Aging in Place with Few Children and Social Services-- Understanding Structural and Cultural Lags in Rural China

Abstract

This study uses mixed methodologies to reveal how structural and cultural changes are changing the connotations of home and aging in rural China. Based on surveys (n = 830) and 33 intensive interviews with older migrant workers, this study found that having rural public pensions, adult children living nearby, and owning land in their hometowns were associated with the respondents’ desire for aging in place (AIP). Moreover, although the image of the rural home is idyllic, the reality is difficult. Aging migrant workers are gaining a strong sense of financial independence and their children’s lack of parental care. The authors argue that having no social-care services, while adult children are rarely available for old-age care, is changing the connotations of AIP in rural China. These social and cultural transformations are making AIP more of a romantic ideal than a practical reality for migrant workers.

Keywords

aging in place rural migrant workers China

What this paper adds

• A contextualized understanding of changing notions of home for rural older adults and how this changing connotation denotes a critical situation where most aging older adults in rural communities no longer have adult children to provide care for them.

• This paper reveals structural lagging in pension systems and aging services. Study findings revealed rural-urban inequalities in pension structures; lack of portability for rural migrant workers who contributed to urban pensions; and lack of social services for aging adults in rural China.

• It uncovered the cultural lagging between generations: The older generation worked to raise children, pay for their education, marriage, and housing; in their old age, when they return home to rural hometown, their adult children are mostly live and work in cities unavailable to provide care for the aging parents. There is cultural lagging in the cultural norm and practice of filial piety.

Applications of study findings

• Study findings about home and aging-in-place are applicable for all societies where older adults face challenges of reduced intergenerational contacts and exchange. Even though in rural China, the changing meaning of home becomes more pronounced due to rapid urbanization and population, the study of aging-in-place and meaning of home continues to be theoretically important in all social contexts for emotional and psychological well-being of older adults.

• Study findings about migrant workers are applicable in all developing countries where there are large numbers of migrant workers. The lessons from China about the transition from rural to urban labor force, the construction of social pension, and the organization of rural/urban labor force and pension systems are important for other nations experiencing similar social transitions of population aging and urbanization.

• The cultural changes as shown in this study shed light for other societies, in Asian and south American countries that have emphasized intergenerational inter-dependence. Even with the best intentions, when large numbers of adult children are moved out of the rural families, intergenerational interdependence will face major challenges.

Introduction

China is simultaneously experiencing sociocultural transformations of aging population and urbanization. The number of older adults relying on social benefits in China (i.e., 60+ years) exceeded 250 million in 2020 (Census.gov, 2021). Since 1980, the proportion of the urban population has grown from 10% to over 60% (World Bank, 2019). Many of them are migrant workers, and most would face the dilemma of staying in urban areas or returning to their rural homes in old age. The traditional notion of “Returning Home in Old Age” or aging-in-place (AIP) is changing in its connotation. This study provides several important insights into factors influencing the decision to return home for AIP. Its findings will contribute to the understanding of cultural and structural lags in rural China among the first cohorts of returning rural migrant workers, and its policy implications may offer insights for other countries facing similar challenges due to rapid urbanization and population aging.

Meanings of AIP

AIP’s concept is mostly based on Western culture and urban environment. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) defines AIP as “the ability to live in one’s own home and community safely, independently, and comfortably, regardless of age, income, or ability level” (2023). The very notion of independence and comfort is fundamentally Western. For decades, achieving this “goal” of independent and comfortable living at home or in the community has driven many research projects and social policies (Ahn et al., 2020). Recent studies reveal that AIP is more than a goal in social policy or a dependent variable in research. It is the interaction between the environment and aging individuals (Wahl & Gerstorf, 2018) and an “adaptive process” (Scharlach & Moore, 2016, p. 420). AIP does not always offer comfortable and safe living conditions. For some, it may be involuntary (Strohschein, 2012); others may feel “stuck-in-place” (Vasunilashorn et al., 2012). In sparsely populated areas of Australia, intergenerational relations play a major role (Taylor & Payer, 2017).

Connotations of AIP in China

Five components constitute AIP’s Western conceptualization (Bigonnesse and Habib, 2022), which, however, do not explicitly include culture. This article adds to the contemporary literature on AIP by highlighting cultural as a component in rural China. Recent studies have typically focused on large cities (Chen et al., 2019; Wang et al., 2022). Relevant studies have mostly emphasized intergenerational financial support, skipping generation challenges and downward financial support (Qiu et al., 2022; Silverstein et al., 2006). No known study has focused on issues of AIP in rural China, partially because the first cohorts of migrant workers are only returning home or about to retire. Subsequently, the current study aims to fill this research gap.

In the Chinese context, AIP connotes the cultural expectations of filial piety, that is, aging at home with adult children providing care. Living “independently” was never a Chinese cultural expectation; “comfortably and safely” are relative to one’s social and economic contexts. Since antiquity, the Confucian practice of intergenerational support has dictated adult children’s financial, emotional, and physical care of aging parents; therefore, for Chinese older adults with children, it has been both the only and preferred choice. Welfare institutional care is only for childless older adults (Zhan et al., 2012). In the last few decades, over 295 million people have migrated from rural to urban areas for employment (China National Bureau of Statistics, 2022). By the age of 50, migrant workers usually return to rural homes because of their declining health and rare employment opportunities (Qiu et al., 2021). Can returning rural migrant workers live comfortably, safely, and independently in their homes?

Background and Aims of the Current Study

Previous studies show that migrant workers spend large sums of money on remodeling or rebuilding rural homes (Zhu, 2017). However, these houses may not provide returning aging migrant workers with a sense of home because their adult children are mostly working in cities (Qiu et al., 2022). The urban-style apartments typically promote nuclear families and discourage intergenerational co-residence among rural migrant workers. Consequently, intergenerational familial support has declined among migrant workers returning home (Xie, 2017).

Research shows that housing and land are an attraction for returning migrant workers (Tang & Hao, 2019). Land has provided a livelihood and safety net for farmers since antiquity. For wage earners, having private savings and pensions helps predict when and where older adults will likely retire and AIP. However, in rural China, retirement is an emerging new concept. Since the 1990 s, rural residents have been offered the New Rural Pension Insurance (NRPI) (Xu et al., 2011). However, retirement pensions in China are dichotomized into urban and rural residences (Zhu, 2017). An individual’s hukou (household registration of birthplace) determines access to social welfare benefits (Chan & Zhang, 1999). Only urban residents enjoy the full health and retirement benefits, sponsored by the employers and government (Qi, 2019). This hukou-based benefit dichotomy constitutes major social inequalities (Zhu & Osterle, 2017). The NRPI is a self-funded social security system with a low replacement rate. Rural migrant workers have limited access to urban social benefits (Liu et al., 2018; Zhang & Zhu, 2021). While very few migrant workers could afford urban pension insurance, most participated in the NRPI “at hometown” with non-portable social benefits (Qiu et al., 2021). However, some refused to participate in pension insurance altogether due to a lack of knowledge (Ding et al., 2019). The diverging financial well-being in old age is relevant to one’s access to retirement savings, healthcare, pension plans, or a lack thereof.

Meanwhile, migrant workers’ lower socioeconomic status in urban areas may contribute to their decision to return home. Sometimes, older migrant workers, aged 50 or more, return home to care for their aging and frail older parents. Moreover, older women may return to take care of their grandchildren (Tadevosyan et al., 2020). We propose to add to the literature by examining three key factors that may influence migrant workers’ preferred old-age support and their decision to AIP in rural homes: (1) traditional cultural expectations of filial piety (relying on children), (2) new social policies and individual means of living emphasizing independence (having public pensions and/or having farmland), and (3) children’s characteristics.

Methodology

Data Collection and Analyses

Survey Data

The Survey of Chinese Migrant Worker’s Sustainable Livelihood—a cross-sectional dataset designed and collected by a group of trained researchers—was used for the statistical analyses. Trained researchers were assigned to three emigration provinces—Anhui, Henan, and Sichuan—to collect information on the health status, financial well-being, and retirement plans of Chinese migrant workers. Survey questions assessing migrant workers’ retirement planning were adopted from the Chinese Migrant Worker Survey (Zheng & Huang, 2007). Data were collected from the respondents’ hometown villages during holidays in 2019–2020. The eligibility criteria are as follows: aged 40 years or above, having legal rural hukou, and having been a migrant worker for at least one year. Researchers gained informed consent from all the respondents before data collection. IRB approval was obtained (H21264). A total of 1200 migrant workers were initially identified; 117 did not complete the survey. Due to the transient nature of rural migrants, a random sample was not realistic. Respondents were selected from the list provided by the local village leader. Interviewers knocked at the doors of the rural residents from the list and invited those who were at home, willing to participate, and met the criteria of the study. Our final analytical sample size was 830, excluding 253 who reported missing data for income. A standard data computation solution would be replacing the missing data with the mean. However, because a large percentage of migrant workers (41%) earned below 3000 yuan, a mean might not adequately represent the missing cases. Therefore, we dropped 253 respondents for better statistical accuracy.

Measurements

The dependent variables in this study included two: migrant workers’ preferred old-age support and retirement location. “What is your preferred source of support in old age?” inquired about a child’s role in older adults’ retirement planning. “Relying on children” was coded as 1 and all others as 0. Preferred retirement location was assessed by the question: “What is your preferred location for your old age?” “Rural hometown” was coded as 1 and urban areas and others as the reference category. Three independent variables were included in this study assessing migrant workers’ individual and their children’s characteristics, affecting their decisions of aging in rural hometowns: public pension participation, whether having farmland, and whether having children living nearby in rural hometowns (for coding, see Table 1 for more details). Control variables included age (mean = 52.3), sex (male = 1), educational level (reference = High school+), income (reference = 5000+Yuan), and self-rated health (1 = good).

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics.

Variables		Variable coding	N (%)	M (Std)
Dependent Variables	Preferred retirement location	Rural hometown (=1)	675 (81.3%)
	Preferred retirement location	Not rural hometown (=0)	155 (18.7%)
	Migrant workers’ preferred old age support	Children (=1)	582 (70.1%)
	Migrant workers’ preferred old age support	Other (=0)	248 (29.9%)
IndependentVariables	Have public pension	Yes (=1)	666 (80.2%)
	Have public pension	No (=0)	164 (19.8%)
	Have farmland at rural homes	Yes (=1)	597 (71.9%)
	Have farmland at rural homes	No (=0)	233 (28.1%)
	Children’s location of residence	Rural hometown (=1)	239 (28.8%)
	Children’s location of residence	Not rural hometown (=0)	591 (71.2%)
ControlVariables	Age			52.3 (6.5)¹
	Sex	Male (=1)	615 (74.1%)
	Sex	Female (=0)	215 (25.9%)
	Education	Elementary school or below	315 (38.0%)
		Middle school	403 (48.6%)
		High school and above (reference)	112 (13.5%)
	Income	3000 yuan or below	346 (41.7%)
		3001 to 5000 yuan	314 (37.8%)
		5001+ (reference)	170 (20.5%)
	Self-rated health	Good (=1)	445 (53.6%)
	Self-rated health	Poor (=0)	385 (46.4%)

Note. 1. Range is 45–77.

2. N = 830.

Quantitative Data Analyses

Three binary logistic regression models were estimated using SPSS 25.0 to examine factors affecting migrant workers’ preferred old-age support and retirement location. Model 1, model 2 and model 3 predict migrant workers’ preferred old-age support and retirement location, respectively, using their individual and their children’s characteristics.

Qualitative Data Collection and Analyses

The qualitative data were based on 33 intensive interviews in the winter of 2020 with migrant workers and over 200 pages of field observation notes. Study participants were selected from snowball sampling. Interviews were conducted during holiday breaks in respondents’ rural homes after obtaining informed consent. IRB approval was obtained before the research was initiated. Interviews ranged from 0.5–2 hours following an open-ended interview guide (available upon request). All interviews were transcribed verbatim in Chinese. A Chinese-American scholar translated the data into English only for publication purposes. Back-translation from English to Chinese was conducted by a Chinese native who is fluent in English to ensure minimum loss in meaning during the translation process.

Qualitative findings were generated by qualitative data analysis using the Chinese verbatim uploaded into Nvivo-12. Guided by the grounded theory principles, we coded single Chinese phrases into concepts (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Then, we grouped similar concepts into categories for higher abstraction. The principal researcher conducted the initial coding; co-researchers met weekly for discussions and reviews. For “family relations and retirement locations,” we extracted concepts such as “we do not want to depend on our son/children,” “we have our own money to spend,” and “we do not want to be their burden,” as indicators of “financial independence.” “We bought into NRPI,” “We will have a pension,” and “We bought insurance from the workplace” are indicators of “social insurance,” which is another new, form of “financial independence” derived from social policies. These became two separate themes that help explain the changing cultural and structural dimensions of AIP in rural China. With a better understanding of the frequencies and contexts, we extracted three emerging themes that conceptually correspond to the quantitative findings about the three factors influencing AIP for returning rural migrant workers: 1. Reduced expectations of filial piety, 2. Emerging financial independence, 3. Idyllic home with few children and social services. The demographic information of the interviewees was summarized based on qualitative data. Pseudonyms were used to protect the study participants’ confidentiality.

Results

Quantitative Results

Descriptive Statistics

Most respondents were male (74%), had middle school education (48.6%), made 3000 Chinese yuan (or US$420) or below a month (41.7%), and rated their health status as good (53.6%) (Table 1). Their mean age was 52.3. The majority (81.3%) of migrant workers expressed their desire to AIP in rural hometowns. Approximately 70% reported children as their preferred old-age support. Most respondents (80%) reported that they had participated in NRPI, and 72% had farmland in rural hometowns. Most respondents (71.2%) reported that their children did not live in their rural hometowns.

Regression results

Table 2 shows quantitative results from models predicting migrant workers’ preferred old-age support and retirement location. Migrant workers whose children lived in rural hometowns were 91% more likely to choose adult children as preferred old-age support (Model 1). Respondents with elementary school education and those whose monthly income was 3000 yuan or below were 98% and 104%, respectively, more likely to choose adult children as preferred old-age support. Those who made 3001–5000 yuan (or US$420 to US$700) monthly were 51% more likely to choose adult children as their preferred old-age support compared to those who earned more than 5000 yuan.

Table 2.

Regression Models Predicting Migrant Workers’ Preferred Old Age Support and Preferred Retirement Location.

ModelsVariables	Relying on children asPreferred old age support	Migrant workers’ preferred retirement location
ModelsVariables	Model 1	Model 2	Model 3
Age	1.01 (0.01)	1.01 (0.01)	1.01 (0.01)
SexMaleFemale (ref.)	1.25 (0.18)–	1.12 (0.21)–	1.07 (0.21)–
EducationElementary schoolMiddle schoolHigh school (ref.)	1.98 (0.24)**1.19 (0.23)–	1.18 (0.27)1.48 (0.27)–	1.14 (0.28)1.42 (0.27)–
IncomeBelow 30003001 to 50005001 and above (ref.)	2.04 (0.21)**1.51 (0.20)–	1.83 (0.25)*1.05 (0.23)–	1.67 (0.25)*1.39 (0.24)–
Self-rated healthGoodPoor (ref.)	0.98 (0.16)–	0.78 (0.19)–	0.76 (0.19)–
Have public pensionYesNo (ref.)	–––	1.75 (0.21)**–	1.72 (0.21)*–
Have farmland at rural homeYesNo (ref.)	–––	1.91 (0.19)***–	1.74 (0.20)**–
Children’s location of residenceRural hometownNot rural hometown (ref.)	1.91 (0.20)***–	–––	1.60 (0.24)*–
Nagelkerke R²	0.082	0.068	0.076

Note. 1. *, **, *** indicate p < .05, p < .01, and p < .001 respectively.

2. The numbers displayed in the table are odds ratio (standard error).

Models 2 and 3 are nested models predicting migrant workers’ preferred retirement location using their individual and their children’s characteristics. Those with rural public pensions were 72%–75% more likely to choose rural hometowns as preferred retirement locations compared to their counterparts. Respondents who had farmland in rural areas and those whose children lived in rural hometowns, respectively, were 74%–91% and 60% more likely to choose AIP in rural homes. Results also showed that migrant workers who monthly earned less were more likely to choose rural hometowns as preferred retirement locations compared to their high-income counterparts.

Qualitative Findings

Qualitative Sample Description

The qualitative sample included 33 interviews with participants aged 45–67. Field notes were only used for contextual and background checking. Among interviewees, over one-third were female (36%). The majority (82%) were married, and only 18% were divorced, remarried, or widowed (See Table 3). Among all interviewees, only 1 had no children, and 9 out of 33 (27%) had only 1 child. The majority had two or more children. Most respondents lived with a spouse (60%); divorced or widowed adults were more likely to live by themselves. Only one interviewee lived with the son’s family. More than half (54%) of the participants stated that they had paid pension insurance. Four migrant workers (12%) were unsure whether they would receive a pension, although they had paid for it. Most (90%) respondents said that they owned a house. Most of them owned land (70%), although many (23%) rented it out for additional income. Nearly one-third (30%) no longer owned their land and had sold it to either the government or developers. Most migrant workers were manual laborers, such as construction workers, carpenters, or factory workers; few were skilled employees, such as electricians or home remodeling workers. When asked if they would like to AIP in rural homes and with their children, everyone said that they would prefer to return home for AIP but only “hopefully” live with children. For “living with children,” 18 (54.5%) determinedly answered “No,” 5 were not sure or “Maybe,” and 11 selected “as the last resort.”

Qualitative Findings

Reduced Expectations for Filial Piety

Older adults returning to rural homes often found themselves living separately from their children or alone if widowed or divorced. Adult children were most likely to work in different cities as migrant workers. Aging parents’ expectations correspond to China’s changing social reality. When asked about his retirement plan, Mr Fang, a 58-year-old construction worker, said,

“I have only one son, he lives far away outside the province… As we get older, we often wish we could live closer and maybe help raise our grandchildren. The thought of it makes me very happy.”

Mr Wen, a 49-year-old transportation worker, has a son and daughter. He added:

Even when I am bedridden, I do not worry about my son or daughter taking care of me. They cannot possibly have time to care for me day in and day out… I may pay for in-home care, or at least we could pay for neighbors to help me get in or out of bed… neighbors are close by. The cost of care would be cheaper than in urban areas.

Even when caring for grandchildren, some aging older adults voiced their preference to live by themselves instead of moving into the city to live with their children’s families. Mr Chou, a 56-year-old restaurant employee, had two sons; One of them moved to his wife’s location to settle down. The other one bought a flat in the city. When asked whether he would move to the city to help take care of his grandchildren, he replied:

I am not that willing to live with our sons. They can pay 1,000–2,000 yuan (or $120–300) per month to hire a maid to care for their children. Sharing housing between the generations puts too much pressure on both the young and the old.

As shown above, changing attitudes include reduced expectations and obligations for young people. However, when rural older adults only have daughters, the expectation becomes gendered. Mr Yang, age 58, a widowed construction worker, explained his situation: “I, for sure, will not live with my only daughter. She will live with her husband and care for them. I cannot expect my daughter’s care—her parents-in-law will not be happy.”

Ms Wan is a 53-year-old cooking assistant. She and her husband work as migrant workers in separate locations. They have only one daughter. When asked about her retirement plans, she said: “I will not live with my daughter. Daughters, once married, belong to husbands’ families. My imposition on my daughter will only burden her…”

The qualitative data show that older adults are becoming increasingly financially independent, especially with the help of social pensions. Although many rural adults will rely on children’s support, this reliance has become more of an emotional exchange rather than financial or physical dependence. Migrant workers would express their willingness or expectation to rely on adult children as a last resort.

Emerging Financial Independence

Intergenerational co-residence and reliance on filial piety in old age have been the cultural expectations of Chinese rural aging adults. However, as urban workers, most respondents reported having pensions or retirement savings. Mr Fang, aged 58, was a migrant worker working at a brewery. He has been paying a social pension for over 10 years. He felt good about his retirement.

I am not retired yet; in a few years, when I retire, I will have paid 15 years into pension insurance. At least, I would not have to rely on my son to give me money for basic expenditures; I would be able to have over 10,000 a year for my pension.

Table 3.

Demographic Backgrounds of the Interviewees.

Name	Sex	Age	MaritalStatus	Occupation	# OfChildren	LivingArrangement	Having pension	Havingland	Live with children
Chen	M	46	Married	ConstructionWorker	2	With spouse	No	Yes	No
Lin	M	51	Married	Carpenter	1	With spouse	No	Yes	No
Wu	M	47	Divorced	Construct	1	Live alone	Yes	No	No
Zhou	M	49	Married	ConcreteWorker	1	Live alone	No	Yes	No
Huang	M	50	Married	Shoe factoryWorker	1	Live alone	Yes	Yes	No
Xiu	F	47	Married	FactoryWorker	2	With spouse	Yes	Yes	No
Fu	M	51	Married	Carpentry	1	With spouse	No	Yes	No
Chao	M	53	Divorced	TemporaryJobs	1	Live alone	No	Yes	No
Liu	M	51	Married	PetroleumFactory	1	With spouse	Yes	No	No
Dan	F	67	Married	Janitor	1	With spouse	No	No	No
Cheng	M	46	Married	Bread storeOwner	1	With spouse	Yes	Yes	Not sure
Wang	F	50	Married	Waitress	1	With spouse	Yes	Yes	Last resort
Huang	F	47	Married	Sales	1	With spouse	No	No	Last resort
Wu	M	63	Widowed	CollectGarbage	1	Live alone	No	Yes	Not sure
Zhao	F	54	Married	Sales	0	With spouse	Yes	Yes	No
Li	F	56	Married	Sales	2	With spouse	Yes	No	Not sure
Liu	F	66	Married	SanitationWorker	1	With spouse	Yes	No	Not sure
Zhou	M	49	Married	ConstructionWorker	1	With spouse	Yes	No	No
Zou	M	49	Married	Cook	2	With spouse	Yes	Yes	No
Chou	M	56	Married	Waitress	2	With spouse	Yes	Yes	No
Yu	F	57	Married	Waitress	1	With spouse	Yes	Yes	No
Li	F	57	Married	Waitress	2	With spouse	Yes	No	Last resort
Zhao	F	53	Married	Waitress	1	With spouse	No	Yes	Not sure
Fang	M	58	Married	Brewer	1	Live alone	Yes	Yes	Last resort
Fan	M	56	Married	ConstructionWorker	2	With spouse	Yes	Yes	Last resort
Wen	M	49	Married	Driver	1	Live alone	No	Yes	Last resort
Chu	M	51	Married	Waitress	1	With spouse	No	Yes	No, with wife
Wan	F	53	Married	CookAssistant	1	Live alone	No	Yes	No
Chao	F	47	Married	Waitress	1	Live alone	No	Yes	Last resort
Xiang	M	68	Married	CareAssistant	1	Live alone	No	No	Yes
Tian	M	58	Married	PlantingTrees	1	Live alone	Yes	Yes	No
Yang	M	58	Widowed	ConstructionWorker	1	Live alone	No	No	No
Fang	M	58	Married	ForestryWorker	1	With spouse	Yes	Yes	Last resort

The majority paid into the Rural Social Pension Insurance (RSPI) because of their hukou. However, non-portable pension insurance can make migrant workers hesitant to participate in urban retirement insurance. Ms Zhao, aged 53, already paid into two types of pension insurance but was still uncertain about her retirement. She said:

I contributed to pension insurance for 7 years through the company I worked in; it is headquartered in Shenzhen.

After I was 50 years old, I could no longer contribute to it. The money I paid for 7 years is difficult to earn back. In my local rural hometown, I also paid for RSPI. However, the amount is smaller this year; my husband and I paid 280 yuan (US$40); last year, we paid 200 yuan (or US$30) each into the RSPI.

Some migrant workers did not pay for the insurance at launch because of the pressing need to pay for their children’s college tuition or housing mortgages. At the time of the interview, it was too late for them to enroll. Mr Fan is one of those who regretted not participating earlier. He said,

I had to pay over 10,000 per year for my kid’s college… I am 56 years old this year. If I start this year, I will not be able to pay for 15 years before I get anything back, so I can no longer enroll in the pension system.

Mr Xiang was already 68 at the time of the interview and was still working as a care assistant in a nursing home. He said, “At the time I heard about retirement insurance, I had just passed 60; I was too old to enroll. The employees who were younger all bought into the insurance…but I could not.”

Most participants expressed a strong sense of financial independence. The majority (58%) also expected to live independently by themselves or with a spouse. Living with the families of adult children was the last resort.

Idyllic Image of Home with Few Children and Social Services

Most participants said that they still owned a house in their rural hometown, and over 90% spent over 100,000 yuan (or US$14,000) to remodel their homes. Two-thirds still owned their land. Almost all participants said that they preferred to return to their rural hometown in old age. The landowners held a particularly idyllic image of their homes. Mr Fan, aged 57 and a construction worker, described his sweet home with adult children in mind.

When I am older and no longer able to work, I hope to return home to my rural hometown. My wife enjoys raising chickens at home. When our daughter comes to visit, we will serve her fresh vegetables from our garden and organic chicken raised by ourselves for dinner…

Mr Tian, aged 58, had a daughter and a son. His image of the home no longer includes children; he said,

Our village’s environment is very nice: there are mountains and creeks; the sky is blue with white clouds. Is it not a beautiful place for old age?! Our son has already bought housing in the city. We are not going to live with him, not to interrupt his life. We want to live by ourselves, just my spouse and me…

Ms Wan, aged 58, has only one daughter; she refuses to depend on her. She said,

If I were to be disabled and bedridden, I would lose my dignity to continue living. This is simply a waste of money and energy. I prefer taking the pill to die. It is not because I am pessimistic; it is just hard to predict. I do not want to burden my daughter.

From Ms Wan’s account, the lack of social services or other options for aged support is making her despondent about independently AIP “with comfort and safety”; she considered committing suicide the only viable option.

Combining the quantitative and qualitative data, we gained a conceptual understanding of AIP in rural China. The CDC’s definition of AIP emphasizes living “independently” at a home or in the community “comfortably and safely.” The Chinese notion of AIP (叶落归根) connotes the aging individuals returning to a home where their roots and children are. The roots may refer to the land or houses they own, which, in the past, gave the aged power and respect. In contemporary China, owning land and doing farmwork yield only substandard living. Their children no longer rely on the land for their future livelihood; most have moved away into cities. Although the parents have continued their downward flow of support toward their children, they are keenly aware of the small likelihood of reciprocation in their old age. The emerging concept of retirement through new social policies of pension insurance is creating a new sense of financial independence. For the poor, reliance on children for filial piety continues to be embedded in their AIP expectations. For most, even with financial independence, having no social services means aging migrant workers are unlikely to AIP in the rural home where children are increasingly unavailable for physical care. Community-based long-term care options are structurally lacking in rural China (see Figure 1 for the conceptual framework). The dotted line conveys the non-existent social services in rural China.

Figure 1.

Aging in place in rural china.

Discussions

The study findings shed light on the factors influencing the desire for AIP among the first cohort of retiring and retired migrant workers in rural China. Overall, most migrant workers (81.3%) expressed a desire for AIP in rural hometowns. Migrant workers who participated in public pension schemes, still had farmland, and had children living nearby in rural hometowns were more likely to express the desire for AIP in rural hometowns.

Meaning of Home and AIP

A home is more than a house. The qualitative data show that most participants built or remodeled their rural houses. Does this new house make them feel like they are returning home for AIP? Findings revealed an increasingly empty house for aging adults. Adult children leave their rural homes for urban jobs and only return home during holidays. The traditional notion of AIP in China emphasizes intergenerational financial and physical support (Zhan et al., 2012). The findings show an increase in aging migrant workers’ financial independence and changing expectations from co-residence to separate living arrangements. With rarely available adult children, aging rural migrant workers have reduced expectations for children’s filial piety. However, most migrant workers still hold onto an idyllic image of a rural home in old age, even though independent, comfortable, and safe living conditions are infeasible.

Structural Lags in Rural China

This study revealed that having a rural pension is strongly associated with AIP. In the Chinese context, rural pensions are determined by the hukou system, which ties migrant workers’ retirement pensions to their birthplace. This is a major factor determining migrant workers’ location of residence in old age. This finding supports earlier studies on inequalities in social benefits (Qiu et al., 2021; Tadevosyan et al., 2020). Rural pension in China is a step toward financial security and independence for aging rural residents. However, social inequalities in pension benefits between rural and urban residents have led to migrant workers’ financial disadvantage in old age. The portability of urban pension contributions to rural or different locations will increase migrant workers’ financial well-being and decrease old-age financial dependence on children.

Even though the retirement age in China is set at 50, 55, and 60 for women, blue-collar male workers, and white-collar workers, respectively, in urban China, migrant workers have had little or no concept of “retirement” until very recently. As shown in prior literature, migrant workers aged 50 and above are less likely to be hired for construction or other manual jobs, but they continue to work in odd jobs or till the land for some income (Qiu et al., 2022). Thus, the question, “Are you retired?” is irrelevant to most rural migrant workers. Future studies should further explore the emerging concept of retirement in rural China. In this paper, we used “age” to control any confounding effect resulting from retirement age. For many, if not most, migrant workers, “ceaseless toil” may best describe their non-retirement work life in rural China. Having a pension slowly increases rural migrant workers’ financial security, highlighting the importance of retirement savings in rural China.

Cultural Lags and Their Implications

The study findings revealed the continued reliance of aging rural migrant workers on their adult children, especially those with lower incomes and less education. Having children living in rural areas was positively associated with returning migrant workers’ desire to rely on them. Nevertheless, with only 28.8% of adult children living in rural hometowns, even if retired migrant workers have pensions or financial resources, no care services are available, and aged care continues to be adult children’s responsibility. Qualitative data further revealed the aging older adults’ changing preference for living arrangements. Most (58%) would choose to live by themselves, relying on children as the last resort (25%). A gender difference was shown in the expectations of children’s filial piety. Older adults with only daughters are determined not to live together in old age because, traditionally, women should care for their in-law families. This gender difference calls for social policies that address the culture-specific needs of daughters’ families in rural China.

This study showed that most adult children (71.2%) were not living nearby or in the same household, thus, changing the connotation of “AIP” in rural China and denoting that aging migrant workers are likely to live alone in rural homes. Adult children are unlikely to be available for hands-on aged care. Therefore, aging migrant workers’ cultural expectations for filial piety are unrealistic as their adult children are rarely available. This disconnection between the past cultural tradition and the stark reality of urbanization and social transformation may happen not only in China but also in other countries with similar cultural backgrounds. The lack of social services in rural China, such as meals-on-wheels, adult day care, assisted living facilities, and home care, is a severe structural deficiency lagging the rapidly rising rural older adult population.

Study Limitations

This study was based on a nonrandom sample collected from three interior Chinese provinces. Interpretation implying causation from the data should be considered with caution. The sample was drawn from rural villages and, thus, may have systematically excluded migrant workers who settled in urban areas for AIP. Migrant workers in China mostly work temporary jobs; thus, it is difficult for researchers to collect data using random samples. To minimize possible generalization issues, we reviewed multiple previous studies on similar topics using nationally representative data and found that our sample characteristics and regression results were mostly consistent with them.

Conclusion

Despite its limitations, our study has offered insights into understanding factors influencing migrant worker’s AIP in rural China. Although modern technology may increase the ease of communication and possibly emotional contact, the need to provide physical care for frail and chronically ill aged parents in rural China is rising. Our study reveals that adult children are rarely available. The structural lag of having no social-care services in rural China, in addition to the cultural lag of the reduced filial piety due to migration and urbanization, has created a double bind for the first cohorts of returning migrant workers for AIP in rural hometowns. While providing a national pension for all rural residents is the first step toward financial self-care, creating options for social care is critical to mend the cultural lags and allow the returning migrant workers in rural China for comfortable and safe AIP.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Philosophy and Social Science Project, Anhui Province, China “The Construction of Livelihood Well-being among Rural Older Adults from the Perspective of Chinese Style Modernization” grant/award number: AHSKY2022D17.

IRB Approval

IRB Approval is obtained from Georgia State University, IRB#H21264. Reference #363130.

ORCID iDs

Heying Jenny Zhan

Jing Liu

References

Ahn

Kwon

H. J.

Kang

(2020). Supporting aging-in-place well: Findings from a cluster analysis of the reasons for aging-in-place and perceptions of well-being. Journal of Applied Gerontology: The Official Journal of the Southern Gerontological Society, 39(1), 3–15. https://doi.org/10.1177/0733464817748779

Bigonnesse

Chaudhury

(2022). Ageing in place processes in the neighbourhood environment: A proposed conceptual framework from a capability approach. European Journal of Ageing, 19(1), 63–74. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10433-020-00599-y

Census.gov . (2021). International data base. International Database (census.gov).

Center for Disease Control and Prevention (Cdc) . (2023). https://www.cdc.gov/healthyplaces/terminology.htm#:∼:text=aging/in/place,%2C/income%2C/or/ability/level

Chan

K. W.

Zhang

(1999). The hukou system and rural-urban migration in China: Processes and changes. The China Quarterly, 160, 818–855. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000001351

Chen

Kahana

(2019). A self-reliant umbrella: Defining successful aging among the old-old (80+) in bhanghai. Journal of applied gerontology, Sage Publications. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0733464819842500

China National Bureau of Statistics . (2022). The Investigation of migrant workers aeport 2022. https://www.xdyanbao.com/doc/ldhxq4p4mu?bd_vid=11919364903267177358

Ding

Qin

Liang

(2019). Social trust and the efficiency in the implementation of public policies: Evidence from China’s new rural pension scheme [in Chinese]. Chinese Rural Economy, 5, 109–123.

Liu

Huang

Zhang

(2018). Residential segregation and perceptions of social integration in Shanghai China. Urban Studies, 55(7), 1484–1503. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098016689012

10.

(2019). An overview of rural to urban migration in China and social challenges. Migration Letters, 16(2), 273–282. https://doi.org/10.33182/Ml.v16i2.664

11.

Qiu

F. X.

Liu

Zhan

H. J.

(2021). Migration and health: Freedom of movement and social benefit for Chinese migrant workers. Sustainability, 13, 1–26. https://doi.org/10.3390/su132212371

12.

Qiu

F. X.

Zhan

H. J.

Liu

Barrett

P. M.

(2022). Downward transfer of support and care: Understanding the cultural lag in rural China. Ageing and Society, 42(6), 1422–1447. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X2000152X

13.

Scharlach

A. E.

Moore

K. D.

(2016) Aging in place. In Bengtson

V. L.

Settersten

R. A.

(Eds.), Handbook of theories of aging (pp. 407–425), Springer. Chapter 21.

14.

Silverstein

Cong

(2006). Intergenerational transfers and living arrangements of older people in rural China:” Consequences for psychological well-being. Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 61(5), 256–S266. https://doi.org/10.1093/geronb/61.5.s256

15.

Strauss

Corbin

(1998). Basic of qualitative research techniques, Sage.

16.

Strohschein

(2012). I want to move but cannot: Characteristics of involuntary stayers and associations with health among Canadian seniors. Journal of Aging and Health, 24(5), 735–751. https://doi.org/10.1177/0898264311432312

17.

Tadevosyan

Chen

Liu

(2020). Returning migrants in the PRC: Challenges and perspectives--evidence from chongqing. Asian Development Bank East Asian Working Paper Series, 33, 1–49.

18.

Tang

Hao

(2019). The return intentions of China’s rural migrants: A study of nanjing and puzhou. Journal of Urban Affairs, 41(3), 354–371. https://doi.org/10.1080/07352166.2017.1422981

19.

Taylor

Payer

(2017). Population ageing in northern Australia: Seniors’ voices on ageing in place. Journal of Population Ageing, 10(2), 181–196. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12062-016-9156-0

20.

Vasunilashorn

Steinman

B. A.

Liebig

P. S.

Pynoos

(2012). Aging in place: Evolution of a research topic whose time has come. Journal of Aging Research, 2012, 120952. https://doi.org/10.1155/2012/120952

21.

Wahl

H. W.

Gerstorf

(2018). A conceptual framework for studying ntext ynamics in ging (CODA). Developmental Review, 50, 155–176. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dr.2018.09.003

22.

Wang

Zhang

Y. X.

Zhan

(2022). Path toward home: Exploring cathways to the development of a sense of home in residential care settings in China. AustralAsian Journal of Aging, 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajag.13143

23.

World Bank . (2019). World Bank database. https://data.worldbank.org/

24.

Xie

(2017). A study of the influence of Rural family structural change in Aging and Eldercare in the process of urbanization [in Chinese], Nanchang: Jiangxi Finance and Economics University Dissertation.

25.

Guan

Yao

(2011). Welfare program participation among rural to urban migrant workers in China. International Journal of Social Welfare, 20(1), 10–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2009.00713.x

26.

Zhan

H. J.

Luo

Chen

(2012) Institutional elder care in China. In Chen

Powell

(Eds.), Aging in China.

27.

Zhang

Zhu

(2021). The influence of the peer effect on participation in China's new rural pension scheme [in Chinese]. Journal of Financial Research, 9, 111–130.

28.

Zheng

Huang

(2007). Rural-urban migrant workers in China: Issue and social protection, Renmin Press.

29.

Zhu

Osterle

(2017). Rural-urban disparities in unmet long-term care needs in China: The role of the hukou status. Social science & medicine (1982), 191, 30–37. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.08.025

30.

Zhu

(2017). Migrant workers returning home to house--an interpretation framework based on push & pull theory [in Chinese]. Reform of Economic System, 3, 89–94. CNKI:SUN:JJTG.0.2017-03-013.