Abstract
No Way Out: Precarious Living in the Shadow of Poverty and Drug-Dealing offers an ethnographic look at how those who live in seemingly dysfunctional communities manage to live their daily lives in relative safety and with a shared sense of community, despite the drug dealing and violence that permeate every facet of their neighborhood. Author Waverly Duck was introduced to the poor, largely Black community he calls Bristol Hill as an expert witness in a drug-dealing case. He was asked to provide evidence that neighborhood factors could lead youth into drug dealing. While doing research for the courts, he realized that the residents who lived there were “organizing for survival” and he then began a 7-year journey to find out how.
The preface outlines the major social changes that led to the decline of the neighborhood he studies. Residents are constrained by a weak job market, an ineffective social safety net, and a criminal justice system that imposes draconian fines for minor traffic violations, which leads to more debt in the form of court costs and, finally, prison. While individuals in the neighborhood know that they aren’t safe, they still feel safe and do not want to leave. They have “organized for survival” through an “interaction order” that makes daily living orderly, predictable, and possible.
The introduction begins with the lament that even with established civil rights and a Black president, many African Americans are still poor and isolated. The stereotype of Black criminality adds to the isolation and gives little hope for the young males in the neighborhood of obtaining even the few minimum wage jobs that are to be found. Outsiders and the media exacerbate the isolation and poverty of this area with claims that residents are hostile and lack collective efficacy. Within the discipline of sociology, disorder theorists argue that poverty, not culture, is the primary variable in the turmoil of neighborhoods like these. Duck is not a disorder theorist but acknowledges that poverty plays an important role. More important though, he says, are the divisions of race and class that create the isolation. Culture is an adaptation—it is not the cause but the consequence of racial isolation and poverty. The resulting interaction order is a “rational adaptation to otherwise impossible circumstances.” The interaction order provides a set of sense-making tools and strategies oriented toward a specific place, that is, a drug-dealing neighborhood. Duck shows that what may appear disordered and senseless to outsiders is actually orderly and expected, especially when it comes to violence. Tight-knit residents are attuned to the nuances of this place and have a shared understanding of meanings, respect for each other, engage in reciprocity, and have a sense of solidarity.
Chapter 1 is the first look at Johnathan, the young man Duck was called to defend by providing evidence that the structure of the neighborhood and the organized, regulated drug market was not just an option, it was an inevitability. In rich, ethnographic detail, Duck describes the drug trade and accompanying violence, Johnathan’s unplanned entry into drug dealing, his family, and his imprisonment. Despite the high probability of arrest and imprisonment at some point in their lives, the drug trade is alluring and those who participate are “attractive models of manly success.” The desire to participate, however, stems solely from the fact that there are limited options for young men to achieve success. The majority of residents ascribe to middle-class values and, given a choice, would prefer legitimate means of making a living.
Chapter 2 is an in-depth look at drug-dealing careers which includes a look at the pivotal role that trash, vacant lots, graffiti, and gym shoes hanging from electrical wires play in the profession. All these visible features of seeming disorder are actually critical components of the culture. Trash-filled vacant lots are perfect places to stash drugs and guns, gym shoes signal the location of a dealer, and graffiti honors those who were lost to the violence.
Chapter 3 describes the decline of the once-vibrant, desirable neighborhood of Bristol Hill, largely due to disastrous policies. The social and demographic changes that took place stem not from the initial drug trade or White flight but from misconceived and poorly implemented housing policies that segregated Blacks and Whites and concentrated the poor.
Chapter 4 discusses the collective efficacy of gossip and the consequences of snitching. In this chapter, Duck also presents the law enforcement perspective on the neighborhood given by an experienced patrol officer to whom he was assigned under a federal grant.
Chapter 5 examines the role of violence in Bristol Hill, with special attention given to the misconceptions about the drug trade being gang controlled and the acceptance of homicide if it is “justified.”
Chapters 6 and 7 include the life stories of six Black men and one poor, single Black woman who face underemployment, imprisonment, debt, family friction, and violence. The survival strategies these seven employ are shared throughout the neighborhood and are a testament to the adaptability and tenacity of the residents.
The author concludes by noting that while outsiders view this neighborhood and others like it with disdain, the residents are more than aware that something is amiss. Their problems can be solved, he says, but inequality and social distance distort power dynamics between those who make the policies and those who are subjected to them.
This book takes a considerable step toward correcting the many misconceptions about neighborhoods like Bristol Hill and is a must read for college students in many disciplines, who might use this book to understand race, inequality, and the value of collective efficacy in the face of monumental odds. In general, anyone who cares about ending the chronic poverty that characterizes far too many Black neighborhoods would have a better understanding of the problems these residents face after reading this book.