Emotional advertising in Morocco during the COVID-19 pandemic: A semiotic analysis

Emotional advertising

Advertising companies try their best to imprint a long-lasting effect on consumers’ minds by using the emotional side. Generally, an emotional appeal strategy can effectively influence people’s decisions and behaviors in ways that align with how the product was intended to be promoted (Cho, 2021). Consoli (2010) believes that a product must generate emotions and functionality. Many studies, hence, expound on the force of emotional advertisings which arouse positive reactions to hedonic products as compared with utilitarian products (Geuens et al., 2011). This claim is crucial in the case of coffee if we consider the smell and the joy felt when it is consumed. Another pertinent example is the chocolate’s sweetness as it is strongly associated with luxury and love, especially when portrayed as melting in the mouth in emotional advertisements (Thomson, 2006).

Any advertising that contains load(s) of threat or danger is labeled within the emotional appeal of advertising, namely the fear appeal. Thus, fear, being one of the key emotions in this study, is used in advertising or campaigns to inform in explicit or implicit ways consumers/audience about a menace. Brooker (1981) argues that fear appeal greatly arouses consumers’ drives, which eventually push them to interact with a product or service. In a study he conducted, ‘concern for one’s own physical well-being and concern for other or relationships with others’ (Brooker, 1981: 31) were the stimulus properties he used. These properties are relevant to our study.

Drawing people’s attention was of paramount importance in making them interested in a product or service, as well as in preparing them for the COVID-19 disease. Arousal, for instance, is deemed to make consumers ‘more stimulated, excited, and alert, and to perceive and learn more’ (Heath, 2012: 124). Granted that arousal is ostensibly imperative, much could impede the prearranged advertising purposes, for consumers may lose discernment if they become excessively aroused, whereupon they will not respond to the advertisement as they should. Previous studies tackled fear appeal in advertising in many health frameworks, such as vaccination (Brooker, 1981), AIDS prevention (Hill, 1988), and anti-smoking (Laroche et al., 2001). Nevertheless, fear appeal strategy can sometimes fail in attaining the intentional advertising objectives as stated before. In a study conducted by Shin et al. (2017) on green advertising (the use of LED bulbs), fear appeal proved to affect negatively the subjects; the latter determined that even when using LED bulbs, serious environmental pollution would inevitably occur. As a result, the product was substantially avoided.

Still, advertisements relying on the emotional appeal surpass nonemotional advertisements as regards the way consumers approach the product (Geuens et al., 2011). Emotional appeals, all in all, which produce fear or menace might trigger customers’ positive or negative reactions (Casais and Gomes, 2018) and could make the company lose credibility if the advertisement is improbable and/or inflated (Hastings et al., 2004).

Semiotics in advertising

Semiotics has always been an efficient tool to interpret the oblique messages behind advertising, which is composed of signs in the form of an image, sound, or both. Saussure’s semiology has given rise to semiotic pillars on which many other semioticians afterward based their notions. The aim of semiotics ‘is to understand all the different sign systems people use [. . .] and deals with the conditions under which different signs can be interpreted according to a preestablished intention, or with the circumstances under which people assign meanings to signs different from the intended’ (Zakia and Nadin, 1987: 6)

Semiotics is functional when used to fathom out the complexities of advertising by scrutinizing all the elements of sign that ultimately generate emotional impact (Zakia and Nadin, 1987). And given the fact that advertising has always had a great impact on people’s mind, the purpose of ‘semiotics in the study of advertising is, ultimately, to unmask the arrays of hidden meanings in the underlying level, which form [. . .] signification systems’ (Beasley and Danesi, 2002: 20). The understanding of such systems, within media studies, can be traced back to the well-known French semiotician Roland Barthes whose semiotic notions have been widely used in critical analysis fields (Danesi, 2002). As a matter of course, the semiotics of advertising by and large elucidates what a sign represents or means, how it is exemplified, and why it has such a meaning (Danesi, 2002).

Denotation

In Figure 1, at first glance, one can observe Indomie product, a brand of instant noodles sold worldwide, as a home-like shape signified by a white, horizontally bent line at the top of the physical product, which is, in turn, positioned in the middle of the advertising poster. The brand logo is on the top right, and the background theme can be seen as dark red. Since this advertising is addressed to Moroccan consumers, the caption ‘’ translated into ‘Indomie is with you at home’ is written in Moroccan dialect so as to be localized and read by every Moroccan individual. It is in the form of a social media hashtag below the image of the product. The linguistic message, at the level of denotation, facilitates merely the identification of the components of the scene (Barthes, 1977a). But ‘when it comes to the “symbolic message”, the linguistic message no longer guides identification but interpretation, constituting a kind of vice which holds the connoted meanings from proliferating’ (Barthes, 1977b: 39).

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Figure 1.

Illustration of Indomie instant noodles as a home-like shape.

Connotation

There is more to this simple poster than meets the eye. Skimming over Figure 1, a number of observations can be drawn. At first glance, a house as a signifier is plainly noticed; it outwardly represents a private, physical dwelling where a person feels at ease, but the symbolic meaning of the signified (home) ‘may be an emotional environment, a culture, a geographical location’ (Tucker, 1994:184). The emotional strategy embedded in this advertising poster is the feeling of safety and fear. To elaborate on this claim, ‘the inside or enclosed domain of the home represents a comfortable, secure and safe space’ (Dovey, 1985, as cited in Mallett, 2004: 71). On the one hand, the home-like instant noodles are symbolically implying that one can feel safe and secure while having Indomie instant noodles indoors; on the other hand, not having this product (i.e. being in the outside during the COVID-19 pandemic) connotes fear, danger, and insecurity. In the same way, Mallett (2004) believes that ‘the outside is perceived as an imposing, if not threatening or dangerous space’ (p. 71). Since the study at hand deals with the COVID-19 disease, the background theme is symbolically representative, for the dark red color behind the home-like noodles connote ‘danger’ in accordance with the coding of OSHA (Occupational Safety and Health Administration) (Morton, 1997). Moreover, the horizontally bent line at the top of Indomie as well as the caption are in white color which, in turn, represents, according to Morton (1997) ‘purity’ and ‘cleanliness’. Altogether, the emotional components in Figure 1 were used to ingratiate Indomie advertising poster with all aspects of safety and security. Last but not least, the linguistic message of the caption ‘’/ ‘Indomie is with you at home’ is wheedling support and protection, since people were confined and had lonely days.

Denotation

In Figure 2, the advertising poster is about Maxis’, a liquid household cleaner exclusively sold in Morocco. Several denoted messages can be extracted from this advertising poster. The first thing we can spot is a kitchen where two cartoon characters, a cleaning cloth and a hanging kitchen towel, are personified by their eyes, eyebrows, and arms. The cartoon cleaning cloth is wearing a mask, and its eyes are large and the countenance reveals fear and disquiet because of the warning sign written, again, in Moroccan dialect that explicitly says ‘’ translated into ‘Attention! The disease is still around’. The caption merely signifies that the COVID-19 danger is still current. As regards the physical warning sign, it is held by a cartoon hanging kitchen towel whose face is inscrutable.

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Figure 2.

Illustration of two cartoon characters, a cleaning cloth and a hanging kitchen towel, with eyes, eyebrows, and arms, are personified, both wearing masks.

Connotation

Fear is the dominant feature that one can grasp from Figure 2. Tanner et al. assert that fear is ‘an emotional response to a threat that expresses, or at least implies, some sort of danger’ (Tanner et al., 1991, as cited in Cochrane and Quester, 2005: 9). Using fear appeal in the manifestation of such a frightened cartoon character allows to stimulate the senses and generate interest in Maxis’ cleaning product. Besides, there is no verbal indication of fear; nevertheless, the nonverbal sign expressed by the widening of the cleaning cloth’s eyes insinuates fear and anxiousness. The eyes, to elaborate, speak their own language as ‘fear would expand the expresser’s sensitive visual field [. . .] and the functional essence of this benefit would be passed on to the observer through transmission of a clearer ‘look-here’ gaze signal’ (Lee et al., 2013: 958). Generally speaking, fear appeal relies on two methods: the fear of bad consequences if not using a product (i.e. Maxis’ household cleaner) and the fear of using a product (i.e. cigarette smoking) (LaTour et al., 1996; Quinn et al., 1992). In this case, the first method is germane to the current study, since the connoted message reveals that not using cleaning products, namely Maxis’, would unquestionably lead to the spread of the COVID-19 disease inside the house. The caption, in the form of a linguistic message via an alerting sign, stipulates the danger of the disease; more importantly, the exclamation mark is symbolic, for ‘the danger is depicted to be serious enough to warrant attention’ (LaTour and Zahra, 1988).

Denotation

Figure 3(a) and (b) is from two totally different advertising products but with some identical messages. Ariel (Figure 3(a)) is a laundry detergent, whereas LaPrairie (Figure 3(b)) is butter. But both product posters denote a family composed of a seemingly happy married couple and their child. Figure 3(a) occurs in the laundry room, and Figure 3(b) happens to take place in the kitchen. Both figures are in daylight. Figure 3(a) is captioned ‘’ translated into ‘Stay at home to protect our beloved’; similarly, Figure 3(b) is captioned ‘’ which translates into ‘Stay at home / your family with LaPrairie’. Thus, both advertising posters ostensibly encourage staying at home and being with family. The background theme colors are green (Figure 3(a)) and light blue (Figure 3(b)). To sum up the denoted messages from both figures, we can deduce that both families look happy and are enjoying themselves together at home while doing household chores.

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Figure 3.

Illustration of two families, each consisting of a seemingly content married couple along with their child.

Connotation

Although there appear to be some differences, Figure 3(a) and (b) share common features. Both contain smiling family members during the COVID-19 pandemic. The connoted image or message of family is warmth which, in turn, means ‘love, protectiveness, approval, praise, understanding, reassurance, defense, companionship, and others’ (Fisher, 1950: 517). In relation to this, emotional advertisers make emotionally competent stimuli (ECS), which prompts strong and momentous emotions that lead, by acclimatizing consumers, to feel that the soft and family-oriented products have the same emotional values as their actual lives (Heath, 2012). Fear appeal in turn can be latent though. To elaborate, the connoted images and the linguistic messages in Figure 3(a) and Figure (b) allude to the ‘Stay-At-Home’ slogan that purely means: ‘protect your beloved (family) from the threat and danger of the Covid-19 disease’. When people are in danger, they spontaneously try to flee, fight, and search for a group or the safety of a house (Hart, 1975). The colors and the background theme are potent in both figures since they have a psychological effect on people, namely on consumers (Chou and Wang, 2016). Warm colors (e.g. brown and beige), in Figure 3(a), summon up exhilaration (Plass et al., 2014) and activate feelings of arousal (Walters et al., 1982). As for bright colors (e.g. white utensils and clothing, and light blue), positive emotions are provoked (Hemphill, 1996). The connotation of these two advertising posters is that people would experience the same emotions with their beloved (families) while using the given products and while staying at home. This approach is comparable to Heath’s (2012) when he argues that ‘all the people who had suffered [. . .] were happy because Orange was their mobile phone network provider’ (p. 46).

Denotation

Figure 4 is an advertisement for a set of miscellaneous cosmetic products. It covers a lot of details, but we are highlighting the ones germane to this study. In the main, it shows a dark-haired girl wearing a black protective mask. She also happens to be putting on make-up. On her left, a cluster of different cosmetic brands. The caption at the top says in upper-case letters ‘BACK TO SCHOOL’, and the subcaption is in lower-case letters and states ‘back to beauty’. The background is supposed to be a colorful brick wall to basically signify that the products are extraordinarily rich in colors.

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Figure 4.

Illustration of a dark-haired girl wearing a black protective mask and makeup, with different cosmetic brands on the left.

Connotation

It is worth mentioning that although Figure 4 appears to possess many grandiose visual elements, some remain purely denotational. Barthes (1977b) asserts that not all visual components of an image are symbolic (or as he calls connotators); some components are deemed to be solely denoted within the semiotic framework. There is no doubt that the usage of cosmetics has undergone a drastic metamorphosis due to the COVID-19 pandemic which has compelled every individual to wear masks that, noticeably, hid the lower part of the face. Lee and Kwon (2022) state that ‘the Covid-19 epidemic has led to a greater increase in the use of face masks’ (p. 1). In this regard, the masked girl’s upper part, namely the eyes, embodies the whole face. The eyes are of paramount importance in this advertising poster. Farkas considers the eyes to be the most attractive organs due to their inherent wider and more prominent shape, occupying a greater proportion of the facial area (Farkas, 1994, as cited in Volpe and Ramirez, 2005). Fagien’s (2002) study focuses on facial beauty and attractiveness, namely on the upper periorbital region, indicating that the significance of a low upper eyelid crease vis-à-vis volume preservation signifies a youthful appearance. Prantl et al. (2018) add that ‘the youthful eye is apparently characterized by a long narrow palpebral fissure or an “almond-shaped” eye form’ (p. 4). Beauty, in Figure 4, is successfully signified via the eyes. In other words, this poster implies that females can still enjoy their beauty and charm while wearing the advertised make-up products, and their facial beauty will not be hampered by putting on the mask while going to a public place (e.g. school) during the epidemic. The choice of a dark-haired girl with a black mask has not been at random; the connoted image of black color, Morton (1997) states, signifies power, sexuality, and sophistication. ‘BACK TO SCHOOL’, as a linguistic message, is signified as a public place. And since girls were to attend school tangibly, wearing a mask that partially concealed their beauty, ‘make-up might make faces more recognizable, by emphasizing distinctive facial characteristics’ (Ueda and Koyama, 2010: 260)

Denotation

To prove that semiotic analysis is also feasible at the level of audiovisual content, we have selected these shots (Figure 5(a)–(d)) taken from the advertisement of ONI (a cleaning product) that portrays a number of denotational messages divided into two sections: visual and auditory denoted messages. First, Figure 5(a) and (b) clearly shows black shoe footprints that signify a walking person and the stains they leave behind in a seemingly vacant room. Figure 5(c) announces the appearance of the cleaning product, around which emanate circular beams weeping thereupon the dirty footprints. In Figure 5(d), one can observe a caption in Moroccan dialect ‘’ that translates into ‘with ONI, extend the protection of the floor of your house’. Second, the eerie background music in the advertisement is taken from The X-Files, an American television series revolving around mysterious cases, namely supernatural incidents (The X-Files, 2020). The visual along with auditory message hence collectively play a vital role in the semiotic understanding of such advertisements elaborated on in the next part.

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Figure 5.

Video clip illustration of black shoe footprints, symbolizing a person in motion and the resulting stains, within an empty room, accompanied by the introduction of a cleaning product surrounded by weeping circular beams over the footprints.

Connotation

For the visual content (the connoted image), the footprint stains (Figure 5(a) and (b)) are a sign of routine dirt; however, these stains, during the COVID-19 period, highly conceptualize in the minds of consumers the risk of contagion. The swift advent of ONI cleaning product around which circular beams are observed (Figure 5(c)) signifies that a hero (i.e. ONI product) is saving innocents (i.e. consumers) from the villain (i.e. the Covid-19 disease personified by the footprint stains). Despite all the earlier factors, this advertisement would not have been potent had it not been for the accompaniment of fear sensed via the blood-curdling music (The X-Files theme music). The latter signifies the COVID-19 virus figuratively deemed to be an alien from another place. Once more, the fear appeal is intelligently exploited throughout ONI advertisement, because this emotion is most effective when applied to a threat that people feel they can take action against (Williams, 2012). Similar studies claim that people ‘better remember and more frequently recall ads that portray fear than they do warm or upbeat ads or ads with no emotional content’ (Snipes et al., 1999: 273). Broadly speaking, music seems to affect the subconscious of the audience because it targets the very crux of feelings (Strobin et al., 2015). In advertising, Beasley and Danesi (2002) believe that ‘classical music can likewise be worked into a product’s textuality to convey a sense of superiority and high-class aspirations’ (p. 65); for instance, in an advertisement for a milk product, the ninth symphony of Beethoven ‘was added as an integral component of the product’s textuality to impart a sense of joy to the drinking of milk by emphasizing the uplifting qualities of milk through the uplifting feeling evoked by the music’ (p. 65). Fear appeal, all in all, is the first and most noticeable connoted message that should have an impact on consumers’ decision to buy ONI cleaning products to protect them from the inevitable epidemic.

Denotation

Figure 6 needs no further publicity for what it represents. The shots are taken from a Coca-Cola beverage advertisement aired at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic. The video comprises 36 still images of differently positioned Coca-Cola bottles, caps, cans, and other related icons, and 2 captions. More importantly, the still images are accompanied by a voice-over performed by a male adult. The prevailing colors are white and red, which represent the official theme feature of the company. Contrary to the scary music in the ONI advertisement, the music in Figure 6 is an embodiment of a soothing experience that makes one feel calmer. As regards the caption, the video contains only two captions or linguistic messages (one at the opening scene and the other at the end) each of which is followed by an ellipsis possibly to pause or to demonstrate that captions trail off. The first caption (shot 1) translates into ‘To all heroes in this crisis . . .’ The second caption (shot 37) translates into ‘Together we beat it . . .’ The advertisement is directly addressing all Moroccan people during the crisis. It should be noted that no explicit reference to the COVID-19 pandemic is mentioned, but we can infer the meaning from the amalgam of the advertisement characteristics through an in-depth analysis at the level of connotation.

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Figure 6.

Video clip illustration of 36 images featuring various arrangements of Coca-Cola bottles, caps, cans, and associated symbols.

Connotation

There are a number of symbolically imperative and interrelated elements without which Coca-Cola advertisement would have been unfeasible. One of the most piquant strategies used in Figure 6 is anthropomorphism strategy. It rivals personification which, in literature, can be defined as a figure of speech wherein inanimate objects are given the characteristics of human traits, allowing these objects to utter words like living people (Ricoeur et al., 1977). Anthropomorphism, on the other hand, is a representation of non-human forms in human forms (Aggarwal and McGill, 2007). Notwithstanding, anthropomorphism, which is highly germane to our semiotic analysis of Figure 6, would not have been categorized as such without the voice-over. The omnipotence of voice-over in this advertisement is the reason why all the still images of Coca-Cola products are brought to life. To illuminate, in the Moroccan voice-over (shot 18), an actor says ‘to people in quarantine’. At the point where we reach shot 18, people, as consumers, might see themselves as being similar to the isolated bottle in an empty crate. This comparison is made specifically if those individuals are currently in quarantine, experiencing a sense of isolation and limited social interaction. Another quintessential example is in shot 33 which shows a crumpled can on which the voice-over comments ‘to those who are fighting the disease’. The connoted image demonstrates that consumers have already encountered this type of peculiarities in previous advertisements and have acquired ample skills to fathom out this style of picture as a visual representation (Delbaere et al., 2011: 122); if they are infected, they subconsciously relate themselves to the crumpled can that signifies all people (i.e. consumers) who suffer from the COVID-19 disease. As concerns emotional advertising, this brings about the realization of compassion appeal. Compassion is characterized as ‘an empathetic action undertaken to alleviate another’s pain’ (Madden et al., 2012, as cited in Choi, 2014: 730) which offers the essential support needed to keep up with such calamities. Kanov et al. (2004) state that organizational compassion involves collective capabilities for feeling and responding to people’s anguish, and ‘moves beyond the comforting effect of empathy and inspires others to respond’ (Dutton et al., 2002, as cited in Ertimur and Coskuner-Balli, 2021: 231). Compassion appeal here is signified, thereupon, in (1) the connoted images (personified as Coca-Cola products) and (2) the use of linguistic messages (both captions) which effectively voice the superficial solidarity against the COVID-19 crisis.

Denotation

As Figure 7 plainly shows, a personified ONI cartoon character as a human-like cleaning bottle is peeking from a partially open door. The character’s face shows that he is confused and surprised, and he is asking himself if it is really realistic for him to go out after being under curfew for a long time. To control the spread of the disease, the Moroccan government at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic had firmly ordered citizens to stay in their houses within a limited time frame, namely in the evening. The linguistic message, portrayed in a speech bubble, ‘’ translates into ‘is it true that we can go out now?’. The character’s question is rhetorical, denoting the ending of the lockdown; that is, the character is expressing the idea that the lockdown is over without explicitly stating it. This adds emphasis to the notion that the depicted scene signifies the conclusion of the imposed restrictions.

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Figure 7.

Illustration of a human-like cleaning bottle, personified as an ONI cartoon character, peeking through a partially open door.

Connotation

Although fear is, in a latent manner, employed in Figure 7, the ONI advertising poster essentially uses humor appeal as part of its marketing. Humor has an influence upon enjoyment and amazement and advertising intentionally uses its effects to convince the audience (Stevens, 2018). Without a doubt, advertisers have confidence in humor as it enhances the prospect of communication, implying that ‘humor may serve as a reward to the audience for listening’ (Sternthal and Craig, 1973:14). Humor also offers a mood in which receivers are unlikely to resist persuasion (Herold, 1963). But the paradox is that humor can at times mar, if irrelevantly used, the reputation of a product; ‘humor can present communication impediments and hinder conviction for a product that has not had the opportunity to build a reputation and image [. . .]. It could hurt more than help’ (McCollum/Spielman, 1982, as cited in Gulas and Weinberger, 2006: 91.). This is germane to the semiotic analysis of Figure 7. In other words, a cleaning product is supposed to kill or dissolve germs and viruses as it contains strong cleaning substances. Nonetheless, the intriguing observation at the level of the connoted image as well as the linguistic message is that a personified cartoon character, as a cleaning product and a symbol of power, is implicitly disseminating fear as a response to the threat of the COVID-19 disease. From that, consumers would definitely and subconsciously assume that even the cleaning product has no power which it, in such circumstances, must possess. In short, Figure 7 fails, at least at the level of semiotic analysis, to meet the prearranged aims. This is supported by the claim that ‘there appears to be a significant risk that because of individual taste, product, or circumstance, humor may not be appropriate and could have unwanted and unforeseen effects’ (Gulas and Weinberger, 2006: 119).