴⁰ It is also interesting to note that the shabtis of Henutmehyt share similar artistic and inscriptional features as the shabtis discussed in the current paper.

41.

: 53.

42.

: 267.

43.

: 168.

44.

: 169.

45.

For the yoke with pots under the wig, see : 171, I 21a. For the New Kingdom composite wig with cords, see Schneider 1977: 172, B 10a.

46.

: 233. Tamarisk, sycamore, and acacia are the most common types of wood used for making shabtis, see Schneider 1977: 233.

47.

: 233–234.

48.

Neferher was one of the 35 names of the god Ptah-Sokar-Osiris: Leitz 2002: 214–215. See also : 109.

49.

One attestation is found on the south wall of the Saqqara tomb of Mose, a treasury scribe of the temple of Ptah. There, Heriherneferher is mentioned as a witness in a lawsuit, bearing the title of field labourer: , ỉḥwty ḥr(.ỉ) ḥr nfr ḥr (see Gardiner 1905: 53, line 12). The tomb chapel of Mose was first discovered by Loret in 1898 in the area north of the pyramid of Teti: Loret 1899: 11–12; Gaballah 1977; Orsenigo and Piacentini 2009: 83, 156–165, pls 17–18. The name Heriherneferher is also attested on a late New Kingdom stela held in the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology of the University of California (: 9, pl. 45).

50.

: 23; Ranke, PN I, 252.20.

51.

Gardiner 1905: 23. Loret 1900: 1–10, Gaballah 1977; : 103–112.

52.

This graffito will be published more extensively in a separate study by the author, in addition to several other graffiti found in the tomb.

53.

For parallels, see e.g., the tomb of Ky-iry (: 80).

54.

Staring, Forthcoming. For additional attestations of the title, see : 584–590.

55.

: 25, pls 37, 144, 146–147.

56.

: 62.

57.

: 35–36, pl. 30.

58.

Paser was the chief guardian of records of the army, ḥrỉ sȝw n sšw-mšʿ in the time of Ramesses II, after year 30, and the royal envoy to all foreign countries, wpw.t nsw m ḫȝs(w).t nb(.t). His tomb, numbered 022/USC, has been excavated by the mission of the Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University in 2013–2015 (El-Aguizy 2020: 125–131; El Aguizy 2022: 46; : 188).

59.

This graffito is unpublished and will be published separately by the author of this paper.

60.

Staring, forthcoming.

61.

For more details about the servants who were mentioned in the tombs and their relationships with the tomb owners, see Staring, forthcoming.

62.

The majority of these objects were fragmentarily preserved. These include (fragments of) pottery vessels, a piece of a papyrus sheet, clay stoppers, thirteen pottery bases for the large vessels, doum fruit, tiny pieces of matting, and a basket.

63.

This whitewash will be chemically analysed and prepared for publication by a team of conservators at the Department of Archaeological Conservation, Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University.

64.

: 37.

65.

Sometimes, the agricultural tools, baskets and water pots represented on the back of the shabti figure were painted on the front and back of pottery shabtis.

66.

Schneider 1977: 38, 90; Janes 2016: 6–19. Other examples of shabtis with hieratic texts, see Petrie 1935: pls 14, 24–26; .

67.

: 25.

68.

Thanks are due to Matthias Möller and Rob Demarée for this suggestion. For more information about this title in the Graeco-Roman Period (including female bearers of the title), see Cannata 2020; : 13–23.

69.

, II: 376.

70.

, II: 194.

71.

Möller 1965, III: 194; : 136–139.

72.

The inscriptions on the third shabti could not be drawn by the author, due to practical reasons.

73.

Al-Gaar 2016: 81. The ear stelae were found in several places in Egypt such as El-Kab, Deir el-Medina, Deir el-Bahri, Karnak, Tod, Abydos, Serabit el-Khadem, Ashmonen, Tell el-Amarna, Memphis, Abusir, and Qantir. For these places, see Al-Gaar 2016: 83–86. On the ear stelae from Memphis, see Sadek 1987. For ear stelae found locally at Saqqara, see the miniature stela (8.0 x 5.1 x 2.7 cm) bearing the representations of two ears, painted red, found in the upper part of the shaft complex (IV) of Horemheb’s tomb (: 18, cat. 63, pls 8, 55).

74.

On a stela found at Abydos, see, : pl. 31, n. 4.

75.

Petrie found various ear stelae in the temple of Ptah at Memphis: Petrie 1909: 7–8, pls 8–13; : 69.

76.

: 82.

77.

: 79.

78.

Petrie 1909: 7. There are several other opinions about the function of the ear stelae : 82.

79.

For more information about the ear stelae, see Varga 1997: 319–322; Föster 2010: 69–78, pls 16–22; .

80.

For several examples see : 117–146.

81.

Staring, personal communication, 10.2022.

Author biography

Khaled Hassan is an Associate Professor in the Department of Egyptology, Cairo University, where he received his PhD in 2014. He received two post-doctoral fellowships from DAAD to Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz and was appointed as an associate researcher at IFAO for three years (2017–2020). From 2022, he is also an associate researcher in the American Research Center in Egypt (ARCE). His main research focuses on hieratic materials such as ostraca, papyri, and wooden tablets.

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