Abstract
It is well established that the educational achievements of children in care often lag behind those of their peers in school. This article explores the needs and experiences of a particular group that has been overlooked: women from a care background who go to university. It charts the adult careers of 18 women who were in care in Australia between the late 1950s and 2005 and identifies five groups with regard to their life histories: Destined, Decided, Determined, Denied and Delayed. The importance of context for understanding the educational needs of children in care is emphasised, along with practice recommendations regarding: attention to existing academic deficits; facilitating recovery and growth; ensuring support, guidance and encouragement; providing practical and financial support; ensuring stability and security; responding sensitively to social and cultural differences; and acknowledging the importance of professional contributions.
It is universally recognised that the educational achievements of children in care lags behind those of their peers in the wider community (AIHW, 2011; Berridge, 2012; Courtney, 2008; Jackson and Höjer, 2013; Montserrat, Casas and Malo, 2013; Racz and Korintus, 2013; Sallnäs, Vinnerljung and Westermark, 2009; Strijker, 2010; Tveit and Arnesen, 2004; Vinnerljung, Oman and Gunnarson, 2005). This seems to apply irrespective of whether countries follow a predominantly ‘child protection’ model of welfare or a European approach based on a ‘social pedagogical’ model of looking after children in care. Research studies have identified the factors that promote and hinder these outcomes and this article extends this knowledge by focusing on the needs of women from a care background who experience further education.
The research
The research comprised a qualitative study of 18 Australian women university graduates who had spent at least three years in care after the age of seven. The sample was restricted to women because the social and educational experiences of girls and boys in state care in Australia were very different in earlier decades (van Krieken, 1991) and because the researcher believed that she was especially well qualified to understand the women’s experiences (Hanmer and Hearn, 1999). It was hoped, nonetheless, that the research would serve to benefit all children in care regardless of gender.
The data were collected through narrative interviews that explored educational pathways from primary school through to university graduation. Personal views on how to improve the education of children in care were also gathered. The interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and analysed using thematic analysis, and University Human Ethics guidelines were followed. Each participant was then offered a transcript of their interview but, interestingly, only seven took this opportunity and only three requested alterations.
The participants had all been in care between the late 1950s and 2005, three entering care in the mid- to late-1950s, seven in the 1960s, four in the 1970s and two each in the 1980s and the 1990s. In the early decades, the predominant type of provision in Australia was institutional but foster care became the most common placement later on.
From a socio-demographic perspective, 13 of the 18 participants were mothers and three were grandmothers. Six said or implied that they were currently living alone while the others were in relationships with husbands and partners. Some participants were enjoying what they described as successful marriages or relationships, while others recalled bitter or failed ones. However, regardless of their relationship status, all the participants claimed that academic qualifications had given them financial independence, a benefit that was highly valued given their memories of childhood poverty and, in some instances, impoverished adulthood.
Each participant had completed at least a bachelor degree. A number had obtained two such degrees and many others had acquired additional diplomas. Six of the women had completed, or were completing, a master’s degree while one had a PhD and another was finishing a doctoral thesis at the time of the interview.
The participants had worked or were currently employed in jobs that fitted into the middle- to high-status tier of Australia’s employment hierarchy. They were grateful to education for giving them this status and noted that success earned them greater respect than they had experienced as children and adolescents. All except one were working or had worked in a helping profession, such as social work, teaching or nursing.
Nine of the participants had continued with higher education direct from school and the other nine had returned to study sometime later. As the aim of the research was to investigate the factors contributing to their educational success while in care, the school experiences of the latter group were used to explore what prevented them from continuing with higher education once they had left school.
Findings
Five groups of participants were identified according to their educational experiences. These were labelled Destined, Decided, Determined, Denied or Delayed, and each will be discussed in turn.
Destined group
The women in this group had received resources for, and assistance with, education during their schooling that can be considered to be above the standard level of public care. For example, they attended private schools and received private tuition. The group was so called because the women thought that they had been ‘destined’ to go to university since they were middle-school age. When asked why they thought so, they all responded along the lines of: ‘What else should you be doing after leaving school? It was just expected of you.’ This was because they believed that by investing in their education, their carers were holding high expectations for them. As a result, the women did not want to disappoint these aspirations and strived for high academic achievement.
Decided group
The women in this group ‘decided’ that they wanted to pursue higher education. They were exposed to both negative and positive influences with regard to education while at school but consciously chose to internalise only the positive messages. This was predominantly because they had a significant female adult consistently stressing to them the importance of education and representing it as their gateway out of childhood adversity. As the women had a deep relationship with this adult, they trusted the information conveyed and ‘decided’ they needed a decent education. The following reflection from Doreen
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provides an example of this type of positive influence: My education was not supported at home [group home] but my holiday mother
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was very focused on making sure that I did have an education all the way through my life … even as I got older she said, ‘You know, you will have a university degree.’
Determined group
This was a very ‘determined’ group that developed a motivation to go to university while at school despite not having adequate resources or receiving active support. These women embodied strong resilience, demonstrating agency, courage, determination, perseverance and help-seeking behaviour that countered the effect of not having a significant adult in their life. They did not allow adverse circumstances to interfere with their educational aspirations, actively enlisting help from professionals for problems which they were not able to handle alone. Tessa, who lived in a youth hostel as an adolescent, explained how she had managed to complete school: The student welfare officer [from whom I sought assistance] at school was hugely instrumental in making sure that I didn’t have to worry about a whole bunch of things like textbooks and school uniform. Those sorts of things that, if I had to pay for those things, I couldn’t have been able to afford it so I couldn’t have done schooling.
Denied group
The women in this group had been encouraged by a significant adult to pursue an education for a short period sometime during their schooling. Although short-lived, this experience stimulated them to aspire towards a professional career. However, around the age of 16, accommodation crises forced them out of school and left them struggling to cope with everyday survival. As Beth explained: I turned 16. Once you turn 16 the money stops [policy of the time] so the foster mother kicked me out. I didn’t finish the year. I wanted to do my HSC [Year 12] because at that time I wanted to work for the DoCS [Department of Community Services]. And I think life just took a complete turn that I wasn’t expecting because then I had nowhere to live − so all of a sudden it’s not about getting an education, it’s about surviving. At 16 I was living on the streets.
Delayed group
The school experience of women in this group was very different from those elsewhere. Their experience, both inside and outside of school, was negative all the way through. They were not made aware of the importance of education, career options were not explained and those responsible for their welfare, such as carers, teachers and social workers, gave little assistance with classroom studies and homework. This lack of support contributed to poor performance and difficult behaviour in school. Thus, the women performed poorly and some began to act out when they were unable to complete allocated tasks. This, in turn, attracted continual criticism from teachers and carers who attributed their low academic achievements to a lack of ability, hence early employment seemed the most suitable option. Having developed a dislike of school due to extensive humiliation, criticism and the stigma associated with being in care, they left as soon as possible for unskilled employment. Later, though, on realising the value of education, they began to regret their lack of qualifications and decided to remedy this. The following reflection by Jenna sums up the experience of this group: I didn’t know about a future. I didn’t know my options. I didn’t know professions. I didn’t know that I could have a choice. I really didn’t know the world. … I wish I had known at that time that education was available to me. If I had known then I would have taken advantage of it. And that would have helped me, I think. Probably I may not have married so young. I may have made different choices throughout life rather than 25 years, 30 years down the track.
Discussion
The experience of the Destined group demonstrates that when adults who are responsible for children’s well-being invest resources in their education, children in care internalise this as the adults holding high expectations for them. This belief has the propensity to drive these children to strive for academic achievement.
With this in mind, a concern must arise when carers, teachers and social workers hold low expectations for children in care (DfES, 2005; Jackson, Ajayi and Quigley, 2005; Mendes, 2010). This is understandable given the chaotic lifestyles, sense of hopelessness and lack of direction displayed by many older children in care. Yet, the adults in question are in an ideal position to remedy this and facilitate the transformation of positive values from adverse circumstances.
This lack of optimism could reflect the perception that children in care are by definition a low functioning group (Smith, 2009; Tveit and Arnesen, 2004), a view reinforced by evidence on the higher rates of social, emotional and behavioural difficulties that they display (AIHW, 2014). However, research also shows that these children also have persistent traits of resilience (Ajayi and Quigley, 2006; Cameron, 2007; Johnson and Mendes, 2014; Stein, 2005). Thus, there appears to be an urgent need to change the prevailing negative view regarding their potential and ensure that children in care are surrounded by optimistic adults who believe that with adequate support surprising achievements are possible. There is also scope for researchers to effect this change at a broader level by highlighting the strengths and achievements of children in care and of ex-care adults, as the narratives of the women in the Destined group show that children tend to absorb the optimism (or pessimism) of adults around them.
The experiences of the Decided group confirm the importance of having a significant adult in their lives. Children in care often experience multiple placements and this makes it hard for them to bond with a particular carer (Bryderup and Trentel, 2013). However, Doreen’s experience demonstrates that the ‘significant adult’ does not necessarily have to live with the child on a day-to-day basis.
The Swedish concept of ‘contact person/family’ found in that country’s child and family welfare system is relevant here because a similar arrangement might work for children in care. Having a contact person/family is a statutory service for children living in families with social problems or who have severe learning disabilities (Andersson, 2006), but is different from ‘youth mentoring’ programmes because of its statutory status. The ‘contact person’ in Sweden is commonly used for older children and teenagers who may need ‘help with school work, access to an adult outside the home with whom to discuss problems, company for constructive leisure activities, or support in independent living’ (Andersson, 2006: 181). The ‘contact family’ is used for children in need to visit one or two weekends a month and perhaps for a few days during holidays, or when temporary accommodation is required owing to difficulties at home. As they are statutory services with measures in place to monitor the well-being of children in their care, they are also in a better position to screen and match the adults to children and scrutinise and assess developing relationships, so reducing the risk of harm.
The experiences of the Determined group emphasise the importance of practical and financial support for children who strive to get an education in the absence of a supportive adult in their life. These children are resilient and resourceful people who would seek support on their own initiative. However, their educational needs vary according to their personal goals and the available resources available at the time. Professionals and carers need to appreciate this behaviour and attend to children’s requests without interpreting their ‘self-reliant approach’ as being ‘difficult’ (Cameron, 2007: 48).
The Denied group responses highlight the importance of placement stability during the last years of schooling. As the stories of these women reveal, instability at this stage can seriously jeopardise children’s aspirations, even if these hopes and ambitions are deeply rooted in their minds. Unfortunately, children in care still experience multiple placements despite efforts to minimise them (Fernandez, 2010; Sallnäs, Vinnerljung and Westermark, 2009; Strijker, 2010; Wulczyn and Chen, 2010). The point to note, therefore, is the significance of secure placements for adolescents who are in their final years of schooling. Boarding schools might be an alternative for some of them if the usual options appear fragile (Maxwell, et al., 2009).
The Delayed group experience draws attention to the importance of carers, teachers and social workers giving children in care clear and accurate information about their options and the harmful effects of not doing so. As Jenna’s reflection implied, if children in care know the value of education, they might make an effort to stay in school. But the experience of disrupted schooling makes this difficult and usually means they lag academically behind their classroom peers. This, along with many other barriers they face, makes them susceptible to early leaving (Cashmore and Paxman, 1996, 2006, 2007; Cashmore, Paxman and Townsend, 2007; Montserrat, Casas and Malo, 2013). Making the children aware of the benefits of education and the options available to them is, therefore, a crucial aspect of motivational behaviour. Social workers have a special responsibility in this respect because placement movements and disjointed schooling often prevent children from receiving this information from sources like carers and teachers available to other children.
In summary, the research found the following points and suggestions to be especially important for the education of children in care. Although many of the points have been well documented in the literature, it is hoped that this summary will provide care workers with a framework with which to assess the educational needs of children in care according to their particular circumstances.
Attending to existing academic deficits
The education of children in care is negatively affected by their pre-care abuse and/or neglect; thus, their performance level is generally lower than the national standard at the time they are taken into care. They need to be individually assisted in order to bring their performance up to a level consistent with the standard curriculum. Carers, volunteers and private tutors are all possible resources from whom additional academic help may be obtained.
Facilitating recovery and growth
Although external resources are necessary, they are not by themselves sufficient to promote the children’s education because they are so emotionally vulnerable. The capacity to focus on learning can be significantly reduced by emotional instability. Assisting children to understand, cope and recover from emotional issues should be prioritised. Consequently, organising access to psychological support, both professional and informal, is important.
Another aspect to consider during the early stages is building resilience (Bryderup and Trentel, 2013). All the participants in this research equivocally asserted that children in care need to be given the opportunity to participate in after-school activities of personal choice, such as sports, dancing and music, in order to not only build their confidence, resilience, social skills and hopefulness, but also to make them feel ‘normal’, given that such activities nowadays tend to be the norm for so many children in western societies.
Ensuring support, guidance and encouragement
As the urgency of dealing with emotional issues diminishes, children taken into care need to be encouraged to develop a sense of purpose and hope. An effective way in which to facilitate this is to encourage them to view education as a way to escape disadvantage. An adult who has gained their trust is well placed to convey this message, so ensuring that such a person exists is critical. Psychological parenting 3 is the desired outcome and thus the adult need not live with the child every day. For children who do not have a supportive carer or a significant adult from their previous relationships, a caring adult from the community could be considered, with stringent screening and supervision on a statutory basis.
Regardless of whether the children have a psychological parent or not, those adults who have an ethical responsibility for their welfare need to hold a positive outlook for them because the child in care is likely to internalise the optimism, or lack of it, of the adults around them. Even the carers who, for whatever reason, are emotionally distant can instil hope in these children by showing a special interest in their education, for example, by providing resources for learning.
Children in care may experience multiple placements that can hinder the chances of bonding with a carer. Despite the common limitations of their role, such as frequent turnover, limited resources and bureaucratic constraints, social workers should recognise that it is the quality, not the quantity, of their relationship with the child that matters.
Social workers may strive to be more involved in the education of children in care and succeed in finding a suitable school, monitoring the child’s progress and providing a space in which to study. But, without continual monitoring, some children may struggle to maintain a routine, may experience stigma and bullying or simply miss support opportunities, and so leave school early.
Above all, children in care need to be informed of their educational options and the career pathways available to them. Given that these children often experience irregular schooling and attend several establishments, it would be prudent for social workers to take on the role of providing or reinforcing relevant information.
Providing practical and financial support
No amount of resilience or determination can make children in care succeed if they do not have the physical means with which to reach their goals. In particular, if a child does not have a supportive carer or other significant adult, social workers may need to attend to a broader range of needs. Such children may require sustained support, specifically practical and financial, not only while in care but also after leaving until they complete their education, and this involves providing and finding accommodation.
It is difficult to pre-assess or predict the educational needs of individual children in care because they revolve around the specific aims and goals at different points in time and the social context of that period. Therefore, the services to them need to be located in a flexible framework so that workers are not required to ration or deny help to children because of workplace restrictions or fear of breaching contractual obligations.
Ensuring stability and security
Particular significance is attached to placement stability during the last few years of schooling. Instability and associated hardship at this time pose a very high risk to education. Attempts need to be made to ensure stability at least during the last two years of schooling while preparing for the final school exams, as in many circumstances satisfactory completion of these leads to higher education, the outcome of which is a further boost to positive life chances.
Social and cultural influences
Subjecting children in care to negative comments about their academic achievement is extremely unproductive, while praising their efforts can make a significant impression. All those involved in the child’s welfare need to take an active role in praising educational endeavours and educating critics about the ramifications of negative comments, given children’s predisposition to absorb influences that could lead to disengagement from education. A pivotal factor to consider in this regard is the geographical location of the school. Avoiding schools situated in areas with known negative factors is a prudent measure if there is scope to do so. Conversely, exposing them to positive influences, such as role models, can be productive. In particular, exposure to ex-care peers who have been academically successful may facilitate motivation to strive educationally.
Importance of professional contribution
Finally, the staff contribution to the welfare of children in care also needs to be acknowledged because of the direct correlation between the quality of out-of-home care services and the well-being of children (Gilligan, 2009). The suggestions presented in this article are not feasible if staff are low paid, under-resourced, poorly supported and inadequately trained. Making the argument for sufficient funding for child welfare services is appropriate since one of its effects is to promote the education of children in care.
Conclusion
The findings of this research demonstrate that the educational needs of children in care are considerable and especially so for women who struggle in many countries to achieve parity with men. But these needs are also bound to context and different approaches are required to meet the educational needs of different groups rather than a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach. For example, children who have not bonded with a significant adult may need greater professional assistance to persevere and succeed. It was also clear that children who were fortunate enough to connect with a significant adult had a much more supportive and positive educational experience. Consequently, the workers at the forefront of helping children in care are required to make judgements regarding how best to support their education in various care circumstances. This involves determining priorities and developing clear strategies as well as good communication between all parties involved. The characteristics of the five groups identified in this study provide a useful preliminary guide to help this process.
This research also supports the notion that the educational needs of children in care are inherently intertwined with many other factors, for example, emotional well-being and safe and secure accommodation. Efforts to promote education must therefore also involve attending to other needs. But, in conclusion, it is especially important for all sections of society to appreciate that with support many of these children are capable of achieving a decent education and that girls are just as capable of doing so as boys.