Abstract
Seniors (over 64 years) are a growing demographic. Some seniors risk social exclusion given the lack of transportation options. Using qualitative methods, I investigate how transportation network company (TNC) services such as Lyft and Uber present an alternative for seniors’ mobility in comparison to taxis. I use technology acceptance models as a lens and explore the challenges that TNC services present for seniors. This analysis suggests that emerging transportation services—including self-driving cars—may present a boon for seniors if stakeholders from the private and public sectors can increase the ease of use of these new forms of mobility.
Well, it’s a taxi. You can call it apparently and they’ll pick you up. The costs are really reasonable. But I think that they don’t have insurance, so if you’re in an accident or something. . . . That’s probably what would concern me. I don’t think I would ever use it. I would just use a regular cab because I take them so little. The thing that bothers me is you have to pay online, and number one I refuse to do that with anything. Somebody said to me once “Well one day you’re going to have to bank online” and I thought “well not in my lifetime.” I don’t have any apps. I tried to get one . . . I didn’t realize Uber was an app! I’m quite interested in it . . . but I don’t know anything about it. I listen on the news . . . and I’m curious as heck! And I mean they’re the future in my view. The insurance issue is somewhat worrying. But I have thought to myself that I don’t care about that and maybe you just take Uber.
Introduction: The Promise of New Technologies and the Senior Demographic
There has been a rapid increase in smartphone app services over the past decade. For example, you can get groceries sent to your home or order a ride using a phone app. Recent developments such as drone-based delivery and the (imminent) introduction of autonomous vehicles herald a society where goods and services will be progressively accessible through smart devices. Yet some subgroups in society such as seniors may not be able to adapt to and benefit from this change. Older adults may be particularly challenged in a society where goods and services are accessed through applications via smartphones and require online financial tools. Contrary to trends that suggest a steady growth of Internet use by seniors (Allen 2016; Veenhof and Timusk 2014), I argue that significant barriers exist for accessing smartphone app services in this group. I rely on technology acceptance models (Davis, Bagozzi, and Warshaw 1989; Venkatesh et al. 2003) as an analytical framework for this paper and use transportation network company (TNC) services (e.g., Lyft and Uber) as a case to explore barriers that seniors face with phone app services. I discuss potential responses from private and public sector stakeholders to reduce these barriers.
Various estimates suggest that seniors as a group are growing in the developed world. Roughly one in four North Americans will be seniors by 2030 (Dobbs 2012)—about 10 million in Canada (Statistics Canada 2015) and 75 million in the United States (Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics 2010). Older adults are projected to outlive their driving ability by 7 to 10 years (Burkhardt 2012). Older women are likely to be worse off since they are three times more likely to stop driving than men (Foley et al. 2002).
The negative health outcomes of social isolation in seniors have been documented widely (Dobbs 2012; Tomaka, Thompson, and Palacios 2006). Both societal and individual factors can increase isolation for seniors. Societal factors include, for example, an urban environment that is unsafe for the nonvehicular movement of many groups, including older adults. 1 Individual factors such as financial stability, physical ability, and cognitive capacity can also contribute to social isolation. However, there is considerable variation in the senior population (Coughlin and D’Ambrosio 2012; Haustein and Siren 2015). Given the policy implications of an aging population in OECD countries, there has been a concerted effort to understand the needs of this diverse and growing demographic.
Researchers indicate that seniors today are more likely to be socially active than previous cohorts (Marin-Lamellet and Haustein 2015; Rosenbloom 2012). Scholars suggest that seniors engage in more pursuits, including utilitarian activities such as working at a job, taking care of the home, and often providing support for their grandchildren. Many seniors are also engaged in discretionary activities such as volunteering in the community and being part of social organizations. These activities require transportation beyond the walking zone of the home location. Technologies such as ridesharing platforms (Chan and Shaheen 2012; Rayle et al. 2016) and autonomous vehicles (Bansal and Kockelman 2017; Guerra 2016) may change the nature of automobile dependability for seniors over time.
In this paper, I use seniors to define the population of interest following the use of this term by Statistics Canada. I interchangeably use older adults to describe this group of individuals over 64 years. Researchers have various ways of categorizing the population over 64 years using several attributes such as mobility tool usage (private car, transit, bicycle, walk), (dis)ability, health, income, gender, and attitudes (Haustein and Siren 2015; Marin-Lamellet and Haustein 2015). I rely on an age-based classification (Meng and Siren 2015) for this paper by specifically focusing on three age categories: 65 to 74 years, 75 to 84 years, and 85 years and older—divided further into women and men. I focus on able and independent seniors who can normally take care of themselves and are not restricted by severe financial, physical, or cognitive factors but have ceased (or are in the process of giving up) driving. This particular subset of older adults is on the cusp between independence and dependence on public/private providers, friends, and family members for their transportation needs. Often categorized as healthy and active (Sixsmith 2013), this senior demographic therefore represents likely early adopters of new transportation technologies.
In this paper, I ask: How can the private and public sectors work toward increasing the viability of TNC services as a mobility tool for older adults? I employ a qualitative research methodology comprised of structured in-person interviews and focus groups with seniors in Edmonton, Canada. Skills for booking and payment that are common to TNC (and some taxi companies) are also foundational to accessing other phone app services. This analysis can hence be used to examine likely barriers to adoption of similar services more generally.
Smartphone App Transportation Services: TNC Services over Taxis for Older Adults?
A number of factors indicate how TNC services—compared to taxis—might be the way forward for older adults in the foreseeable future. First, a lower cost per ride can be an important motivation for seniors to adopt TNC services. Though many factors impact fares, one analysis suggests that TNC services are between 24 percent and 50 percent cheaper compared to taxis in Canadian cities (Kolanko and Gallinger 2015). Since many taxi operators do not allow ridesharing—a feature that is available on TNC services—this limits the possibility of further lower cost to consumers willing to adopt the shared ride option. Second, more seniors are likely to be familiar with smartphone technology going forward. Specifically, as more baby boomers become seniors and cease driving over time, it is conceivable that transitioning to TNC services will not present a severe challenge for them. Third, in situations where family or professional caregivers are involved, their ability to book a ride remotely and monitor progress in real time has distinct advantages, such as a feeling of security. Finally, given that taxi services are heavily regulated and operators are unionized, the imminent changes in transportation supply may make the industry redundant unless it adapts.
TNC services are not, however, risk free, especially for older adults who may have higher exposure to consumer fraud and mistreatment in an unregulated environment. Perhaps the largest risk is financial since seniors who are not used to online financial transactions may be exposing themselves to consumer fraud (Cohen 2006). This can happen, for example, if seniors ask questions about an app feature and hand over their phone (with financial information) to operators. Though incidents of assault and injury are few (whosdrivingyou.org 2018) given the volume of individuals who use the TNC mode, these occurrences can change how seniors perceive the usefulness of phone app transportation services. I argue, however, that the benefits of TNC services outweigh the costs.
The TNC mode currently represents a feasible option for the mobility of many groups yet remains largely attractive to those comfortable with technology—especially to younger college-educated individuals making discretionary trips in high-density urban environments during day time (Hughes and MacKenzie 2016; Rayle et al. 2016). Technology has made it possible for TNC providers to overcome multiple challenges by shortening lag time in ride matching even within thin markets (Harding, Kandlikar, and Gulati 2016), thus scaling up ridesharing and making TNC services more efficient than taxis (Cramer and Krueger 2016). These efficiencies have translated to lower pricing of TNC services—though circumventing labor laws and other regulatory burdens have likely impacted fares as well. Many taxi operators are learning from TNC services and changing how their product is accessed through features such as application-based booking, prepayment, and operator information. Yet researchers show that there are significant differences between TNC and taxi markets in terms of who uses the services, access times, trip purposes, and ability to complement transit (Rayle et al. 2016; Wang and Ross 2017). Though costs may remain different, it is plausible that many of the supply characteristics in the taxi and TNC markets will converge over time, especially if the taxi industry adopts ride matching based on smart technologies. The impacts of such a convergence are important to analyze for seniors since certain features of taxis such as street hailing may change.
Firms supplying TNC services engage in a replicable set of practices for user training and incentivizing travel. These practices indicate promising directions for transportation policy—especially at the local government level and through community-based organizations. Specifically, Lyft and Uber are progressively making it easier for seniors to ride their services. Both companies offer tutorials on using the technology, phone operators to circumvent the app, discounted rides, and partnerships with senior-friendly advocacy groups (Lien 2016). Some local governments are partnering with Uber to offset the cost of the ride (Uber 2015), and both firms are working with service providers who cater to seniors to make it possible to limit the technology and online financial operating barriers.
Communities that are aware of the growing demands in senior populations are already investing in programs such as personal transportation schemes, user training, travel information provision, and pricing incentives. Marin-Lamellet and Haustein (2015) document this effort in Europe and find that existing best practices, however, do not cater to all segments of the senior population and often target those with disabilities. Reviews of existing practices find that most programs for seniors are designed for specific subgroups. For example, transit education is geared to women (Ahern and Hine 2012), and programs that encourage maintenance of driving skills are geared to men (Marin-Lamellet and Haustein 2015). Given the uneven distribution of services for seniors overall (Warner, Homsy, and Morken 2017), the introduction of new technologies for transportation presents opportunities and challenges. Existing TNC firm practices suggest that there are specific ways forward to enable greater adoption of smartphone app services by seniors.
Literature Review
Seniors’ Travel Behaviors
Trends analysis shows that seniors have been driving longer both in terms of time and distance. Seniors today are making more trips as drivers and passengers compared to past cohorts (Dobbs 2012; Rosenbloom 2012). In the North American senior population, there is a higher percentage whose mode of travel is automobile-related—about 90 percent for drivers and 65 percent for nondrivers—while others rely on transit and walking (Rosenbloom and Herbel 2009). Shaheen (2012) argues that transit is an unlikely option for many seniors given their unfamiliarity with system characteristics, physical challenges, safety concerns, and unwillingness to ride on transit—reasons often limiting the general population from using transit. Seniors specifically do not prefer walking long distances to transit—drivers more than nondrivers—and a lack of knowledge about the system brings down transit use significantly (Hess 2009). Many seniors depend on family and friends for rides, with those in rural geographies relying almost entirely on their personal network since there are few transit services. Seniors without access to transportation options and/or the ability to drive often have a lower quality of life, as do seniors with low incomes and those from minority racial groups (Kim 2011).
Older adults cease driving gradually over time through a process of self-regulation. Research suggests that in addition to self-regulation, seniors limit driving because of fewer places to go (Kim and Ulfarsson 2015; Meng and Siren 2015). Women who choose not to retire end up driving more, but older women generally report driving less, citing lower confidence (Meng and Siren 2015; Siren and Haustein 2016). Older women are generally more dependent on their partners for trips since they often do not drive (Rosenbloom and Herbel 2009)—with large negative impacts when their partner ceases driving (Ahern and Hine 2012).
Technology Acceptance Models
Researchers studying information systems have delved into why individuals adopt a technology such as using a computer application. The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) (Davis, Bagozzi, and Warshaw 1989) and the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) (Venkatesh et al. 2003) provide an analytical framework for the research I present in this paper. Though these models were developed and refined to study adoption of computer applications in the workplace, they are appropriate to the research in this paper since I explore barriers to the use of a technology (TNC services) by seniors.
Under TAM, Davis, Bagozzi, and Warshaw (1989) posit that two beliefs—perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use—are central to the adoption of a technology. Usefulness is about how much an individual believes a technology can improve his or her life, while ease of use is about how much this individual expects the adoption of the technology to be effortless. Venkatesh et al. (2003) identify gender, age, experience, and voluntariness of use as moderating factors in a variety of models in the information systems literature in their effort to unify the field under UTAUT. In the current research, I control for gender and age groups as part of the research design, which enables capturing some of these moderating effects. Age cohorts within the senior demographic are used as a proxy for experience with computer technology.
Similar applications of these models have been undertaken by other researchers interested in seniors’ behaviors with regard to technology adoption. Braun (2013) used TAM to investigate why some seniors use social networking websites. He found that seniors were more likely to use the websites if they trusted the websites, found them useful, and generally used the Internet. Wilkowska and Ziefle (2009) studied what motivates adoption of personal digital assistants such as smartphones in older adults. They found that history of technology use had a large effect on adoption while user training also helped. Macedo (2017) studied seniors’ acceptance of information and communication technology (ICT) using UTAUT, and she discovered that intention and habit were important direct predictors of acceptance. Lian and Yen (2014) investigated online shopping behaviors in seniors using UTAUT and found that performance expectation and social pressures encouraged adoption while value and tradition reduced inclination to shop online. There remains a gap, however, in understanding how TAM/UTAUT can be applied to the study of new transportation technologies.
Case: TNC Services in Edmonton
Edmonton is located in the province of Alberta in Canada and has a population of around 932,000 (Statistics Canada 2017)—12.1 percent of the city population are seniors (over 64 years). Edmonton has a large annual variation in seasons given the wide difference between warm and winter months (Government of Canada 2018) and 121 cm of average annual snowfall (Statistics Canada 2007). Edmonton Transit System, the local public transit agency, runs light-rail transit, buses, and paratransit services in the city. A variety of other options exist for seniors who do not drive, including services by private vendors and seniors organizations.
Two TNC services operate in Edmonton (at the time of publication): TappCar and Uber. TappCar—a local company—has been in operation since March 2016, while Uber has been operating since December 2014—barring some gaps in provision due to legal challenges. Following the California Public Utilities Commission (2013) decision to regulate TNC services, several North American governments—both local and provincial/state—have enacted similar laws (Moran and Lasley 2017). The Province of Alberta recently enacted the Transportation Network Companies Regulation, which focuses on insurance liability minimums, licensing, and police information checking along with a vulnerable sector search (Province of Alberta 2016). The Vehicle for Hire Bylaw in Edmonton has also been updated to equalize regulatory burdens on taxis and TNC services. These laws focus on licensing, easily visible display of information, driver conduct, fares, and numerous other obligations (City of Edmonton 2017).
Research Methodology
Interviews and focus groups are commonly used as research methods by investigators studying seniors’ needs, choices, and behaviors. I designed this qualitative study along three dimensions: gender groups, age cohorts, and seasons. I included seasonal variability as a control since travel behavior is impacted by weather in older adults (e.g., Hess et al. 2016). The research proceeded in two stages.
Stage 1 (Interviews)
Structured in-person interviews were conducted between September 2015 and March 2016 covering both the warm and winter months (n = 76 total; women/men = 44/32). The interview instrument had questions in the following categories: general travel behaviors, opinions about travel modes, comfort using technology and online financial tools, socioeconomics, and some open-ended questions; a few questions were asked on a 5-point Likert scale. The research team stopped interviewing when ongoing analysis revealed internal consistency of responses and thematic saturation (Bowen 2008).
Stage 2 (Focus Groups)
Learning from the interview data, a premise emerged that older women and older men had different opinions that were likely to be revealed in gender-separated discussions. Four focus groups—two each with older women and men—were subsequently conducted in May 2016 (n = 24 total; women/men = 15/9). The focus group instrument was designed to elicit wide-ranging responses specifically about barriers to using TNC services and ways to overcome such barriers. The focus groups also enabled confirmation of responses regarding TNC services from the interviews and the addition of an in-depth discussion about the technology of interest for this investigation (Creswell and Miller 2000).
Procedures in the Field
A combination of intercept and snowball methods was used to recruit interviewees and focus group participants. The criterion for participant inclusion was age (over 64 years), and the recruitment procedure was adjusted as the study proceeded to enable quota sampling across the gender groups and age cohorts (Table 1). The team discovered that older women were more willing to participate in the study compared to older men. Therefore, during the latter half of the interview stage, the team’s primary recruitment focus was on older men. During the informed consent procedure for the interviews, seniors were asked if they would be willing to participate in a focus group discussion. No payments or gifts were provided during the interview stage; lunch was provided for participants who attended the focus group sessions. Anonymity and confidentiality were achieved at the beginning of each focus group by reiterating that the identities of participants and discussion in the room was confidential and that the participants had agreed not to share this information.
Gender Groups across Age Cohorts in the Population and Interview Sample.
Source: Populations figures from Statistics Canada (2017).
Note: Three interviewees did not report age and are not counted in the table. Total interviewees are 41 + 32 + 3 = 76.
Data Recording and Analysis
The interviews and focus group discussions were logged by hand using the instruments as guides; these conversations were also audio-recorded. The researchers used a spreadsheet format to document major talking points from the interviews and focus groups. The same researcher—interviewer or focus group note taker—then filled in gaps or added more detail and verbatim quotes by listening to the audio recording. I ran a second check on the typed-up responses by randomly assigning participants to other team members who used the original handwritten notes and audio recordings to confirm accuracy. A researcher and I independently went through the spreadsheets to discover major themes about barriers to TNC use. I used TAM (Davis, Bagozzi, and Warshaw 1989) to segment the responses into those that were about “usefulness” versus “ease of use.”
Sample Characteristics
During the interview stage, I compared the sample with the senior population of Edmonton along gender and age cohort dimensions. Table 1 shows the representativeness of the sample for this qualitative study. The ratio of women to men in the population and in the sample is 1.3. This ratio increases as age goes up in the general population, which is also reflected in the interview sample.
In the interview sample, 54 percent were seniors from 65 to 74 years, 30 percent were seniors 75 to 84 years, and 12 percent were seniors 85 years and older—4 percent were undeclared. In this group, 54 percent lived alone, 36 percent lived with a partner/friend, and 5 percent each lived with family or in an assisted senior facility. Households were small (mean = 1.4; SD = 0.1), and average monthly costs were about C$1,110 (SD = C$120). Mean monthly cost breakdown was: 54 percent rent, 23 percent food, 11 percent utilities, 6 percent transportation, 4 percent medical expenses, and 2 percent miscellaneous costs.
The focus groups were aimed to elicit gender-specific responses rather than opinions by age cohort. Consequently, I do not report the distribution of the gender groups across age cohorts for the focus group sample. There were 15 older women and 9 older men overall in the focus groups; 63 percent of the focus group participants were women. Of the total participants, half stated that they would consider taking a workshop to learn the skills required to book a ride on a TNC service. Specifically, 53 percent women and 44 percent men from the focus group participants were open to seeking training.
Findings: Using TAM to Understand Seniors’ Responses
The responses from older adults reveal how perceived usefulness and ease of use (Davis, Bagozzi, and Warshaw 1989) are linked to opportunities and barriers in the adoption of TNC services. I have marginally edited quotes reported here for grammar and unclear referents (reported in parentheses). Since TappCar began services in March 2016—namely, after the interview phase was completed—the instruments focused on Uber.
Usefulness of TNC Services
Most of the older men (97 percent) and older women (86 percent) interviewees said they had heard about TappCar and Uber in Edmonton. Yet only one older man reported riding a TNC service set up by a family member when visiting another city, while another male participant said he had created an account but never used the service. Overall, TNC services and paratransit were not preferred travel modes for the study sample. Most participants relied on some combination of driving themselves, being driven by family/friends, transit, and alternate transportation services (including taxis 2 ).
Though many seniors reported not being interested and/or being intimidated by the technology for using TNC services, some did say that they would consider using TNC services. The seniors who were not interested in TNC services said they would rely on buses. If they ceased driving or had other health issues limiting their mobility, they reported that would rely on paratransit. Some seniors said that failing mobility might incentivize them to consider TNC services, while other senior drivers reported that they would consider taking TNC services for after-dark trips. A few senior women said they might consider TNC services in inclement weather for the convenience, especially if they went grocery shopping. One respondent recognized the advantages of TNC services for consumers given the widening transportation choices: From a consumer’s point of view, I think some forms of competition from within the industry will allow the consumer to get a fairer deal. So if these guys can be properly insured and I feel like I can get a safe trip for a little less money, then why not? (#7-I, man)
Trusting a service is closely aligned with its perceived usefulness. In the sample, trust was an important theme, and Uber was consistently viewed as being controversial. Issues raised included Uber being “unlicensed and unregulated” and having “drivers without proper qualifications.” Some discussion focused on reports of surge pricing during New Year’s Eve in Edmonton and sexual assaults by drivers elsewhere that were reported in the local media. Older women in the sample expressed more concerns if they were to travel in unlicensed forms of transportation such as TNC services. Seniors reported wanting to be sure of the cost of the ride by checking a meter. Lack of visual identification of service was mentioned by several older women in interviews and focus groups with specific comments that drivers should have a tag on their front window to help identify the vehicle.
3
I don’t like a car that doesn’t tell me what it is. I ordered an airport taxi once and a regular car showed up. I felt like I was being kidnapped. I had no sense of security. (#B3-FG, woman) I would not feel safe; some strange guy coming to pick me up. At least when you’re in a licensed taxi you’ve got the Company. Well, I phone and make my appointments so I talk with the dispatcher. I’ve used the same company for a while now so when I phone they know me by name. So if I ever had a problem I’d feel comfortable going to the company with the problem, whereas with Uber there are just too many unknowns. (#129-I, woman)
Ease of Use of TNC Services
There was ambiguity about TNC services in the focus group sample. Participants said Uber was a private or independent taxi service and were unclear about the differences between taxis and Uber. Confusion ranged from thinking that Uber is a free service while other seniors thought on-street hailing was allowed and that the driver was to be paid directly at the end of a ride. Other seniors were unsure of how to figure out fares in advance, uncertain if the tip was extra, and distressed with the notion of surge pricing.
Some seniors had tried using applications on smartphones but were not comfortable with these and reported even lower confidence with technology to hail a taxi using an app. More generally, seniors expressed anxiety about paying for services on the web, specifically for online banking, credit card use, and online payments. During focus group discussions, a consensus emerged that using credit cards for online transactions could easily lead to possible fraud. Seniors were also uncomfortable with paying for services in advance and reported that they felt safe when paying for services using credit cards if they were at a store—or paying in cash—and preferred to keep a paper trail. Overall, older men reported greater comfort with technology and online financial transactions than women.
I would not do it [pay for Uber]. Not even on the computer. I’m not comfortable about using my credit card on a computer . . . I’m not comfortable giving it [credit card] to an unauthorized taxi company. (#19-I, woman) Stuck with taxis, don’t care if they cost more. If you don’t trust them [Uber] with your information, you wouldn’t want a friend or family member to give their credit card number either. Taxis are safer and regulated; the risks are too high [with Uber]. (#D3-FG, woman)
About half of the seniors in both gender groups said that they would not seek training and would not trust someone else to book a ride for them. The other half, however, indicated that they would consider training if senior centers helped with workshops on information and technology. Some reported that it would be okay the second time when booking a ride, if not the first time, and they would prefer to learn on a computer first and then on a smartphone. Overall, older women were slightly keener to learn about TNC services in the study sample. Participants strongly declined to pay a small fee for having someone book a ride for them.
If the steps and procedure were set up and easy to follow, I wouldn’t feel uncomfortable at all in a process like that. As long as it’s laid out in front of you, like registering for any other service online. I would use a tablet. (#36-I, man) I don’t know how to get to Uber. I don’t have one of them smart iPhones! If I had somebody to teach me or show me, I think I would be reasonably comfortable. If I could call them on my regular phone, possibly I would use them. (#67-I, man)
A service can be easy to use if the necessary tools are available to access it, which in the case of TNC booking is a smart device. Many seniors, however, reported having a basic cell phone for reasons related to costs—with no data but text capability—to be used in emergencies. On using computers, some said that a computer or tablet is more “a toy than a tool.” Visibility challenges with screens were mentioned by some seniors. A call-based system would work better, reported some seniors, especially since the number could be programmed into the phone just like a taxi company and calling provided a feeling of personal contact. An older woman reported feeling frustration and panic when using smartphone app services.
Is it that they [Uber] have a number I can call? But the person doing this, must be registered for that? I’m not comfortable with it because I don’t use that [smart]phone. This [basic] phone [that I have], number one I don’t use too much [and] number two if I have to pay that amount of money [for a smartphone], it’s not worth it. (#11-I, woman)
Discussion: Implications for the Public and Private Sectors
For healthy and active seniors who have stopped driving, smartphone app transportation options may offer a chance to live a more fulfilling life. I argue in this paper that mobility options such as ridesharing and TNC are low-cost choices, relative to taxis, for seniors in the near future. To encourage seniors to adopt phone app transportation services, the market needs to evolve. Many innovative ideas are being pursued by technology firms and TNC providers such as assisted rides for seniors and methods for individuals to book a ride on a phone by circumventing the app completely. Further innovations, however, may become more meaningful not just for the TNC market but also other technologies, including autonomous vehicles.
In this section, I gather suggestions made by the sample or revealed through my secondary reading of the research notes. Learning from these, I present a series of recommendations (Table 2) for various actors from private sector technology firms up to the federal government. Many of these actors will also have influence as autonomous vehicles are mainstreamed; hence, these thematically grouped recommendations (with adaptation) could be relevant to a broader set of transportation modes. Each recommendation is linked to a stakeholder to show where most of the work for the product or policy needs to occur. These recommendations are grouped into five themes.
Recommended Changes in Systems Characteristics and Facilitating Conditions.
Provide Additional Information
Some of this is being done currently by TNC providers. For example, Uber and Lyft have an identifying logo on their operator vehicles. There is a need, however, to have richer information on the vehicle—similar to taxi decals. Providing more information on the app for estimated trip time and out-of-pocket costs for other alternatives (e.g., transit and taxis), and about vehicle operators, can help consumers make better informed decisions. Offering tutorials on the use of technology to access services could be valuable for seniors and lead to a bigger market share for firms. Many of these additions could come from within the technology firms, though some advocacy organizations and municipalities may need to work toward offering training for technology use. 4
Improve User Experience
The focus group data suggest that the ride itself could be improved through providing a means to look at how the cost of ride was changing—similar to a taxi meter. Seniors indicated that having a paper trail was important, and current technology can generate paper receipts at the end of the ride. Some technology firms and service providers offer assisted rides with operators trained in escorting seniors. Better information on trained operators could improve user choice and experience. Much of this innovation needs to happen in the private sector.
Improve the Product
The TNC product could be improved in specific ways such as offering personalized transportation schemes for essential services (e.g., weekly grocery shopping). Such a product could be offered as a shared ride with other seniors in the community. Some communities are working to integrate TNC services into their transit network. Such agreements between local governments and technology firms could result in subsidized rides for seniors. Some focus group participants identified having a separate credit card with a smaller credit limit just for TNC service booking as a way to reduce risk of consumer fraud. Technology firms and advocacy organizations might consider providing such financial tools for seniors.
Adapt the Technology
Phone apps that are designed for seniors’ use could have larger fonts, fewer icons, better contrast, and other accessible features. Technology firms and advocacy organizations might consider offering products that circumvent the need for the phone app (e.g., GoGoGrandparent). Most TNC services rely on having credit card information linked to accounts. Senior riders indicated, however, that the possibility of paying cash on completion of the ride would be better. TNC services may need to adapt for this feature to work, but the gains for many consumers (not just seniors) could be big if they can make cash payments.
Provide Oversight
Much of the oversight for new technology services needs to come from public sector actors. Maintaining a complaints hotline or increasing the supply of vehicle-for-hire licenses during extreme weather are within the domain of local governments. Setting minimum standards for apps with many of the accessibility features of computers, including readability and interface design, can help create more senior-friendly apps. Such regulatory oversight could emerge in collaboration between higher levels of governments and technology firms.
TAM and UTAUT suggest that system characteristics may have a greater direct bearing on increasing adoption rates. Public education and other forms of training may also be an effective way to increase perceived usefulness of new and emerging transportation modes (Davis, Bagozzi, and Warshaw 1989, 987). Unless a senior believes that new technology can help improve his or her life, that individual will not work toward learning about it and eventually using it. This discussion shows that multiple actors can nudge senior consumers toward increasing perceived usefulness, which is central to technology adoption. Since technology systems that are easy to use tend to have a greater chance of adoption, it is likely that phone app transportation services may gain a bigger consumer base if technology providers make it easy to adopt the system.
Conclusions
The transportation needs of older adults are not just a challenge for today’s seniors—everyone in society ages. It is critical that the regulatory framework keeps pace with developments in transportation technology to address the equity side of transportation policy. This research suggests that many of the challenges toward increasing social equity can be addressed by changing system characteristics, which are largely in the private sector domain. The shift toward engaging more seniors with smartphone-based services may, however, rely on a measure of public sector oversight. Autonomous vehicles may indeed increase mobility for seniors in the future. Meanwhile, TNC services are a realistic option that can help many seniors move toward more active lifestyles and social engagement. Achieving this will take partnership between technology firms, community advocacy groups, and the government.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The following research assistants helped with various aspects of this study: Dianne Gillespie, Andree Patenaude, Eden McDonald-Yale, Joshua Reiniger, Nelson Nolan, and Adwoa Adasi. Joshua Reiniger also analyzed the data as part of coursework for a directed study—that report was used for validation of emergent themes. I would like to thank Bonnie Dobbs, Miriam Aranoff, the journal’s editors, and anonymous reviewers for their critical and encouraging commentary on earlier drafts of this paper. I am grateful to seniors in Edmonton who agreed to be interviewed and participated in focus groups despite personal mobility challenges.
Authors’ Note
An earlier version of this research was presented at the 96th Annual Meeting of the Transportation Research Board in a session co-sponsored by TRB committee ABE70: Standing Committee on Women’s Issues in Transportation.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded through the University of Alberta. This project received approval through the Research Ethics Board at the University of Alberta (# Pro00057563).
