A futures study of life satisfaction among Iranian students

Life satisfaction and quality of life

At its core, life satisfaction entails the personal evaluation of one’s life quality, a subjective measure that has recently gained prominence, particularly in developed nations, including many European countries (Weziak-Bialowolska, 2016). The concept of quality of life is far from being solely determined by material wealth; it encompasses a wide array of factors that affect individuals’ lives beyond economic considerations (Pacione, 2003). This inclusive perspective takes into account various aspects such as social interactions, significant life milestones, educational attainment, income levels, health condition, marital status, family relationships, and community engagement (Sener et al., 2007). The recognition of these diverse dimensions reflects a broader understanding of life satisfaction and highlights the intricate interplay between personal experiences, societal factors, and overall well-being.

Indeed, the concept of life satisfaction encompasses a broad spectrum, encapsulating a comprehensive evaluation of one’s entire life experience (Helliwell and Putnam, 2004). Its significance is far-reaching, affecting various facets of life, including factors like income, creativity, social interactions, and productivity (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005). Beyond this, life satisfaction undertakes a protective role, acting as a shield against the adverse effects of stress and the development of psychological disturbances (Suldo and Huebner, 2004).

Remarkably, research points to a myriad of benefits associated with higher levels of life satisfaction. These benefits span diverse domains, with better health, enhanced occupational achievements, and even extended longevity being correlated with greater life satisfaction (Luhmann et al., 2012). Moreover, individuals who report higher life satisfaction tend to experience fewer emotional and behavioral issues (Suldo and Huebner, 2006). The ramifications of life satisfaction extend beyond the individual, having implications for the broader societal well-being (Easterlin, 2001; Stiglitz et al., 2009). In essence, the concept of life satisfaction not only reflects individual welfare but also mirrors the overall health and prosperity of a community.

Adopting a perspective from positive psychology, life satisfaction can be comprehensively defined as an individual’s holistic evaluation of their overall life quality (Diener et al., 1985). It is crucial, however, to discern the multidimensional nature of quality of life, which sometimes leads to confusion with related concepts like well-being, happiness, and welfare (Marans, 2012). The complexity of understanding quality of life necessitates a nuanced grasp of its objective and subjective components. The objective facets encompass various quantifiable elements such as employment rates, air quality, residential density, public transit availability, and per capita income. Counterbalancing these are the subjective components, which encompass personal feelings toward the government, overall happiness, inclinations to relocate, and satisfaction with one’s neighborhood (Cao, 2016; Marans, 2015). The true understanding of quality of life emerges in the interplay between these two dimensions.

Iranians’ happiness

Tehran, the capital of Iran, occupies the 200th position among 231 principal cities globally according to the Mercer (2019) Quality of Living Survey. This ranking underscores the pivotal relationship between life satisfaction and living conditions, a connection well-established in prior research (Veenhoven, 1991). Furthermore, Iran’s positioning in the Legatum (2015) Prosperity Index paints a picture of the nation’s socioeconomic landscape, with a ranking of 106th among 142 countries, placing it in the lower middle category.

A collection of indicators has come to the fore, suggesting a prevailing absence of happiness among Iranian citizens, especially the younger generation. Notably, in Gallup’s World Happiness Report, Iran’s placement at 105th among 157 countries amplifies this observation (Helliwell et al., 2016). Besides, in recent years, the net emigration from Iran has been strikingly high, with a staggering number of 275,000 individuals departing a year, as documented by The World Bank (2019) data. The Institute of International Education’s (IIE) (2013) statistics also reveal a substantial increase in the number of Iranians pursuing education in the United States in recent years.

Stasis Consulting, a US-based opinion research entity specializing in Iran, conducted a comprehensive poll involving Iranian residents aged 18 and above. The findings revealed that almost half of Iranian youth expressing a desire to leave the country due to prevailing pessimism about their future prospects (Fleck, 2022). Reinforcing this sentiment, a nationwide survey conducted recently unveils that over one-third of Iranians harbor aspirations to emigrate (Keyou Analytics, 2022). This array of signs and indicators collectively underlines a solid trend of dissatisfaction and a yearning for different circumstances among the Iranian populace.

Life satisfaction over time

The exploration of life satisfaction’s trajectory has constituted a significant area of research, uncovering a consistent global belief in the potential enhancement of well-being in the future (Busseri, 2022). A recurrent theme across various countries is the prevalent optimism held by a substantial portion of individuals, who envision a future characterized by greater life satisfaction compared to their current circumstances (Kremble and Busseri, 2022).

Young adults, in particular, exhibit a nuanced pattern in their subjective evaluations. This group tends to assign lower ratings to their past subjective well-being, while simultaneously projecting a higher subjective well-being for the future in comparison to their present state. This inclination suggests a potential positive bias toward the future (Staudinger et al., 2003). However, some recent research has introduced an intriguing counterintuitive element. It posits that humans possess an adaptive ability to perceive their present life as the best possible, leading to an increase in satisfaction when reflecting on the past and a decrease in satisfaction when contemplating the future (Gomez et al., 2023). This novel insight adds layers to the intricate nature of how individuals evaluate their life satisfaction across different time frames.

In various age groups, a significant pattern emerges regarding future life satisfaction expectations. Young adults commonly uphold an optimistic perspective, foreseeing continuous enhancements in their well-being as they progress through life. In a study conducted in Turkey, it was found that university students exhibited notably higher future life satisfaction compared to present life satisfaction, reflecting their anticipation of improved overall well-being as they journey forward (Salar et al., 2022).

In contrast, the outlook of older adults diverges as they often anticipate a decline in life satisfaction as they age (Lachman et al., 2008). This dichotomy underscores the diverse approaches that individuals from different life stages adopt when conceptualizing and envisioning their future well-being. The interplay between age-related perspectives on life satisfaction paints a multifaceted portrait of human hopes and expectations, reflecting the dynamic nature of individual assessments across the life course.

Students’ life satisfaction

University students’ life satisfaction has been a subject of interest in various research studies, which collectively contribute to a deeper understanding of the complex factors that shape their satisfaction with life. From self-esteem and sense of identity to perceptions of economic conditions and cultural influences, various dimensions interact to influence how young individuals perceive and anticipate their well-being.

In a recent study, findings put forth a compelling notion that university students who harbor a strong sense of confidence in their career adaptability tend to exhibit higher levels of life satisfaction. This notion, as illuminated by Cabras and Mondo (2018), suggests that the assurance and positive outlook concerning their future prospects contribute significantly to their overall life contentment.

Furthermore, sense of identity has emerged as a significant factor influencing life satisfaction among students. Huffstetler (2006) discovered significant correlations between sense of identity and various aspects of life satisfaction among college students. This highlights the intricate interplay between self-perception and overall life satisfaction among young individuals. In addition, self-esteem, a crucial component of individuals’ self-perception, has been consistently linked to life satisfaction. Ling and Ee (2023) identified a large positive relationship between self-esteem and life satisfaction among Malaysian university students. This connection underlines the importance of a positive self-concept in fostering overall life satisfaction.

In addition, perceived poverty and its impact on life satisfaction have been explored in the context of college students with impoverished backgrounds. It has been found that while perceived poverty was negatively correlated with life satisfaction, self-esteem could play a protective role, since some individuals are more likely to attribute their economic status to external factors rather than their own abilities, maintaining their self-esteem despite financial challenges (Liu and Fu, 2022). Subjective comparisons and perceptions of economic conditions have been identified as influential factors in individuals’ life satisfaction as well. Achdut et al. (2021) suggests that how individuals perceive their economic circumstances in comparison to others can significantly affect their overall life satisfaction.

The presence of meaning in life has also emerged as a key predictor of life satisfaction among university students. In a research conducted in Pakistan, Huda et al. (2023) noted that satisfaction with life increased when students reported a sense of meaning in their lives. This implies that having a sense of purpose and direction can positively affect overall life satisfaction. Consistent with these findings, empirical evidence points to the pivotal role of discovering meaning in life in relation to enhanced life satisfaction and happiness. Across Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, an intriguing pattern emerges: students who express greater satisfaction with life are more likely to report a higher sense of meaning in their lives. This correlation highlights the interconnected nature of a meaningful life and overall satisfaction, suggesting that a sense of purpose and significance contributes to an individual’s overall sense of well-being and contentment (OECD, 2020).

Moreover, the research results underscore the significance of hope as a prominent predictor of life satisfaction among undergraduate university students (Dwivedi and Rastogi, 2017). This connection highlights the profound influence of optimistic expectations for the future on an individual’s overall contentment and sense of fulfillment. In fact, optimism and pessimism, as cognitive orientations, have shown distinct relationships with life satisfaction. Gavín-Chocano et al. (2023) demonstrated a positive relationship between optimism and life satisfaction, as well as a negative relationship between pessimism and life satisfaction among university students. These cognitive factors play a significant role in shaping individuals’ overall satisfaction with their lives. Cross-national studies have also revealed cultural variations in the relationship between well-being and future life satisfaction. Møller (1996) found that despite experiencing lower subjective well-being, certain groups of students held significantly optimistic expectations about their future quality of life. This suggests that cultural context and societal factors can influence the link between current well-being and future life satisfaction.

Life satisfaction and futures

The pursuit of an enhanced quality of life, sustaining happiness, and nurturing a positive belief in the future have taken center stage as pressing concerns in most nations including the Iranian society (Maditinos et al., 2014). Acknowledging the gravity of these concerns, the field of futures studies as a systematic study of possible, probable, and preferable futures, offers a strategic tool for policymakers to address such challenges. As noted by the distinguished futurist Wendell Bell (2009), ‘the most general purpose of futures studies is to maintain or improve the freedom and welfare of humankind, and to contribute toward making the world a better place in which to live’ (p. 73). In fact, through the lens of prospective thinking, futurists are committed to enhancing the well-being of both current and future generations, aiming to create a positive impact on the lives of people across time.

It is noteworthy that a fundamental aspect of human consciousness is its inherent consideration of the future, an element often referred to as the temporal dimension of human life, profoundly shaped by our hopes, fears, and expectations (Coudin and Lima, 2011). The concept of life satisfaction is inherently tied to this temporal dimension, as it can be examined through different time frames: the past, the present, and the future (Diener, 2009). The notion of future life satisfaction specifically revolves around individuals’ anticipations for their forthcoming experiences (Ye, 2007). Interestingly, this concept is closely interconnected with a core concept of futures studies, the notion of ‘images of the future’, which can be defined as people’s anticipations about the state of affairs or situations that will unfold at some point in the future (Ono, 2003).

In alignment with this perspective, the eminent futurist James Dator contends that the overarching objective of futures studies is enhancing prosperity, happiness, and life satisfaction among individuals. Consequently, one of the primary aims of futurists is to facilitate individuals in examining and refining their images of the future, encompassing their ideas, fears, hopes, beliefs, and concerns about the future (Slaughter, 1996). Through this lens, futures studies take on a role in empowering individuals to construct more satisfying, meaningful, and promising visions of their personal and collective futures.

The important role of young individuals as key stakeholders in both the present and future challenges of society is increasingly acknowledged (Fløttum et al., 2016). Their desired future exerts a substantial influence on their present actions, considering the profound interaction between aspirations and behaviors (Cuzzocrea and Mandich, 2016). However, some researchers paint a concerning picture, indicating that a significant number of young people are grappling with a loss of their capacity to envision a positive future (Gidley, 2001). Despite the global recognition of youth as a vital segment of society, contemporary policy-making and community development often fall short in adequately addressing their hopes, anxieties, aspirations, and expectations.

Given the gravity of the aforementioned concerns within the Iranian society, this study endeavors to comprehensively investigate the levels of both present and future life satisfaction among graduate students at the University of Tehran. As one of the largest and most prestigious institutions in the country, the University of Tehran welcomes and includes a diverse array of students from various backgrounds, classes, and social strata, each with unique levels of satisfaction and aspirations.

Graduate students often experience a critical period of their life, grappling with the intricate balancing act of fulfilling multiple roles and responsibilities while striving to maintain their overall quality of life. However, despite the crucial role they play, this demographic has been remained under-researched in the context of Iran. Consequently, this article endeavors to fill this research gap. The study will meticulously outline the research methods employed to gauge the students’ satisfaction levels and subsequently, delve into the research findings. By discerning patterns, themes, and different layers of analysis, the study aspires to offer valuable insights into the intricate tapestry of graduate students’ life satisfaction. This research aims not only to shed light on the current state of life satisfaction but also to delve deep into the underlying factors that contribute to their dissatisfactions. In addition, this study seeks to uncover the mental constructs and images that significantly affect their perception of life satisfaction.

Through this comprehensive examination, the research aims to not only contribute to the existing body of knowledge but also to offer pragmatic implications for policymakers, educators, and society at large. By understanding the specific challenges and aspirations of graduate students, more targeted and effective policies can be devised to address their needs. Ultimately, this endeavor strives to enrich the discourse surrounding life satisfaction and its complicated connection to the broader social fabric.

Quantitative findings

Demographic data are presented in Table 1, based on the gender and age of the research sample.

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Table 1.

Demographic data of the sample.

Demographic variables	%	Frequency
Gender
Male	51.5	122
Female	48.5	115
Total	100	237
Education
Master’s	83.1	197
PhD	16.9	40
Total	100	237

SPSS software program was used to examine the research variables. Table 2 indicates the mean and the standard deviation of the responses on the life satisfaction temporal scale.

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Table 2.

t test statistics for life satisfaction scale.

	Mean	Standard deviation	t	Degree of freedom	Sig.
Present life satisfaction	2.30	1.16773	−9.201	236	0
Future life satisfaction	2.33	1.19267	−8.671	236	0

According to the one-sample t test statistics, the means of both research variables are significantly low. However, given the limitations of the sample from which these findings are derived, caution is advised when seeking to generalize beyond this specific context or to a wider population of students.

Qualitative findings

Upon obtaining consent from the interviewees, their conversations were recorded and subsequently transcribed. This paved the way for a comprehensive TA of the transcripts, aided by the utilization of the MAXQDA software program. The process involved several stages: first, identifying meaningful segments of the data; then, clustering related units into potential themes that captured patterns and concepts within the data; further, refining and reviewing these themes to ensure that they accurately represented the data, and assigning them meaningful names. Finally, these themes were systematically mapped onto the relevant layers of the CLA framework.

Upon this analytical foundation, the CLA method was used to illuminate the overarching themes that lay within each layer. The results of this insightful CLA approach have been synthesized within Table 3, offering a concise yet comprehensive visual representation of the layers, themes, and select excerpts from the interviewees’ narratives. Through this combined analytical journey of TA and CLA, a profound understanding of the phenomenon under scrutiny has been elucidated, casting light on the complex interplay of factors that shape graduate students’ perceptions of life satisfaction and quality within the Iranian social context.

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Table 3.

Thematic Analysis results.

Layers	Themes		Segments of statements
Social causes	Social injustice		‘I really haven’t found any justice here’. ‘Maybe the law is deficient, but even this deficient law is not fully enforced to everyone’. ‘I’m sick of all these discriminations against women’.
	Lack of civil liberties		‘As a woman I’m not even free to choose my own clothing’. ‘We don’t have freedom of speech at all’. ‘We cannot even express our disagreement’.
	Inadequate public services		‘Beside our daily activities we need recreation but we don’t have proper facilities’. ‘We are always told to use the public transport system, but it’s terrible’. ‘Public libraries do not carry new books and do not offer us a suitable environment to read’.
	Official corruption		‘Our freedom is limited, but some particular people are too free instead!’ ‘Today, without nepotism you cannot even get a simple job’. ‘People are getting insensitive to the big amounts of embezzlement they hear every day on the news’.
	Lack of welfare		‘Many of our classmates even cannot buy the textbooks’. ‘The middle class is vanishing, many people are wealthy, but a far larger number of them are poor’. ‘But we really don’t deserve being concerned with our basic needs to this extent’.
	Unpleasant environment		‘The air is very polluted; it badly affects my temper’. ‘The congestion has a negative impact on my mood; when I use the subway in the morning, I’m nervous until the end of night’. ‘Shortage of water is becoming a serious threat, but it’s just being neglected’.
Worldview	Ideological conflict		‘The government mustn’t interfere in people’s private lives’. ‘Our generation has changed a lot, but they don’t want to accept us like this’. ‘To be honest, I don’t believe in what they say, I just believe in humanity and human rights’.
	Identity crisis		‘I always ask myself if I were not born in Iran, I would still be Muslim or not’. ‘I don’t like my being Iranian at all’. ‘I am totally different indoors from how I appear outside’.
	Social comparison bias		‘Why don’t I have what the western people of my age have?’ ‘I’m more qualified and skillful than many foreign guys, but I envy their decent life’. ‘When I see my friends enjoy some facilities and travels that I don’t afford, I feel miserable’.
	Loss of meaning in life		‘The older we grow the more we face barriers, until we become exhausted and aimless’. ‘Many people of the lower class, are involved in their basic needs and cannot even think about lofty goals’. ‘It’s actually been long since I gave up on my aspirations. I have no dreams to pursue in here’.
Myth/metaphor	Life as	war	‘Life in here is like a total war’. ‘I’m really tired of fighting to survive’.
		prison	‘It’s like a prison here, I want to immigrate, but I’m not allowed to exit the country, because of the military service’. ‘I feel like a hostage, if I had enough money I would leave the country immediately’.
		limbo	‘Living here is like a limbo, anything is possible to happen’. ‘Hopefully, I’ll get an admission from a university abroad and get rid of this hell next year’.
	Society as	wolf pack	‘People are like wolves these days, they care about nothing but their own interests’. ‘The worse the economic situation gets the more people behave like hungry wolves’.
		walking dead	‘Our soul is literally dead, we cannot call it life anymore’.‘They have killed our youth, all of us are like the walking dead’.

Litany layer

At the litany layer, the most objectively observed layer of analysis, the issue of graduate students’ diminished life satisfaction is akin to the tip of the iceberg. This assertion is supported not only by the survey’s findings but also by a lot of evidence that underscores the pervasive nature of this concern within society. Evident signs of decreasing joy and vitality among Iranian citizens, the nation’s low standing in global happiness rankings, the widespread prevalence of depression and anxiety, and the unsettling surge in brain drain – coupled with a growing inclination among students to seek opportunities abroad – all contribute to painting a distressing picture. Remarkably, previous empirical investigations have distinctly linked migration intentions to life dissatisfaction (Otrachshenko and Popova, 2014). These collective observations and data decisively underscore the unfavorable perception of life quality and the undesirable image students’ harbor for their future within this societal framework. Thus, to unearth the root causes of this predicament, a comprehensive exploration into the CLA iceberg’s concealed layers becomes indispensable.

Social/systemic causes layer

The second level of analysis is concerned with social causes. Previous research establishes a robust association between social systems and happiness. Indeed, various important aspects within this domain, including equity, social capital, demographic dynamics, and environmental factors, exert substantial influence over the subjective experience of happiness (Lin, 2016). Illustrated in Figure 1, the first key point within this layer underscores the perception among the youth that the prevailing social system embodies an inherent injustice. This sentiment extends to the perceived prevalence of assorted forms of discrimination and inequality woven into the fabric of society, encompassing instances of undercompensated employment, disparately distributed wealth, inequality of people before the law and inequity in legal parity, which have led to despair and discontentment of the young populace. Importantly, antecedent research proves the relationship between inequality and happiness, delineating how a high level of inequality erodes subjective well-being (Tavor et al., 2017). Furthermore, it is noteworthy that the youth exhibit a higher sensitivity to inequity, rendering them profoundly susceptible to the perils of diminished social justice. Scholarly investigations further illuminate the critical role justice occupies within the aspirations of Iranian young elites, revealing a negative relationship between social justice and intention to emigrate (brain drain; Salmani et al., 2011).

Moreover, a significant factor contributing to students’ dissatisfaction is the absence of civil liberties. The constraints on freedom of speech, media censorship, government-imposed Internet restrictions, curbs on criticism and protests, and the lack of open thought and expression, all collectively foster a pervasive sense of government oppression within the educated youth. Notably, prior investigations have underscored the pivotal role of freedom as a potent predictor of life satisfaction, further accentuating its profound impact on individuals’ well-being (Okulicz-Kozaryn, 2015).

Insufficient public services and amenities, encompassing poor urban transportation and an inefficient educational system, alongside a shortage of recreational options and conveniences, significantly underlie the discontent experienced by graduate students. Extensive researches highlight the constructive role of leisure pursuits in enhancing subjective well-being and life satisfaction (Schmiedeberg and Schröder, 2017; Sirgy et al., 2017; Tükel and Temel, 2020). Yet, the absence of shared enjoyment within Iranian society, coupled with the monopolization of recreational opportunities by the privileged class, has coerced a substantial segment of the youth to turn to unhealthy options like substance abuse and excessive alcohol consumption.

Furthermore, the students hold a pervasive belief in the government’s inefficacy and its failure to adequately address the pressing needs of the citizens. This perception rests on the conviction that policymakers exhibit a marked lack of concern about the citizens’ rightful expectations, resulting in a noticeable apathy toward problem-solving efforts. A concrete illustration of this sentiment can be found in the case of mandatory military service, which is perceived as a substantial impediment to their advancement. This hurdle, however, may be overcome only through the payment of a very high sum, feasible solely for a privileged minority with high incomes. The resultant implication is that this policy disproportionately obstructs the path of the majority of the male students, thereby reinforcing the students’ perception of the government’s disregard for their interests.

Another significant source of students’ discontent stems from official corruption. The insidious prevalence of hypocritical and self-interested behavior, combined with the misuse of positions by numerous government authorities, has sown seeds of cynicism and disillusionment among the youth. Moreover, the widespread instances of nepotism, bribery, embezzlement, and the erosion of meritocracy within governmental institutions and employment procedures have substantially undermined their institutional trust and their faith in these establishments. Notably, the harmful influence of official corruption on public sentiment and well-being has been evidenced in diverse societies, highlighting its role as a potent trigger of dissatisfaction and unhappiness (Brockmann et al., 2009).

In addition, the financial reliance on their families impedes university students from fully embracing what should be the prime years of their lives, thus magnifying the significance of the lack of welfare as a major contributor to their overall life dissatisfaction within the systemic context. A considerable portion of them grapple with the challenge of attaining a decent standard of living due to the prevalent unemployment, economic constraints, soaring living costs, and low earnings. Established research underscores the connection between happiness and the fulfillment of basic needs, with individuals typically experiencing unhappiness when confronted with adverse circumstances like poverty and deprivation (Veenhoven, 1991).

Moreover, the detrimental consequences of air pollution, exacerbated by the government’s inadequate policies to mitigate its effects, along with challenges posed by overpopulation, recurring traffic congestion, and the pressing concerns of drought and incompetent water management, have considerably eroded the city’s livability in the eyes of the student community. Presently, environmental awareness among individuals has reached unprecedented heights, rendering them acutely attuned to the inadequacies in terms of green spaces, urban cleanliness, and the presence of air, water, and noise pollutants within their immediate surroundings.

Discourse/worldview layer

The perspective individuals hold about the future is intricately entangled with their underlying worldviews. Thus, delving into the third layer entails an exploration of the prevailing structure and the discourse or worldview that supports and legitimates it, as elucidated by Inayatullah (2000). As portrayed in Figure 1, a constellation of factors embedded within the realm of worldviews has substantially contributed to the emergence of discontentment among the graduate students.

A prominent catalyst is the ideological conflict, denoting the divergence between students and the dominating official ideology. This contradiction underlines a plethora of profound disparities on ideological fronts, characterizing a split in worldviews between the government and the emergent generation. In contemporary times, this generational cohort, notably the highly educated segment, inclines toward embracing a more liberal or Western-inspired lifestyle. This inclination is marked by a diminished reverence for various facets of the dominant culture, as traditional norms and values are increasingly viewed as outdated and steeped in superstitious beliefs.

Furthermore, a substantial portion grapples with an identity crisis, resulting in a perceived erosion of both their religious convictions and national sentiments. This uncertainty extends beyond mere religious beliefs, manifesting in a divergence from numerous governmental rules allegedly rooted in religion. Moreover, their sense of national pride has suffered a significant blow, to the extent that a considerable number of them express that they are not proud of their Iranian identity. A prevalent sentiment among many is a preference for residing in a more developed foreign nation, as opposed to remaining within their native homeland. Notably, previous research has revealed the key role of sense of identity in shaping students’ life satisfaction, suggesting that how students perceive themselves and their place within the world has a profound impact on their subjective evaluation of their well-being and happiness (Huffstetler, 2006).

They perceive a considerable gap between their aspirations and the prevailing ideologies and policies, yet the government appears resistant to acknowledging these evolving dynamics or hearing the voices of the emerging generation. This dichotomy has given rise to a double-sided life, characterized by two distinct and occasionally conflicting facets: their authentic identity versus the prescribed or sometimes pretended one. This severe division has engendered numerous personal and interpersonal tensions, leading them to navigate through a landscape marked by multifaceted personal and social conflicts.

Prior research underscores that individuals gauge their well-being not solely in comparison to their fellow citizens but also against the prosperity of other nations’ populace, and this juxtaposition against wealthier nations often evokes feelings of deprivation (Eksi and Kaya, 2017). This phenomenon, referred to as Personal Relative Deprivation (PRD), encompasses an upward comparison that frequently combines undeserved adversity with feelings of resentment and indignation, a sentiment particularly acute among students. Concurrently, within Iran’s evolving landscape, the proliferation of communication technologies has nurtured and spread a social comparison bias among the youth, urging frequent evaluations of their life quality in relation to peers in more developed societies. Moreover, exposure to the luxurious lifestyle exhibited by the ‘rich kids of Tehran’, facilitated through social networks, compounds this sense of impoverishment and lack.

These observations have not only heightened their expectations of life’s quality, but have also cast a shadow on their happiness and contentment. Existing studies have demonstrated a worrisome trend; high levels of Personal Relative Deprivation among university students correspond to increased instances of anxiety and depression (Smith et al., 2020). Moreover, research has established a clear link between upward social comparison, particularly within the realm of social networks, and diminished life satisfaction (Olivos et al., 2021; Sim and Prihadi, 2020).

The tendency for recurrent social comparisons can become an insecure path, ultimately eroding self-esteem and leading to chronic discontentment (White et al., 2006), while a person’s self-esteem is directly linked to their perception of their own value. This connection is substantiated by both theoretical frameworks and empirical research, highlighting a robust correlation between self-esteem and life satisfaction (Kong et al., 2012).

The loss of meaning in life stands as a potent force dismantling the subjective well-being of graduate students. Significantly, the concept of meaning in life constitutes a vital component of both happiness and overall subjective well-being (Tiliouine and Belgoumidi, 2009). It is not uncommon for scholars to conceptualize happiness as the combination of pleasure and meaning, encompassing a profound sense of purpose and fulfillment in one’s life journey (Wu, 2010). Regrettably, the contemporary landscape presents an array of obstacles impeding Iranian students from flourishing their talents and capabilities, thus obstructing their pursuit of meaningful endeavors.

In addition, a sense of aimlessness coupled with a deficit of intrinsic motivation to strive toward loftier objectives, compounded by the entanglement in the mundane struggles of meeting basic needs, has estranged them from a life rich in meaning. Consequently, the aspiration described in Maslow’s (1954) notion of self-actualization appears beyond their grasp, particularly given that previous investigations underscore the pivotal role of self-development – achieving one’s ambitions and realizing latent potential – as a cornerstone of meaningful existence (Zhang et al., 2016). According to the Spillover Theory within the realm of quality of life studies, satisfaction in one life domain influences life satisfaction in other domains (Lee et al., 2003: 209). It is worth noting that the loss of meaning in life, attributed to the absence of self-actualization, extends its influence into various areas, thereby amplifying dissatisfaction.

Myth/metaphor layer

Language has the power to shape the way we think and the way we plan for the future. Hence, within the fourth layer of analysis, our focus shifts to uncovering the profound narratives that young individuals weave about their present circumstances and the state of their future. These personal stories, encapsulating their perceptions of the environment they inhabit, serve as a lens through which they assign significance and forge a sense of identity within their surroundings (Cilliers et al., 2015). In addition, these narratives offer a glimpse into the intricate interplay between individuals and their communities, intertwining personal experiences with collective dynamics (Hasford et al., 2016).

As illustrated in Figure 1, the application of CLA unveiled several metaphorical expressions embedded within the students’ narratives, serving as profound insights into their innermost thoughts. These linguistic devices reveal the intricate contours of their minds, providing a nuanced lens through which they interpret the trajectory of their lives. Within these findings, a prevalent theme emerges; life resembles a battlefield, signifying the fight and struggle for survival that characterizes their existence. Alternatively, other narratives draw parallels between life and a prison cell, highlighting the confines and obstacles they confront. This perspective attributes each achievement to an uphill journey replete with countless barriers, a belief that underscores the pervasive notion that an intangible force within their society consistently impedes progress, making every success a product of enduring immense hardships.

Recent investigations highlight the significant role of a positive future outlook in enhancing students’ life satisfaction, stemming from the hopeful anticipation of achieving their goals and aspirations (Kunwijaya et al., 2021). Notably, an individual’s level of hope emerges as a strong predictor of happiness, a notion substantiated by prior studies (Eren and Asici, 2017; Gungor and Avci, 2017). This connection between hope and happiness is intricately intertwined with the concept of meaning in life, as the very process of self-reflecting upon personal objectives and gauging progress toward their realization contributes to the construction of a meaningful life (Karatas et al., 2021; Snyder, 2002).

Regrettably, however, the life perspective is wrapped in a fog of deep uncertainty when viewed through the younger generations’ lens. For them, the future presents a complex of profound unpredictability, rendering the life in Iran akin to a limbo where the path ahead remains covered in ambiguity between anticipation of heavenly outcomes and the dread of infernal challenges.

Research consistently reveals that a higher level of life satisfaction correlates with a higher level of optimism (Zaba, 2014). Nonetheless, a disheartening trend of pervasive pessimism and hopelessness has taken root within the current Iranian students. Their self-descriptions resemble a collective of aimless wanderers, similar to a herd of the ‘walking dead’, clutching onto futile aspirations and unattainable dreams.

In addition, it is not just a pessimistic perspective on life that characterizes these young students; they harbor a deep-seated cynicism toward society as well, while previous research emphasizes the importance of social trust in fostering happiness (Bjørnskov, 2008). Drawing upon George Orwell’s dystopian novella, Animal Farm, these graduate students articulate a disheartening sentiment that within Iranian society, a haunting sense of ‘equality’ takes shape, ruined by an unsettling reality where ‘some are more equal than others’. Within this worldview, a significant portion of society is depicted as a pack of ravenous wolves, displaying an alarming brutality that appears to stem from a voracious appetite for exploiting others.

Finally, they have a strikingly positive and favorable image of the developed foreign nations. Despite all restrictions and filtering policies, their primary sources of information about the West stem from the Internet, social networks, and satellite channels. Lots of them believe that ‘West is best’, wishing they had never been born in the Middle East. Among them, a widespread sentiment emerges – a belief that the phrase ‘West is best’ captures their yearning, as they contemplate an alternate origin beyond the confines of the Middle East. Within their view, the prospects for growth within their own society appear very limited, juxtaposed against the seemingly abundant golden opportunities that Western nations offer. Unfortunately, their national pride has faded up, paling as they measure their city’s prosperity and vitality against the most vibrant global cities and gauge their country against the allure of overseas lands.

In fact, this diminishing sense of national pride finds its roots in a complex web of constrained social and political freedoms, combined with ever-worsening economic conditions, leading to breed a prevalent sense of hopelessness concerning the nation’s future trajectory. It is worth noting that whenever a society’s image of the future is vivid and positive it will remain strong, however, once this collective vision of the future begins to decay, its continuity becomes vulnerable (Polak, 1973: 19). Thus, in the deepest layer, the low future satisfaction with life stems from the negativity and fear that cast a shadow upon Iranian students’ perceptions of what lies ahead and the unsettling mental images that they harbor.

Diverse voices and common concerns

The research findings reveal that economic challenges constitute a shared concern among students from a wide array of disciplines. However, a significant observation from the study is the distinctiveness in concerns based on the students’ academic disciplines. Specifically, students from the faculty of social sciences and the faculty of management expressed more apprehensions about issues related to poverty, social justice, and public welfare in general. However, students enrolled in the faculty of law and political sciences demonstrated a heightened focus on matters concerning official corruption and inefficacy of the government. Another finding was that worries about the mandatory military service were prevalent among male students, especially given the 2-year commitment that often falls within their prime years of life. While most female students emphasized concerns about civil liberties, specifically freedom of choice of clothing, suggesting that issues related to personal expression and gender rights were of particular importance to this group. These nuanced variations in concerns based on academic disciplines and gender highlight the multidimensionality of the factors shaping students’ overall life satisfaction.

Furthermore, an intriguing pattern emerged from the research, revealing shared experiences among students irrespective of gender or academic discipline. Both ideological conflict and the influence of social comparison bias were widely shared among the students. These findings underscore the pervasive nature of these challenges in the lives of young individuals in this context.

However, the study also identified a noteworthy distinction. The issue of loss of meaning in life seemed to resonate more profoundly with students enrolled in the social sciences school and the school of literature and humanities. Within these academic domains, students frequently expressed concerns related to the loss of motivation and purpose. This phenomenon could be linked to their lack of confidence in future career prospects. This correlation suggests that students who were less certain about their career trajectories were more susceptible to grappling with questions of purpose and significance. This insight further emphasizes the complex interaction between academic pursuits, career aspirations, and the search for personal fulfillment among students.

In addition, the research findings unveiled a common thread running through students of diverse disciplines: a palpable loss of hope in the future and the cultivation of dark visions of what lies ahead. This shared sentiment underscores a collective sense of uncertainty and concern about what the future holds, cutting across academic programs.

Interestingly, another distinct pattern emerged among engineering and science students. These individuals, who are more likely to hold a favorable view of Western societies, displayed a particular inclination toward two noteworthy concerns. First, a diminished sense of national pride was prominent among this subgroup. This could be indicative of a broader disillusionment with their current societal context and a yearning for the attributes they perceive in Western nations.

Second, a tendency toward immigration abroad was very bold in their responses. This aspiration to seek opportunities in foreign lands could be driven by their positive perception of Western societies due to their increasingly technological progress and the prospects they believe lie outside their home country in their field of studies mainly related to technology and industry. This unique dynamic highlights the intricate interplay between educational background, societal perspectives, and personal aspirations, suggesting that students’ outlooks are shaped by a myriad of factors including academic influences.