Abstract
Assuming the philological work of those who suggest that the רינִ passages of Kings should not be rendered ‘light’ or ‘lamp’, this article discusses why רינִ is used in Kings in light of R. Polzin's commentary, which suggests wordplay between these passages and the רנֵ passages of Samuel. Stemming from a methodological discussion that considers synchronic and diachronic issues, this article partially accepts Polzin's proposal. It is reasonable to conclude that there is a paranomastic purpose behind the use of רינֵ in Kings and that these passages were composed with 2 Sam. 21.17 in mind, which bears witness to an archaic ideological element within the Davidic tradition. This article also concludes that 1 Sam. 3.3a can be understood as a deft redactional insertion that imported a sense of ironic critique into the original rhetorical complex.
1. Introduction
In contrast to the continuity in many English translations of the noun רינִ in Kings (1 Kgs 11.36; 15.4; 2 Kgs 8.19) 1 as ‘light’ or ‘lamp’, 2 ancient translations are diverse in their rendering of רינִ. 3 The LXX renders רינִ as λύχνoς ‘light’ (2 Kgs 8.19), θέσις, ‘position’ (1 Kgs 11.36), and κατά-λ∊ιμμα, ‘remnant’ (1 Kgs 15.4). 4 The Vulgate employs lucerna, ‘light’ or ‘lamp’, 5 in all three passages, but the Targum translates רינִ as וּכלְמַ, ‘kingdom’. 6 Upon morphological and phonological considerations, the complexities deepen. If רינִ in Kings assumes either the root רינ or רונ and a qatil nominal pattern, the expected phonological contraction is a ṣere not a ḥireq. 7
In 1968, Paul Hanson argued that רינִ in Kings is not a bi-form of רנֵ and should be translated as ‘dominion’ from a literal meaning of ‘yoke’. 8 Ehud Ben Zvi also questioned the interpretation of רינִ as ‘light’ or ‘lamp’ in Kings, but from a philological angle. Asserting a relationship between רינִ in Kings and other forms of the root רינ, 9 Ben Zvi ultimately offered a translation of ‘territorial dominion’. 10 While not accepted by all scholars, 11 the work of Hanson, Ben Zvi, and others 12 is persuasive. The noun רינִ in Kings should not be translated as ‘light’ or ‘lamp’. Rather, it refers to a territory parceled in accord with a covenant.
Assuming the work of Hanson and Ben Zvi, this article pursues a more basic question. Why did the writer employ this rare word, רינִ, in the manner that it appears? Robert Polzin has suggested an intriguing possibility: wordplay between these passages in Kings and the רנֵ passages of Samuel (1 Sam. 3.3; 2 Sam. 21.17; 22.29). 13 However, his proposal requires a proper assessment. First, Polzin assumes a ‘global’ interpretive perspective, 14 which evades the diachronic issues of the books of Samuel and Kings. Furthermore, his brief comments do not constitute an adequate examination of the methodological issues involved with wordplay. Therefore, this article will test Polzin's proposal to ascertain, as best as possible, why the noun רינִ was employed. 15 It begins with a few methodological considerations.
2. Methodological Considerations
Wordplay implements sound and meaning, audible and intellectual stimulation. 16 It is ‘intended to excite curiosity to invite a search for meanings that were not readily apparent’. 17 That is, wordplay imports unforeseen meaning to deepen a passage's semantics. Applicable here is stimulation through vowel mutilation, or metaphonic wordplay. 18 Does the e/i distinction trigger the importation of ideas? One must first consider Casanowicz's caution, ‘The nature of Semitic languages favors the occurrence of similar sounds’. 19 In light of the morphological and phonological patterns exhibited in Semitic languages, one must distinguish between coincidental similarities and those that were probably intended. Does the monosyllabic nature of רנֵ and רינִ disqualify Polzin's proposal?
Another methodological issue is distance. The רנֵ passages of Samuel and the רינִ passages of Kings do not occur in the immediate context of each other. Therefore, does the distance between terms disqualify Polzin's proposal? Indeed, wordplay is most obvious when the associated passages occur in close proximity. However, more important than proximity is the ability of the audience to make the cognitive connection. Close proximity merely increases this likelihood. 20 Therefore, for the proposal of wordplay to defy the obstacle of distance, one must demonstrate the likelihood that this cognitive connection would have been accomplished. In fact, these conclusions will assist one's determination of whether the vowel mutilation mentioned in the preceding paragraph is indicative of wordplay.
3. Assessing the Possible Connection
There are at least three considerations in assessing whether the cognitive connection would have been made: the rarity of רינִ, the logical correlation between the semantics of the רנֵ and רינִ passages, and the literary-critical relationship between passages. 21 This section will examine the רינִ passages of Kings in such a way as to address these considerations.
a. The Rarity of רינִ
Rare or unusual words that display a similar sound to another word may signal an intended connection. 22 The noun רינִ certainly fits the description of ‘unusual’. If one follows Ben Zvi in maintaining that רינִ in Kings is related to the other forms of the root רינ, there are only ten occurrences of this root in the Old Testament. 23 If one follows Hanson, who suggests that רינִ in Kings is a homonym to the other forms of the root רינ in the Old Testament, the number of occurrences is reduced to four. 24 Intrigue continues when one considers רינִ in relation to the preferred terms of ‘dominion’ or ‘kingdom’ in the books of Deuteronomy–2 Kings. Undoubtedly, the preferred root to communicate such ideas within this literary corpus is ךלמ. 25 The nouns הכָלָמְמַ, הכָוּלמְ, חוּכלָמְמַ and חוּכלְמַ combine to occur 241 times in the Old Testament, with nearly twenty-five percent of their occurrences in Deuteronomy–2 Kings. Forty-six times they appear in Samuel and Kings, about twenty percent of all occurrences. Furthermore, both הכָלָמְמַ and הכָוּלמְ appear in the immediate context of 1 Kgs 11.36. 26 Thus, despite the ubiquity of terms derived from ךלמ, the noun רינִ was employed in 1 Kgs 11.36; 15.4 and 2 Kgs 8.19.
b. Correlating the Semantics of the רינִ and רנֵ Passages
The first occurrence of רינִ appears in the context that recounts the prophet Ahijah's encounter with Jeroboam (1 Kgs 11.29–39). More specifically, it appears in a subordinate clause that rationalizes the preservation of one tribe to the Davidic ruler. ‘But I will not take the whole kingdom from his hand … But to his son I will give one tribe in order that territorial dominion may perpetually belong to David, my servant, before me in Jerusalem, the city that I chose for myself, to put my name there’ (1 Kgs 11.34–36). Here, רינִ is associated with David's piety, a geographic delineation, and the preservation of David's dynasty in spite of apostasy. More specifically, David's piety secures the endurance of dynastic leadership. Furthermore, the רינִ will be located in Jerusalem. In fact, these three issues recur alongside רינִ in 1 Kgs 15.4 and 2 Kgs 8.19. In 1 Kgs 15.4 we read, ‘Yet for the sake of David, the Lord his God gave to him territorial dominion in Jerusalem by establishing 27 his son after him and solidifying Jerusalem because David did right in the eyes of the Lord’. And 2 Kgs 8.18–19 reads, ‘He walked in the ways of the kings of Israel, just as the house of Ahab did, for the daughter of Ahab was his wife. He did evil in the eyes of the Lord. But the Lord was not willing to destroy Judah for the sake of David his servant because he promised to give him territorial dominion for his sons perpetually.’
Thus, the רינִ passages of Kings exhibit notable uniformity, suggesting composition by the same hand. 28 First, each passage employs רינִ in a context that negatively evaluates a Judean king (Solomon; Abijam; Jehoram), particularly in light of David's piety. Second, each occurrence appears in a subordinate clause that rationalizes the Lord's preservation of Judah. Third, רינִ is the manifestation of a promise given by the Lord to David. 29 Fourth, each passage associates the רינִ with a geographic notation. Fifth, the immediate context of each verse acknowledges the dwindling boundaries of the Judean kingdom by war and/or revolt. 30 Thus, through these three passages the narrator propounds the ideology that in spite of the occasional evil king and its dwindling sphere of influence, David's dynasty endures in part because territorial dominion, located in the vicinity of Jerusalem or Judah, was promised to David.
In contrast to the uniformity of the רינִ passages are the רנֵ passages of Samuel, and the first occurrence of the noun (1 Sam. 3.3a) is the most intricate of the three. The clause in question, הבֶּכְיִ םרֶטֶ םיהִלֹאֱ רנֵוְ is circumstantial, functioning alongside similar clauses in vv. 2–3 to introduce the narrative of Samuel's call. The text of 1 Sam. 3.2–4a can be translated as follows: ‘And it came to pass when Eli was sleeping in his place, when his eyes had begun to dull, not able to see, when the lamp of God had not yet gone out, when Samuel was sleeping in the temple of the Lord where the Ark of God was that the Lord called to Samuel …’ The clause הבֶּכְיִ םרֶטֶ םיהִלֹאֱ רנֵוְ stands as a component to the necessary background information for the more salient component, ‘And it came to pass on that day … that the Lord called to Samuel’. 31 As to the necessity of such background information, McCarter is certainly correct when he emphasizes the temporal character of this clause. 32 Yet, the juxtaposition of this clause with statements pertaining to Eli's failing eyesight and the Ark's close proximity may suggest a more elaborate purpose. 33 Given that the statements of Eli's failing eyesight and the proximity of the Ark function to foreshadow elements of the larger narrative, 34 it stands to reason that הבֶּכְיִ םרֶטֶ םיהִלֹאֱ רנֵוְ could also serve a similar purpose. 35
The most logical place for fulfillment appears with 2 Sam. 21.17, for it and 1 Sam. 3.3a share key terms: רנֵ and הבכ. However, there are significant differences between these two passages. The noun רנֵ occurs in 1 Sam. 3.3a in construct with םיהִלֹאֱ and is the subject of הבכ which appears in the qal stem and manifests a stative nuance with no explicit agency. In 2 Sam. 21.17b, רנֵ appears in construct with לאֵרׇשְׂיִ, but this chain is the object of the verb הבכ, which appears in the piel stem with David as the subject. These observed differences are significant. Thus, on the one hand, the linguistic connection between 1 Sam. 3.3a and 2 Sam. 21.17b could be coincidental. If so, 1 Sam. 3.3a merely serves a temporal function. However, on the other hand, these dissimilarities could inform a more subtle function.
The case of 2 Sam. 21.17 belongs to the etiological episode of 2 Sam. 21.15–17, explaining why David ceased accompanying his men to war. According to the narrative, on one occasion David grew weary during battle and was mortally threatened by a formidable Philistine warrior. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether this fatigue was due to David's age or the length of the battle. If one considers the implications of Veijola's suggestion, ‘The statement is most meaningful in a situation where the succession of the throne is not yet settled’, 36 then the latter explanation could be in order. What is clear is that Abishai rescued David by striking down said Philistine. In response to these events, David's men swear an oath never again to allow David to enter with them into battle: ‘You shall never again go out with us to war lest you extinguish the lamp of Israel’. In this context, לאֵרׇשְׂיִ רנֵ is a metaphor for Israel's enduring vitality, substantiating the fear that David's premature death would cripple Israel's existence. 37 In the words of P.R. Ackroyd, ‘The life of the people is tied up with the life of the king’. 38
As to other nuances of this metaphor—that David's death would extinguish the ‘lamp of Israel’—the Targum's translation of 2 Sam. 21.17b is informative. It reads: אנמע רוע קופת אל רמימל היל ריור ירבג ומייק ןיכב לארשיר אתוכלמ תי יפטת אלו לברקל. This translation clarifies ambiguity surrounding the use of the piel stem in the MT. There, it is unclear whether David himself or the royal institution is the ‘lamp of Israel’. The use of the piel stem, which does not contain a reflexive nuance, suggests that the institution is in view, but the narrative's literary context, toward the conclusion of the books of Samuel and thus after the allocation of the dynastic covenant, militates against this. 39 However, the Targumic rendering demonstrates that some of the earliest interpreters of the Old Testament understood the concern to be the fragmentation of the kingdom of Israel via David's death, supporting the suspicion that the institution is in view. Incidentally, the Targumic understanding also demonstrates an ideological connection between this passage and the רינִ passages of Kings, the preservation of the kingdom/community through the preservation of the monarchy. 40 Initially, this appears to lend credence for wordplay. However, the only definitive conclusion is that the Targumic writer read these passages in light of each other. One must determine if there is reason to believe that the Targumic writer made explicit what was implicit in the Hebrew. This requires a discussion of the literary-critical relationship between passages (see below).
The third occurrence appears in 2 Sam. 22.29, amidst a psalm commemorating David's salvation from his enemies (2 Sam. 22.1b). Verse 29 proclaims, ‘Surely you are my lamp, O Lord, for the Lord brightens my darkness’. Here, the Lord is the lamp, ירִינֵ התָּלַ יכִּ. He is the divine agent of salvation who helps the psalmist navigate through the difficulties of life. 41
In sum, the רינִ passages of the books of Kings exhibit significant uniformity, which differs from the רנֵ passages of the books of Samuel. Between 1 Sam. 3.3a and 2 Sam. 21.17b, there is a notable connection via the recurrence of the noun רנֵ and the verb הבכ, but the nuances between passages are also noteworthy. In 2 Sam. 22.29 the Lord is uniquely equated with רנֵ. While the Targumic reading of 2 Sam. 21.17 testifies to an ideological connection between 2 Sam. 21.17 and the רינִ passages of Kings, such a connection does not necessarily substantiate wordplay between these passages. To substantiate wordplay, one must demonstrate the likelihood that the רינִ passages of Kings and 2 Sam. 21.17 were composed in light of each other.
c. The Literary-Critical Relationship between the רינִ and רנֵ Passages
In discussing this issue, it is prudent to begin by noting that two of the three occurrences of the noun רנֵ in Samuel occur in the so-called Appendix, 2 Samuel 21–24. The Appendix traditionally has been understood as a later insertion. 42 Assuming for the moment the traditional critical viewpoint, the occurrence of רנֵ in 2 Sam. 21.17, or in 2 Sam. 22.29 for that matter, would not have been included in the original Samuel narrative, nor the larger literary context. By implication, assuming that the רינִ passages belonged to an early, if not the earliest, edition of the books of Kings, 43 they would have antedated 2 Sam. 21.17.
Aspects of this traditional position, however, are open to criticism. In particular, there is reason to believe that some elements of the Appendix, namely 2 Sam. 21.15–22, constitute some of the oldest elements of the Davidic tradition. Scholars have long noted the thematic and lexical points of contact between 2 Sam. 5.17–25 and 2 Sam. 21.15–22, 44 and, according to Na'aman, both pericopes probably existed within a text composed by court scribes to preserve (previously oral) traditions that recounted the exploits of David and Solomon. Na'aman calls this ‘The Chronicle of Early Israelite Kings’. 45 Hypothesizing the text's date of composition to the ninth century, 46 Na'aman believes that this chronicle was ‘the major source from which the historian extracted details for his reconstruction of the chain of events in the time of the United Monarchy’. 47
The ideology of 2 Sam. 21.17 lends credence to the antiquity of the passage. As already discussed, the issue in 2 Sam. 21.17 is that David's premature death would extinguish the ‘lamp of Israel’ and compromise the royal institution to the point of the country's demise. If the institution dissolves, so too does the country. This differs from the רינִ passages of Kings, which assume the nation's endurance after the death of David. In other words, the רינִ passages of Kings assume the existence and implications of the Davidic covenant whereas 2 Sam. 21.17 does not appear to be aware of it. Given the pervasiveness and centrality of the Davidic covenant not only throughout the Old Testament but also within literature of the Davidic tradition, it is therefore likely that this episode bears witness to an ideology within the Davidic tradition that predated an emphasis upon the covenant. 48 Consequently, in light of these considerations, one can reasonably postulate that the writer of the רינִ passages was aware of and drew upon these traditions. Thus, one can further suggest that the noun רינִ was utilized because of its audible similarity with רנֵ.
If one does not accept this suggestion, instead arguing that the רינִ passages were not composed with 2 Sam. 21.17 in view, he or she must still explain the use of this very rare noun. Quite simply, if not in view of the ideology of 2 Sam. 21.17, why use רינִ? One could explain it as stylistic preference, thereby rendering the audible similarity as coincidental. However, as mentioned above, the author of the רינִ passages of Kings was well aware of the more common terms that convey dominion but instead implemented רינִ. Thus, the author's stylistic modus operandi would suggest the use of a noun derived from the root ךלמ. A coincidental audible similarity is unlikely.
Hanson's work attempts another explanation of רינִ He proposed that רינִ in Kings recalls the Akkadian nīru, a terminus technicus of royal monumental literature. As such, the use of רינִ in Kings could stem from a Judean attempt to play off this convention in a way that simultaneously offers hope for the community while offering a satirical expression against the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Such satire would have served quite well the policies and literary endeavors of Hezekiah and Josiah that sought to assert Judah in the face of Neo-Assyria. Yet, the criticism most often leveled against Hanson's proposal—that the idea of ‘yoke’ often carries a negative, imperialistic connotation—cannot be ignored. Indeed, the use of nīru in the sense of ‘dominion’ may not always possess a negative connotation, but the fact remains that it is the prevailing connotation. Furthermore, other nuances of the רינִ passages of Kings work against Hanson's position. The people over whom the Davidic king rules are fellow Israelites, and the issue of concern in these passages has a covenantal nuance, the preservation of land for the Davidic king to rule. This covenantal sense differs from the imperialistic sense often assumed by the use of nīru in royal Akkadian literature. Even a Babylonian hymn to Ishtar, which incidentally exhibits some interesting parallels with the רינִ passages of Kings, 49 conveys imperialistic connotations. Therefore, the relationship between the רינִ passages of Kings and the Akkadian mru appears to be homonymic.
Regarding the literary-critical issues of 1 Sam. 3.3a, let the reader first recall the discussion above. Next, the clause הבֶּכְיִ םרֶטֶ םיהִלֹאֱ רנֵוְ interrupts the otherwise balanced syntax of two clauses in 1 Sam. 3.2–3 (PN + בכֵשֹׁ + בְּ + location + modifying clause). Also, the subtleties of 1 Sam. 3.3a—‘now the lamp of God had not yet gone out’—implies that the lamp's extinguishment is inevitable. Finally, the image of an extinguished lamp as a metaphor for judgment occurs in post-exilic literature. 50 Therefore, it is reasonable to interpret 1 Sam. 3.3a as a deft redactional insertion that occurred in accord with an exilic or a post-exilic recension of Israel's history. Such an insertion would therefore function on two levels. On the one hand, it has an obvious temporal function. On the other hand, it would foreshadow the demise of the Davidic line and the exile of God's people. 51 With the sacking of Jerusalem, the looting and destruction of the temple, and the exile of the Davidic line, the lamp of Israel was extinguished and Davidic dominion forfeited. Thus, the lamp of God ‘had now gone out’. 52
One may counter this suggestion by pointing to the reality that the clause הבֶּכְיִ םרֶטֶ םיהִלֹאֱ רנֵוְ makes sense in its present context. However, redactional insertions that make sense in their context should not be alarming. Furthermore, the three phenomena of this clause mentioned in the previous paragraph remain. One may also contend that a Shiloh context for 1 Samuel 3 militates against perceiving v. 3a as secondary. If 1 Sam. 3.3a foreshadows the fall of Jerusalem and its dynastic family, why does this appear in conjunction with Shiloh? Rather, one may expect a context associated with Jerusalem. However, a Shiloh context for such symbolism is optimal. If a redactor sought to reevaluate an ideology that asserted the Davidic line as the unassailable foundation for the Judean community, placing the seed of that reevaluation in a context that documented the initial steps of the socio-political transition that would mature with the Davidic monarchy is impressive rhetoric. 53
In sum, there is reason to believe that the רינִ passages drew upon the old tradition behind 2 Sam. 21.17, hence the utilization of the rare noun רינִ. There is also reason to believe that 1 Sam. 3.3a is secondary to its present context, functioning to anticipate the demise of Jerusalem with the Davidic monarchy. Thus, the רינִ passages of Kings could have depended on רנֵ in 2 Sam. 21.17, at least orally but also possibly textually, and 1 Sam. 3.3a assumed these four passages. As for 2 Sam. 22.29, its relationship to the others appears to rest on the recurrence of רנֵ.
4. Concluding Reflections
Assuming the philological work of Hanson, Ben Zvi, and others, the present study has sought to address the functional question of the רינִ passages of the books of Kings. Polzin has suggested a paranomastic relationship between these passages and the רנֵ passages of the books of Samuel, namely that these passages constitute wordplay. While this hypothesis is intriguing, this essay tested it in light of the unavoidable diachronic issues of the books of Samuel and Kings as well as the methodological issues involved in establishing wordplay. Specifically, the present study discussed the rarity of the noun רינִ in the Old Testament (an important methodological consideration when pondering the possibility of wordplay), the logical and semantic correlation between the רנֵ and רינִ passages, and the literary relationship between passages. It was determined that (1) the individual רינִ passages likely come from the same hand, (2) there is a general connection between the רנֵ passages of Samuel (via רנֵ) but a more pronounced one between 1 Sam. 3.3a and 2 Sam. 21.17 (via רנֵ and הבכ), and (3) the Targumic translator read 2 Sam. 21.17 together with the רינִ passages of Kings. Two other proposals were set forth in the present study: first, 2 Sam. 21.17 testifies to a pre-covenant ideology that was associated with the Davidic tradition, and it influenced the composition of the רינִ passages of Kings; second, 1 Sam. 3.3a is a clever exilic/post-exilic redactional insertion.
All things considered, one can conclude that Polzin's proposed wordplay is a reasonable explanation of the phenomena. Nevertheless, it should be nuanced. Polzin is correct insofar as there appears to be a paranomastic purpose behind the רינִ passages of Kings. However, his assessment of the רינִ passages of Kings and the רנֵ passages of Samuel should be nuanced in light of the implications of the history of Samuel and Kings traditions. Thus, the רינִ passages of Kings can be characterized as an inferencing-allusion triggered by metaphonic wordplay. 54 With each occurrence of רינִ, which explicitly expounds the ideology that the Davidic line will continue in spite of political and spiritual obstacles, wordplay encourages the audience to recall the role for the royal institution articulated in 2 Sam. 21.17, which in turn adds another dimension to the semantics of these passages. Due in large part to David, his covenant, and the promise of perpetual territorial dominion offered to him, the Davidic line, which enjoys divine sanction and guidance, will endure in spite of its dwindling influence and occasional apostasy because it is God's chosen instrument to secure the endurance and vitality of the community.
As to 1 Sam. 3.3a, its secondary status imports significant hermeneutical implications as it altered the original rhetoric. What began as very positive and pro-Davidic rhetoric became ironic and skeptical with the conclusion of 2 Kings. The perception that the Davidic line was the unassailable foundation for the Judean community due to its divine sanction was misguided. The Davidic line was not beyond reproach. When 2 Kings concludes with a provocative image of a Davidic descendant in exile, the audience is forced to ponder whether the Davidic line will ever play a role again. 55
Footnotes
1.
רינִ occurs in 2 Chron. 21.7 as well, but it will not factor into this discussion.
2.
For example,
3.
Whether or not the Vorlage behind the individual
4.
Johan Lust, Erik Eynikel, and Katrin Hauspie, Greek–English Lexicon of the Septuagint (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, rev. edn, 2003), pp. 274, 318, 379.
5.
J.R.V. Marchant and Joseph F. Charles (eds.), Cassell's Latin Dictionary (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1958), p. 323.
6.
Marcus Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalami, and the Midrashic Literature (New York: Judaica Press, 1996), pp. 791–92.
7.
Ehud Ben Zvi, ‘Once the Lamp Has Been Kindled …: A Reconsideration of the
8.
Paul D. Hanson, ‘The Song of Heshbon and David's NÎR’, HTR 61 (1968), pp. 297–320. In particular, Hanson observed the distinction amongst cognate languages between the רונ family of words connected with ‘light’ and a nominal form of nīr exhibiting a historically long ‘i’ associated with ‘yoke’, the use of the nominal form nīru in Akkadian royal literature as a terminus technicus, and other comparative issues (pp. 311–13).
9.
The root רינ demonstrates the idea of ‘soil’. HALOT, I, pp. 696–97.
10.
Zvi, ‘Once the Lamp’, p. 30.
11.
For example, Donald J. Wiseman, 1 and 2 Kings (TOTC, 9; Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2008), p. 149. Cogan and Tadmor refer to the negative connotations often associated with nīru in Akkadian royal literature and offer Ugaritic evidence for retaining the רנֵ/רינִ bi-form. Mordechai Cogan and Hayim Tadmor, 2 Kings (AB, 11; New York: Doubleday, 1988), p. 95. However, the philological issues raised by Hanson and Ben Zvi are convincing. As for the ‘negative connotation’ noted by Cogan and Tadmor, see below.
12.
Also, Frank Moore Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 274–89; Baruch Halpern, The First Historians: The Hebrew Bible and History (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988), pp. 144–80; Marvin A. Sweeney, I and II Kings (OTL; Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 2007), p. 158.
13.
Robert Polzin, Samuel and the Deuteronomist (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), p. 234 n. 34.
14.
Polzin, Samuel and the Deuteronomist, pp. 1–17.
15.
The murky intellectual water that is the concept of ‘intent’ is well-known. However, because wordplay is a rhetorical device, to assess such a proposal one needs to demonstrate the probability of intentionality. Casanowicz's statements still apply: ‘To fall under the definition of paronomasia as an artifice of style, the similarity of sound must be manifestly designed by the author, not the result of an unavoidable coincidence’ (Immanuel M. Casanowicz, Paronomasia in the Old Testament [Boston: Nortwood Press, 1894], p. 26). The present study will assess the reasonableness or probability of wordplay.
16.
Casanowicz, Paronomasia, p. 12.
17.
Jack Sasson, ‘Wordplay in the OT’, in IDBSup, pp. 968–70 (968).
18.
Sasson, ‘Wordplay in the OT’, p. 969.
19.
Casanowicz, Paronomasia, p. 21.
20.
Edward Greenstein states that wordplay occurs in the ‘proximity of words that display similarity of sound with dissimilarity of meaning’. E.L. Greenstein, ‘Hebrew Wordplay’, in ABD, VI, p. 968 (emphasis mine). Yet, he later states that wordplay can trigger an association with another word separated by a substantial distance, suggesting that ‘proximity’ is relative. Gary Rendsburg notes bilingual wordplay in the Old Testament, where the sound of the Hebrew plays off a non-Hebrew word. Gary A. Rendsburg, ‘Bilingual Wordplay in the Bible’, VT 38 (1988), pp. 354–57. Here, ‘proximity’ transcends the confines of the Old Testament and moves into the realm of cross-cultural linguistics.
21.
Upon considering the literary relationship between passages, it will become clear that a synchronic stance, which Polzin assumes, is wanting when discussing a wordplay that spans the books of Samuel and Kings.
22.
Casanowicz, Paronomasia, p. 27: ‘There can be no doubt that the congruence of sound is intended in those combinations … in which unusual words or forms are employed in order to produce similarity of sound’. However, Casanowicz's confidence that such a phenomenon is undoubtedly a sign of paronomasia should be tempered.
23.
HALOT, I, pp. 696–97.
24.
Ben Zvi recognizes this possibility; see Ben Zvi, ‘Once the Lamp’, p. 28.
25.
הכָלָמְמַ occurs 117 times in the Old Testament, with thirty-seven occurrences in Deuteronomy–2 Kings, twelve in Samuel, and sixteen in Kings. הכָוּלמְ appears twenty-four times in the Old Testament and seven times in both Samuel and Kings. חוּכלָמְמַ has seven of its nine occurrences in Deuteronomy–2 Kings, with two in Samuel. חוּכלְמַ, a recognized late form, only has two occurrences in Deuteronomy–2 Kings, with one occurrence in both Samuel and Kings, but it occurs ninety-one times throughout the Old Testament.
26.
הכָלָמְמַ in 11.31 and 11.34; הכָוּלמְ in 11.35.
27.
I am reading the two infinitive constructs, םיקִהָלְ and רימִעֲלְ, and their respective clauses as explanatory clauses. IBHS, §36.2.3e.
28.
The interchange of ‘Judah’ with ‘Jerusalem’ in 2 Kgs 8.19 may support the possibility that (a) later scribe(s) copied the רינִ passages, giving the impression of uniformity. However, contextual consideration may explain the interchange. In the context of 2 Kgs 8.19, the revolts of Edom and Libnah are highlighted, and the passage's immediate context discusses the surge of the Arameans. Thus, in a context of regional turmoil, where fledgling nation-groups were vying for prominence, a focus on ‘Judah’ would be more appropriate.
29.
In 1 Kgs 11.36, רינִ is the subject of a possessive construction (רינִ־חוׄיהֱידִּבְעַ־ריוִרָלְ). In 1 Kgs 15.4 and 2 Kgs 8.19, רינִ is the object of the Lord's action.
30.
In the immediate context of 1 Kgs 11.36, Ahijah declares that ten tribes will secede, and the fulfillment of this secession is emphasized in 1 Kgs 15.6 where the text states that there was continuous warfare between Abijam and Jeroboam. In 2 Kgs 8.20–22, the revolts of Edom and Libnah are highlighted.
31.
John Cook, ‘The Semantics of Verbal Pragmatics: Clarifying the Roles of Wayyiqtol and Weqatal in Biblical Hebrew Prose’, JSS 49 (2004), pp. 247–73 (254–64): ‘[D]ivision of events into foreground and background appears to be a natural part of the way in which we process discourse … [F]oregrounding is a discourse pragmatic feature of the wayyiqtol; the form is the narrative verb in Biblical Hebrew, used regularly to express foregrounded events in narrative discourse’. More specifically, this clause can be classified as an evaluative device, an observable deviation from normal discourse structure that functions to ‘reflect the author's personal view of the relative importance of an event being narrated’. Deviations are often marked by ‘specialized structures such as negation, subordination, inverted word order, passivization, tense and mood shifts, modals, loaded adjectives, comparatives, and parallelisms’. See Peter J. MacDonald, ‘Discourse Analysis and Biblical Interpretation’, in Walter Bodine (ed.), Linguistics and Biblical Hebrew (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1992), pp. 153–75 (172). Here, the clause is doubly marked, subordinate and qualified by means the adverb םרֶטֶ For ‘qualifying adverbs’ (p. 174)
32.
P. Kyle McCarter Jr, 1 and 2 Samuel (AB, 8/9; 2 vols.; New York: Doubleday, 1980–84), I, p. 98.
33.
McCarter's struggle with these clauses exemplifies the problems with merely interpreting הבֶּכְיִ םרֶטֶ םיהִלֹאֱ רנֵוְ temporally. He states: ‘The allusion to Eli's failing eyesight seems extraneous, unless it is to indicate that the old priest will be unable to witness the coming apparition; but Eli is “in his place” in the vestibule while Samuel is in the nave with the doors closed’ (McCarter, 1 and 2 Samuel, I, p. 98).
34.
First mentioned in 1 Sam. 3.3, the Ark becomes a major character in chs. 4–6. Similarly, reference to Eli's eyesight foreshadows 1 Sam. 4.15, which testifies to Eli's complete blindness. For a more elaborate explanation regarding the symbolic nature of these clauses and other clauses in the immediate context, see Polzin, Samuel and the Deuteronomist, pp. 18–54. McCarter omits 1 Sam. 4.15, deemed to be a remnant of a conflated reading left over from a lengthy haplography; see McCarter, 1 and 2 Samuel, I, pp. 111–12. He believes that Eli's blindness contradicts v. 13, which states that Eli was ‘watching’ the road. However, this ‘contradiction’ should be understood as further evidence of Eli's tragic deterioration. One of the last images of Eli offered by the narrative is that of a blind man sitting by the road ‘on the lookout’ for news regarding the Ark's fate.
35.
Graeme Auld notes the probable symbolism. ‘The noun ner (v. 3) recurs in Samuel only at the end … [which] leaves the reader wondering whether the divine lamp is more than simply a temple lantern’. A. Graeme Auld, I & II Samuel (OTL; Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 2011), p. 54.
36.
Timo Veijola, Die ewige Dynastie: David und die Entstehung seiner Dynastie nach der deuteronomistischen Darstellung (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1975), p. 118: ‘Die Aussage ist höchste sinnvoll in einer Situation, da die Thronfolge noch nicht geregelt ist’
37.
A. Baumen, הבכ in TDOT, VII, pp. 38–39; D. Kellermann, רנֵ in TDOT, X, pp. 19–20. For other examples of רנֵ being a metaphor for life/vitality, see Job 18.6; 21.17; Prov. 13.9; 20.20; 24.20.
38.
Peter R. Ackroyd, The Second Book of Samuel (CBC; Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1977; repr., 1988), 202.
39.
The structure of 1 and 2 Samuel precludes divorcing the Davidic dynasty from the royal institution after the dynastic promise has been given.
40.
Hanson also understands such a connection. However, his reason is based on a conviction that the Masoretes failed to add the necessary matres lectionis. He believes that 2 Sam. 21.17 should read with a hireq as opposed to a sere, that is, nīr instead of nēr. Hanson, ‘Song of Heshbon’, pp. 318–19 n. 29.
41.
For other instances of ‘lamp’ as a metaphor for guidance through life, see Job 29.3; Ps. 119.105; Prov. 6.23.
42.
While not the original proponent of this position, see McCarter, 1 and 2 Samuel, 2.16–19.
43.
For a cogent argument for the pre-exilic provenance of these passages, see Iain W. Provan, Hezekiah and the Books of Kings (BZAW, 172; Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1988), pp. 94–98.
44.
For example, R.A. Carlson, David, the Chosen King (trans. Eric J. Sharpe and Stanley Rudman; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964), pp. 225–26; Baruch Halpern, David's Secret Demons: Messiah, Murderer, Traitor, King (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001), pp. 135–36; McCarter, 1 and 2 Samuel, II, p. 451. Whether these episodes ever existed juxtaposed in a pre-canonical form of the Samuel narrative is debatable.
45.
Nadav Na'aman, ‘Sources and Composition in the History of David’, in Volkmar Fritz and Philip R. Davies (eds.), The Origins of the Ancient Israelite States (JSOTSup, 228; Sheffield: Sheffield University Press, 1996), pp. 170–86; ‘In Search of Reality Behind the Account of David's Wars with Israel's Neighbours’, IEJ 52 (2003), pp. 200–224; and ‘In Search of the Ancient Name of Khirbet Qeiyafa’, JHS 8.21 (2008), pp. 1–8 (5–6).
46.
Na'aman first suggested a date of composition in the beginning of the eighth century. However, in light of the Khirbet Qeiyafa data, Na'aman in 2008 adjusted his suggestion to the ninth century. See Na'aman, ‘In Search of the Ancient Name’.
47.
Na'aman, ‘Sources and Composition’, p. 182.
48.
Indeed, it is possible that 2 Sam. 21.17 ignores the implications of the dynastic covenant or that 2 Sam. 21.17b is aware of the covenant but believes that its implications are no longer valid. However, these possibilities are unlikely.
49.
F. Thureau-Dangin, ‘Un hymne à Ištar de la haute époque babylonienne’, RA 25 (1925), pp. 167–77. This hymn celebrates King Ammiditana's piety, which ostensibly influences Ishtar's intercession on his behalf for long life (ll. 41–48). This hymn also testifies to the divine role in establishing the king's mru (ll. 51–52). However, the immediately preceding clause (ll. 49–50), which speaks of the world's geographic regions been placed under the king's feet, clearly demonstrates that the imagery is imperialistic.
50.
See 2 Chron. 29.7, where both רנֵ and הבכ occur together to speak of national judgment. Also, the Targumic translation of Ps. 18.29: לארשׂיר אגרשׁ רהנח חנאר לוטמלארשׁיר ארוהניר הירמ אוה חנאר אחולגב איפטימר, ‘For you light the lamp of Israel that is extinguished in the exile; for you are the lord of the lamp of Israel’.
51.
The ambiguity of agency in 1 Sam. 3.3a supports the clauses larger symbolic function while simultaneously allowing a role in its immediate context. Also, that לאֵרׇשׂיִ would be anachronistic for 1 Sam. 3.3a helps to explain why םיהִלֹאֱ is used.
52.
Polzin acknowledges the symbolism of the רנֵ passages with respect to the conclusion of 2 Kings. Robert Polzin, David and the Deuteronomist (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1993), p. 214. However, he connects the symbolism with Jehoiachin's house arrest, suggesting that the lamp is only ‘flickering’. For my understanding of this verse, see below.
53.
It is possible to view the entirety of 1 Sam. 3 and its immediate context as a later insertion. Such a position was argued systematically by Frolov. Serge Frolov, The Turn of the Cycle: 1 Samuel 1–8 in Synchronic and Diachronic Perspectives (BZAW, 342; Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 2004). In such a case, the ostensible disruption of the balanced syntax noted above may be indicative of emphasis. However, the implications of Stone's studies on Judges allow one to understand the opening chapters of 1 Samuel as continuing the movement out of the era of the judges and into the era of the monarchy, which ultimately climaxes with the installation of David and is thus a critical element to a pro-monarchic literary endeavor. See Lawson G. Stone, ‘From Tribal Confederation to Monarchic State: The Editorial Perspective of the Book of Judges’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, Yale University, 1988); ‘Book of Judges’, in Bill T. Arnold and H.G.M. Williamson (eds.), Dictionary of the Old Testament Historical Books (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press), pp. 592–606 (602–603); and Judges (CBC; Carol Stream, IL: Tyndale House Publishers, 2012), pp. 190–203. Such a scheme militates against understanding 1 Sam. 3 and its immediate context as a later insertion. While this debate is beyond the scope of the present study, important is the conclusion that 1 Sam. 3.3a, whether in isolation of or with its immediate context, is probably a later insertion.
54.
‘Inferencing’ is used in discourse analysis and refers to the ‘continued mental activity’ by which a reader encounters successive elements within a discourse that function to establish overall coherence. The sophisticated definition offered here considers Greenstein, ‘Hebrew Wordplay’, in ABD, VI, pp. 968–71 (970); MacDonald, ‘Discourse Analysis and Biblical Interpretation’, pp. 166–67; Sasson, ‘Wordplay in the OT’, p. 969.
55.
G. von Rad links 2 Kgs 25.27–30 with the רינִ passages and interprets the pericope positively. The historian concludes his history with the house arrest of Jehoiachin, leaving open the possibility that Yahweh would continue his work through the Davidic line. Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament Theology (trans. D.M.G. Stalker; 2 vols.; Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2005), I, p. 343. For a negative interpretation of 2 Kgs 25.27–30, see Sweeney, 1 and 2 Kings, pp. 469–70. Assuming the prominence of the exiled Judean royal family with respect to literary developments during the exilic period, I agree with von Rad that there is an element of hope to this final pericope, albeit an uncertain hope. See William M. Schniedewind, How the Bible Became a Book (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 149–64.