Abstract
The gender gap in union membership rates has narrowed considerably in the last decades. How is this change related to women's attitudes toward unions? What is the profile of women who support union activism? Are there reasons to believe that women's support will continue to increase over time? Using data from the General Social Survey, I examine women's attitudes toward trade unions between 2002 and 2021. Data shows that support for unions is higher among non-white, less-educated, and younger women, as well as among women employed in female-dominated occupations. I conclude by discussing the implications of the findings for current and future labor activism.
Women's union membership rates have been traditionally lower than men's. There are two primary explanations for this discrepancy. The first focuses on women's lack of interest in trade unions, which can be attributed to gendered socialization processes and family responsibilities, while the second stresses barriers to unionization for women (Schur & Kruse, 1992).
However, in one of the biggest changes within trade unions over the last decades, female membership has notably increased. Indeed, the gender gap in union membership rates has narrowed nearly everywhere, with Nordic countries and the Anglo-Saxon world taking the lead. In the United States, membership rates in 1983—the earliest year for which comparable data are available—were 24.7 percent for men and 14.6 percent for women. By 2021, these rates were 10.6 percent and 9.9 percent, respectively (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2022). Given this change, this article asks the following questions: How is this narrowing gender gap related to women's attitudes toward unions? What is the profile of women who support union activism? Are there reasons to believe that women's support will continue to increase over time?
Understanding gender attitudes toward unions is relevant in many regards. While there is extensive literature on gender membership within unions, support for trade unions is an enduring and timely sociological issue that is still generally under-researched. Moreover, it is a suitable indicator of the desire or willingness to join a union in the general population. Therefore, taking into account the union's support—rather than only membership levels—is crucial for comprehending patterns of unionism and, more broadly, for labor activism in the near future. In this article, I use the General Social Survey data set to study women's attitudes toward trade unions at six-time points between 2002 and 2021. First, I examine the extent of men's and women's support for strong unions. Next, I trace the sociodemographic profile of women who support unionization. Finally, I speculate about the role of women in present and future labor activism.
Women's Attitudes Toward Union Trades Over Time
Figure 1 displays men's and women's levels of agreement with the statement, “Workers need strong trade unions to protect their interests” (General Social Survey). For the period 2002–2018, data shows the proportion of men and women who report that they strongly agree or agree on a 4-point Likert scale. For 2021, though, it is important to note that General Social Survey responses also included the option neither agree nor disagree, as the question, that year changed to a 5-point scale. 1 Therefore, part of the upward trend observed in 2021 corresponds to this change in measurement and conclusions need to be made with caution.

The proportion of the population with favorable attitudes toward unions by gender and union membership status. Source: own elaboration using General Social Survey 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018, and 2021 (* measure not directly comparable).
Data from the left plot can be summarized in three main trends. First, the proportion of men and women displaying favorable attitudes toward trade unions increases steadily from 2006 onwards. Second, women hold a more favorable opinion than men. Third, the gap between men and women increases over time, rising from 1.3 percentage points in 2006 to 8.5 percentage points in 2018. In 2021, as noted, data needs to be examined with more caution. If only those who strongly agree or agree are considered, women's union favorability is 47 percent and men's 47 percent. Yet, an additional 36 percent of women opted for neither agree nor disagree, compared with 26 percent of men. Thus, numbers are consistent with gender trends from the previous years.
The right plot differentiates by union membership status. Generally speaking, support for unions is higher among unionized workers than among the rest of the population. In addition, we observe that the attitudes of male and female members tend to converge over time; however, among the non-unionized population, women's support for unions increases more rapidly than men's. Again, the 2021 figures are not directly comparable because they represent an overly optimistic scenario but do suggest a growing trend. The pattern holds if the responses are disaggregated and only those who strongly agree or agree are considered.
What accounts for the growing popularity of unions among women? Women have historically tended to work in a much narrower range of occupations than men and are overrepresented in low-paying, part-time, and temporary jobs with fewer opportunities for advancement (Levanon et al., 2009). It is unquestionable that union membership has been, and is, useful in mitigating the precariousness of women's work and reducing gender inequality in occupations. For example, unionized women have higher wages and enjoy greater employer-sponsored benefits such as pension or retirement plans and health insurance (IWPR, 2018). If men continue to outnumber women in membership rates, it is largely because for years, women have assumed the vast majority of child-rearing tasks, and unions have put up barriers to their unionization. As women's labor participation increases—both in terms of the number of women working and hours worked—it is reasonable to assume that women would begin to show more favorable attitudes. Additionally, the growing support for unions among both union and non-union women suggests that there is a base of support for continued growth.
Figure 2 illustrates the profile of women who hold union-friendly attitudes. More specifically, the figure shows the proportion of women with favorable attitudes toward unions by age group (young vs. adult), ethnic group (white, Black, and others), educational attainment (less than high school, high school, and college or higher), and the sex composition of the occupation (male-dominated, neutral, and female-dominated 2 ).

The proportion of women with favorable attitudes toward trade unions by ethnic group, age, educational level, and gender-type occupation. Source: own elaboration using General Social Survey 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018, and 2021 (* measure not directly comparable).
Female Black workers—as well as Black men—continue to be more likely than workers of any other ethnicity to be unionized. According to BLS data for 2021, 10.6 percent of Black women in the labor market were members of a union, compared to 9.6 percent of white women and 8.6 percent of Latinas. In parallel, data in Figure 2 reveals that support for unions is also more likely among Black workers (80% in 2018) than among other ethnicities (51% for whites and 60% for other groups).
While few young workers entering the workforce today will start with union jobs (4.2% of those 24 years old or younger), this population appears especially interested in joining or organizing a union (Pew Research Center, 2021). Specifically, 69 percent of women respondents aged 18–30 in 2018 said workers need strong trade unions to protect their interests; only 55 percent of women aged 31 and older say the same. On a related note, less-educated women continue to be more likely to support unions, but the gap between low- and high-educated women is narrowing in recent years. This trend became particularly noticeable after the global recession in 2010, when many young, college-educated workers were faced with unusually high unemployment rates and lower wages than those who entered the labor force earlier (Rothstein, 2021).
Finally, the right bottom plot represents women by occupational sex composition. Occupational desegregation has been a major trend in the U.S. labor market in the last decades (Torre, 2018; Torre & Jacobs, 2021). In 1980, male-dominated fields harbored approximately 45 percent of the working population, while 22 percent worked in neutral jobs, and the rest (∼33%) were employed in female-dominated occupations. In 2000, these percentages shifted to 36 percent, 33 percent, and 31 percent, respectively, primarily due to women's increasing ability to enter previously male-dominated occupations. Despite women's inroads into new areas of the labor market, those in female-dominated jobs have a more favorable view of the role of unions for workers. This may be partly explained by the fact that many female-dominated occupations are overrepresented in the public sector, which is the most unionized. More than one in three workers employed by the government (37%) belong to a union, compared to 7 percent for private sector employees. Furthermore, as previously noted, female-dominated professions offer, on average, lower salaries, less prestige, and fewer possibilities for promotion. Therefore, the role of trade unions and other forms of collective bargaining is crucial in reducing gender inequalities and ensuring advancement for these women in the labor market.
Women in the New Labor Activism: Reasons for Optimism
Women make up a large proportion of union members and have been closing the gender gap in union membership. In 2021, they made up almost half of the union members (46.8%). The rise of female union membership has been accompanied by an upsurge in strong pro-union attitudes among all women. This latent demand for unions is particularly high for non-white women, less-educated women, young women, and women employed in female-dominated occupations. Can we expect this trend to persist? There are several reasons to think so.
Women's participation in the labor market has changed dramatically in recent decades, both in quantitative terms—the number of women employed and the number of hours worked—and in qualitative terms—the type of jobs performed. Yet, on average, women continue to occupy subordinate positions compared to men, both in occupations where women are in the minority and in female-dominated occupations (Torre, 2019). Given this context, unions can be a pathway to gender equality. Indeed, previous research highlights that unionization tends to benefit women more than men by helping to eradicate factors that fuel gender pay gaps (e.g., secrecy around salaries and societal barriers or attitudes that discourage women from negotiating pay and benefits), shield women from discrimination, and provide high-quality training and apprenticeship opportunities. Given their role in promoting advancement for women in the workforce, the massive surge in women's support for trade unions that we are witnessing is not surprising, particularly among the most precarious workers such as Black women, less-educated women, and women employed in challenging, low-paying female-dominated fields such as home care. Altogether, women's rising support for union membership sets the stage for them to assume greater leadership roles and promote social dialogue around women's empowerment.
It's also important to note that younger women see unions more positively than older women. This generational divide is remarkable for many reasons. Since the outbreak of the 2018 global financial crisis, declining wages and deteriorating working conditions have primarily affected newcomers to the labor force. Young workers, particularly those with college credentials, found it harder to reach the middle class than previous generations. Moreover, short-term precariousness can negatively affect future professional trajectories by hindering the accumulation of specific human capital, stunting salary growth, and decreasing the probability of promotions. Given this context, young generations might look to trade unions as a means of advancement, explaining their strong support. Although empirical evidence indicates that women find more value in unions than men, the benefits of union membership (increased income and job stability) may hold growing appeal for younger men as well. Additionally, young generations might trigger a spillover effect on future cohorts of workers. Young women now entering the labor market have been socialized in a context in which unionization rates were in decline across the board for decades. Yet, the recent flourishing of diverse trade union movements has created a more positive labor atmosphere for future cohorts.
All in all, there are reasons to be optimistic about the role of women in the new labor activism; however, as the saying goes, it takes two to tango, and unions have a role to play in this process. The challenges facing workers today are different from those of previous generations. Unions need to find a way to overcome continued, aggressive anti-organizing employer campaigns, prove useful in advancing women's careers, and be responsive to the needs of a new cohorts of workers.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
