Integrating Rogoff's Sociocultural Development Theories for Effective Faith Transmission in Confessional Anglican Churches: A Case Study of Sydney Diocese

Abstract

This article suggests an integration of Barbara Rogoff's sociocultural development theories into Christian faith transmission. Drawing from Confessional Anglican Churches in Sydney, it examines prevailing models of children's ministry influenced by Western schooling principles. Highlighting Rogoff's intent community participation and cultural learning theories, it argues for their applicability in fostering meaningful children's ministry practices among children and the alignment with Confessional Anglican theology. It concludes with suggestions for application in children's ministry practice.

Keywords

Sociocultural development children’s ministry cultural learning intent community participation child faith formation Barbara Rogoff

Confessional Anglican Churches form identifiable cultural communities that have distinctive beliefs, patterns, and practices. It is the intent of the adults within those communities to pass on these markers of Christian faith and tradition to the next generation, so that these children will develop as faithful members of the Christian church, continuing to hold these beliefs and participate in the patterns and practices of the faith into adulthood. Pedagogical methods vary between different congregations and gatherings of churches; however, the predominant model of faith transmission, particularly within the context of Sydney Anglican Churches, retains elements of Western, middle-class, industrialized schooling principles and practice. Barbara Rogoff's sociocultural development theories provide a counter perspective of learning within specific cultural and community contexts.

This paper argues that Confessional Anglican Churches within the Sydney Diocese would benefit from the critical adoption of Rogoff's sociological research as these churches seek to pass on the Christian faith to each successive generation. I will begin by defining the distinctive cultural community context of Sydney Anglican Churches and offer a description of current practice of children's ministry that is common in these churches. I will then spend significant time outlining many of the key features of Rogoff's thesis, developed with her colleagues for over four decades, and argue that an intent community participation theory of development would not only support the meaningful adoption of Christian faith practices among children but also align with stated Confessional Anglican theology. Finally, I will conclude by providing some principles of practice that will enable churches to put intent community participation into practice in their local faith community.

Anglican Churches as Cultural Communities

In an important sense, the Anglican Church defies identification as a distinctive cultural community. In 2017, there were more than 80 million people in 165 countries that identified themselves as Anglican Christians (Null & Yates III, 2017, p. 11). Church gatherings, worship, missions, community service, evangelism, and teaching vary greatly in this global communion of churches, typically reflective of the wider cultural characteristics of the local context. This is a difference by design. Worldwide Anglicanism is historically located in the theological, ideological, and political controversies of the Reformation and the establishment of the Church of England during the reign of King Henry VIII. However, the Church of England is now but one part of the Anglican Communion, “an international, colonial-era, and loose network of churches where three-quarters are in former colonies” (Day, 2016, p. 4).

There are, however, identifiable markers of Anglicanism and specifically the branch of Confessional Anglicanism represented by the Sydney Anglican Diocese¹, which is the location of this paper. Rogoff defines cultural communities “as groups of people who have some common and continuing organization, values, understanding, history, and practices” (Rogoff, 2003, p. 80). We will return to Rogoff's definition of cultural communities in more detail below. For now, it is sufficient to note that by applying Rogoff's definition to Sydney Anglican Churches, we can identify the distinctive characteristics of these churches as cultural communities.

According to the 2021 Australian Census, 9.8% of Australians identify as Anglican, a number that has been in steady decline in the Australian population since the 1947 Census count of 39% (Hughes, 2022, p. 24). Suggested reasons for this decline include the increased migration from other denominational and religious groups and the decline of identity with a religious heritage for non-practicing members of the population (Hughes, 2022, p. 25). Of the 9.8% of Australians who identify as Anglican, just 13% attend a church service monthly or more, though younger Anglicans tended to be more active in their attendance (Hughes, 2022, p. 26).

Of particular importance to Confessional Anglican Churches are their values, understanding, and history as inheritors of the Reformation-era theologies and principles of King Henry VIII's archbishop, Thomas Cranmer.

Authentic [or Confessional] Anglicanism is a particular expression of Christian corporate life which seeks to honour the Lord Jesus Christ by nurturing faith, and also encouraging obedience to the teaching of God's written word, meaning the canonical Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. It embraces the Thirty-nine Articles of Religion (published in the year 1571) and the Book of Common Prayer (the two versions of 1552 and 1662), both texts being read according to their plain and historical sense and being accepted as faithful expressions of the teaching of Scripture, which provides the standard for Anglican theology and practice. (Finch et al., 2008, p. 18)

The particular cultural community practices of Sydney Anglican Churches are shaped by these founding documents. In particular, the Sunday church service, or gathering, represents the high point of the community practice. These Sunday gatherings continue to follow the basic liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer (1662), though the language and style of the service will reflect modern cultural and linguistic vernacular. The most common liturgical pattern is that set out in a service titled “Morning and Evening Prayer.” This service is “intended to contain thanksgiving, praise, the reading of Scripture and prayer, all in the context of repentance and forgiveness” (Finch et al., 2008, p. 72).

This intentional identification with the foundational historical context of the Reformational Church presents a strong theological and ecclesial—and typically political and social—conservatism. However, this alignment with the values, understanding, and history of the Reformational Church of England is in itself a mediating factor. The more foundational adherence is to the Old and New Testament as “Holy Scripture [which] containeth all things necessary to salvation” (Thirty Nine Articles of Religion, 1562). Maintaining theological orthodoxy (right belief) and contextual orthopraxy (right practice) are central concerns for Confessional Anglican Churches, and the Sunday service is an essential rhythm in the week of participants in the cultural community toward this end. “Anglican worship is designedly liturgical in order to restrain the church from going astray in the way it approaches God” (Finch et al., 2008, p. 72).

This “common and continuing organization, values, understanding, history, and practices” is the cultural community into which children in Sydney Anglican Churches are brought up, with the expectation for their long-term formation into this cultural community.

Children in Sydney Anglican Churches

Children are important for the ongoing existence of any cultural community. Within the context of the Christian church, “new generations are therefore needed to replace old ones if religious beliefs and practices are to be sustained” (Collins-Mayo, 2016, p. 21).

Children have high attendance rates in Sydney Anglican Churches. Between 94% and 98% of the children (0–12 years) of adult attendees are also present at Sunday gatherings (Bellamy, 2018). Numbers of children in any particular local church can vary dramatically, from 1 to 2 children to over 100.² The participatory practices of children in a typical Sydney Anglican Church follow a similar liturgical pattern to the adult congregation, which as we have already noted, contains “thanksgiving, praise, the reading of Scripture and prayer, all in the context of repentance and forgiveness” (Finch et al., 2008, p. 72).

Some churches include children in some aspects of the “adult” liturgy, typically beginning with all age participants together in one space for a time of singing and prayer, before sending children out to a separate space for “age-appropriate” teaching time.³ Other churches will have the children separated from the older congregation members for the entire Sunday liturgy. It is uncommon in Sydney Anglican Churches for children to be intentionally included in all aspects of the regular “adult” liturgy, except for reasons of under-resourcing of separate programming.

In these age-segregated programs for children, the predominant pattern is representative of a middle-class, industrialized, schooling model. Theological orthodoxy and contextual orthopraxy are taught to children in ways that emphasize de-contextualized content, and as the number of children in the program increases, they are further segregated into smaller cohorts, resembling stage or year groups in primary schools (May et al., 2005). Writing from an American context, but reflecting on similar cultural community contexts, May et al. note that in such children's ministry contexts, “the intent is to teach children the Bible so that they know it cognitively” (2005, p. 11).

This brief description of Sydney Anglican Churches as cultural communities and the place, and relative participation, of children within these communities provides the foundation on which to assess these practices in light of Rogoff's sociocultural development writings. As we turn to the next section, the question for assessment is whether these common practices of children in Sydney Anglican Churches are the most effective in developing children as genuine, intentional, and long-term members of Christian faith communities. Or are there insights from Rogoff's work that would strengthen the effectiveness of children's participation in the faith community?

Barbara Rogoff's Sociocultural Theory

Since 1974, Barbara Rogoff has participated in the Tz’utujil Mayan community of San Pedro La Laguna in Guatemala. Rogoff became involved in the community as a location for fieldwork for her PhD (Serpell, 2013). Insights gained from this community, in addition to comparative studies in other nations, form the basis for three of Rogoff's monographs; Apprenticeship in Thinking: Cognitive Development in Social Context (1990), The Cultural Nature of Human Development (2003), and Developing Destinies: A Mayan Midwife and Town (2011). Rogoff has also co-edited the volume Learning Together: Children and Adults in a School Community (2001) examining the learning community formed in a public school in Salt Lake City, Utah, as well as numerous other published chapters and articles.

Rogoff focuses on the sociocultural developmental context of children in these communities. As such, she is furthering the work of Lev Vygotsky and other subsequent sociocultural theorists. Rogoff (1990) summarizes the key aspects of Vygotsky's sociocultural theory:

From the sociohistorical perspective, the basic unit of analysis is no longer the (properties of the) individual, but the (processes of the) sociocultural activity, involving active participation of people in socially constituted practices…

Central to Vygotsky's theory is that idea that children's participation in cultural activities with the guidance of more skilled partners allows children to internalize the tools for thinking and for taking more mature approaches to problem solving that children have practiced in social contexts. (p. 14)

I have written previously on the application of Vygotskyan principles to childhood faith formation (Beilharz, 2021). Therefore, my interest in this paper is to assess Rogoff's development of the sociocultural thesis.

Cultural Communities

As previously noted, Rogoff defines cultural communities “as groups of people who have some common and continuing organization, values, understanding, history and practices” (Rogoff, 2003, p. 80). It is important for Rogoff's definition that cultural characteristics are not located within individuals (Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003). Commonalities between different participants in culture are due to their participation within that culture, not due to the participants sharing in an external cultural characteristic.

Rogoff emphasizes this point in order to avoid the “box” problem where “all the people ‘in’ an ethnic box are assumed to be alike in an enduring and essentially in-born fashion” (Rogoff et al., 2011, p. 15). Rather, common characteristics as well as cultural differences can be attributed to variations of people's involvement in these communities (Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003). This change of definition allows for a focus on the “generative nature of both individual lives and of community traditions and practices” (Rogoff & Angelillo, 2002).

In Developing Destinies (2011), Rogoff argues that we ought to “see culture as the ways of life of a community, extending across several generations, with continual modifications by individuals and generations” (p. 13). Cultural communities are therefore dynamic, growing out of the involvement of their participants, in a mutually constitutive way (Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff, 2003).

The designation of “participant” rather than “member” also plays an important role as there may be significant participants who are shaping and being shaped by the cultural community but who are not members (e.g., ethnically or racially) of that community (Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff, 2003). The focus is much more on those who are involved in the community in this mutually constitutive way, rather than a person's inclusion “in” or “out” of the bounded ethnicity (Rogoff & Angelillo, 2002). This is Rogoff's own experience with the community at San Pedro, where she has shaped and been shaped by her involvement in the community but is nevertheless not ethnically a member of their group (Rogoff et al., 2011).

As we narrow our focus to the children within a cultural community, this sociocultural theory of human development sees the child as mutually constituting with their social environment (Rogoff, 1990). Rogoff explains this connection most clearly in The Cultural Nature of Human Development (2003).

I emphasise that human development is a process of people's changing participation in sociocultural activities of their communities. People contribute to the processes involved in sociocultural activities at the same time that they inherit practices invented by others.

Rather than individual development being influenced by (and influencing) culture, from my perspective, people develop as the participate in and contribute to cultural activities that themselves develop with the involvement of people in successive generations. (p. 52, emphasis original)

What exactly is shaping the child is the “constellation of features” that make up the cultural traditions of the community the child is participating in (Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff et al., 2007).

Cultural Learning Traditions

Rogoff and her colleagues use a prism diagram to detail these constellations of integrated features that make up a particular cultural learning tradition. Each learning tradition has five facets (later, seven)⁴ that work together to create the learning tradition: social organization, purpose, means of learning, communication, and assessment. Rogoff (2003) used this prism to outline two learning traditions—intent participation, assembly-line instruction—and later (Rogoff et al., 2007) gave clarifying comments and added a third learning tradition, guided repetition.

Rogoff describes the third learning tradition of guided repetition as “a tradition of teaching and learning that involves modelling by the expert and imitation of the model by a novice, with memorization through rehearsal and performance” (Rogoff et al., 2007, p. 22). Within a Christian education context, this learning tradition could be expressed through the learning of catechism and Scripture memorization, which may occur within the context of adult activities or in separate programs. For the purposes of this paper, I am most concerned with the learning traditions that are characterized by the location of children with respect to the social world of adults. Therefore, I will limit the following discussion to the distinction between assembly-line instruction and intent participation, as the descriptions that best fit what I currently observe to be the learning tradition of children's ministry in Sydney Anglican Churches and what I will argue they ought to become.

Assembly-Line Instruction

Assembly-line instructional cultures segregate the learner from the adult community and therefore from the valued endeavor of the community (Rogoff et al., 2007). This is typical of Western, middle-class schooling in America and similarly in Australia. In these industrialized societies, children have been largely removed from the cultural world of adults. As the workforce moved from agricultural to mechanized industry, this removed the work of adults from the family home into the factory and the city. While initially involved in the early industrialized workforce, child labor laws eventually restricted the place of children in the factories. Combined with the increase in “compulsory, mass schooling” (Rogoff et al., 2005) in Western cultures, children were further separated from the home and from the productive and formative world of their communities, into the new cultural community of the age-graded educational institutions.

This engagement in school “restricts children's opportunities to learn from observing and becoming involved in the mature activities of their communities” (Rogoff et al., 2005, p. 227). Not only are children not capable to engage in the cultural community of their parents and other adults, but they also are not allowed to either (Rogoff, 1981). Children are kept out of the world of the adult members of their society and, reciprocally, are kept in a new cultural community of strictly regulated, age-segregated, learning environments, to engage in child-focused activities (Rogoff & Angelillo, 2002).

This produces a number of significant outcomes in terms of the child's formative relationships, as well as the necessary nature of the educational purpose of school. From a cultural and relational point of view, “the emphasis on age-graded institutions has created a societal structure in which associations with similar-age people has taken precedence in many cases over intergenerational family and community relationships” (Rogoff, 2003, p. 127). The segregation of schooling also results in a reduced contribution for children to engage in household and familial responsibilities that are more common in non-Western contexts (Rogoff et al., 2005).

In terms of the educational purpose of school, it is necessary for children to learn concepts and skills that will allow them to participate in the adult world. However, because of the disconnection from the adult world, these concepts are taught without clear context and real-life application (Rogoff et al., 2005, 2007). Rather, these skills are taught “by experts, outside the context of productive, purposive activity” (Rogoff et al., 2012) in preparation for future entry in adult life, from which they are currently excluded (Rogoff et al., 2007).

This Western, middle-class, industrial learning tradition strongly resembles the children's ministry practice of many Sydney Anglican Churches with which I work. As described above, many churches provide alternative liturgical and educational spaces for children, segregating them from the liturgical cultural community of the older participants and members of the church. Rogoff (2003) may well have been writing about the Sydney Anglican Church context when she notes:

Instead of joining with the adult world, young children became more engaged in specialized child-focused institutions and practices, preparing children for later entry into the community. (p. 8, emphasis added)

In the Christian ministry world, there is even a view of ministry to children and teenagers called the “preparatory approach,” which is explicitly aligned with the description of Rogoff with regard to the Western, middle-class, industrialized educational context.

The Preparatory approach to youth ministry can be defined as a specialized ministry to adolescents that prepares them to participate in the life of existing churches…Students are viewed as disciples-in-training, with opportunities for service both in the present and the future. (Black, 2001, p. 40 emphasis original)

While this definition may appear to match the practice of Sydney Anglican Churches, it is not the expressed belief of those in the Confessional Anglican tradition. While the high attendance percentage of children of Anglican-identifying families is welcome news for those who value the ongoing validity of the Anglican cultural community, the exclusion of children from the liturgical practices of the main congregation is not aligned with the stated principles of the church theologians.

The lack of child churchgoing is problematic because if a religious identity is to develop into something personal and meaningful beyond socially ascribed affiliations, young people need to engage with a worshipping community…Anglicanism by definition is primarily about being in communion—and that means meeting together. (Collins-Mayo, 2016, p. 31)

The reason for this discrepancy between Confessional Anglican's stated principles and the actual practice of children's ministry in the church requires further research. However, Rogoff is once again illuminating on the subject when she wrote, “Segregation of children from mature community activities is taken for granted in middle-class settings, but is rare in many other communities” (Rogoff, 2003, p. 133). The adopted assumptions of assembly-line instruction and excluding children from mature community activities are reasonable hypotheses for understanding current practice.

Intent Community Participation

In contrast to the assembly-line instructional learning tradition, Rogoff presents intent community participation. “Intent community participation is a widely practiced and longstanding tradition in which people learn by actively observing and ‘listening-in’ during ongoing community activities and contributing when ready” (Rogoff et al., 2007).

Rogoff succinctly summarizes the seven facets of learning through intent community participation in a published interview with Europe's Journal of Psychology.

Learners are incorporated in the range of ongoing endeavors of their families and communities, with expectations and opportunities to contribute.

Learners are eager to contribute, belong, and fulfill roles that are valued in their families and communities. Other people present are involved in accomplishing the activity at hand and may provide guidance.

Learning involves keen attention, during or in anticipation of contributing, guided by community expectations of responsible contribution and sometimes by other people.

Social organization involves collaborative engagement in family and community endeavors, with flexible leadership and trust in learners to take initiative, along with others who also participate at a calm mutual pace.

Communication occurs through coordination of shared endeavors through articulate nonverbal conversation and parsimonious verbal means, as well as through narratives and dramatization that contextualize information and ideas.

The goal of education is transformation of participation, which involves learning to collaborate, with appropriate demeanor and responsibility, as well as learning information and skills, to be responsible contributors belonging in the community.

Assessment includes evaluation of the success of the arrangements as well as the learner's progress, in support of learners’ contributions, during the endeavor. Feedback is direct, from the outcome of learners’ efforts and the acceptance (or not) of the efforts by others as productive contributions (Glaveanu, 2011, p. 412–413 emphasis original).

Intent community participation relies on the integration of children into the social world of the adult. In contrast to the assembly-line tradition which segregates children into their own cultural communities, in this model, children are “legitimate peripheral participants” of the wider context (Rogoff et al., 2012, p. 14). This makes a significant change in the experiential world of the child, since “the greatest influence of the social world is the determination of which activities are available to children for observation and participation and who are their daily companions” (Rogoff, 1990, p. 87).

In intent community participation, children learn through being present with their family and their community and carefully observing what is happening around them (Paradise & Rogoff, 2009; Rogoff, 1990; Rogoff et al., 2011, 2012). Both children and adult participants can display impressive observational skills, particularly when they expect to be involved (Rogoff, 1990; Rogoff et al., 2012). For example, Mazahua children (indigenous Mexican) are expected to watch and be held accountable if they do not (Rogoff et al., 2012).

This theoretical perspective of intent community participation is closely linked to Rogoff's other major contribution to the field of developmental psychology, guided participation, and apprenticeship (Serpell, 2013). Children participate as “apprentices in thinking” (Rogoff, 1990), involved in guided participation with the structuring of children's activities and “well-placed instruction in the context of join activities” (p. 111).

Intent community participation has a number of significant advantages to the assembly-line tradition. The first is that children are attracted to learning, motivated by their desire to have genuine “integration in the same economically and socially valued activities that other members of the community are in” (Paradise & Rogoff, 2009, p. 106). Rogoff observes even a toddler's tendency to seek out proximity and involvement with adults (Rogoff, 1990, p. 108). The second major advantage of this tradition is not simply the desire for integration but the observable outcome of increased integration.

Instead of doing exercises out of the context of the productive use of skills and information [as happens in the assembly-line tradition], young children's integration in family and community activities allows them to become increasingly deeply involved through their intent participation. (Rogoff et al., 2012, p. 16)

Because the individuals are not existing independently from the cultural community, they are becoming increasingly embedded within that community (Rogoff, 2003) through “multiple companions and caregivers in organized, flexible webs of relationships that focus on shared cultural activities” (Rogoff, 1990, p. 97).

As we consider the implications for children's engagement in Sydney Anglican Churches, it is this deep embedding in the cultural community which is most significant. Parents, congregation members, and ministry leaders are seeking for children to develop as participating members in their own right of this Christian faith community. In order to do that, the children must understand and value their own inclusion in that community, being “active participants in their own socialization” (Rogoff, 1990, p. 111).

Implications for Children's Ministry

Barbara Rogoff provides Sydney Anglican Churches with a strong theoretical perspective in which to understand the development of the children in the cultural community of the church. Taking up an intent community participation tradition within the church, in which children are intentionally invited into the cultural practices of the church as apprentices of that culture, can enable children to develop into the distinctive cultural beliefs, patterns, and practices of the faith.

The exact expression of children's ministry and child engagement across Sydney Anglican Churches will continue to reflect the “difference by design” of the denomination. Nevertheless, we can begin to point toward two principles of practice that follow from a critical adoption of Rogoff's intent community participation model.

Locate Children in the Midst of Congregational Life

Assembly-line instruction presumes that the best place for children is in age-segregated communities, removed from the productive and formative world of adults. While there are physical safety concerns for (and legislative restrictions against) placing children in factories, the same should not be said for the faith community. An uncritical adoption of industrialized schooling within the church has meant that children are removed from the world of their community's faith formation.

Many children in churches do not experience the joy of a community's celebration of salvation, the corporate grief of a deceased member, the frivolity of shared experiences, or the struggle in prayer for the sick, the destitute, and the lost. It may be that these things are shared in part in the age-segregated programs. However, it is the loss of children from the faith-formative world of adults that Rogoff alerts us to.

Locating children in the midst of congregational life brings them into this faith-formative world, for the mutual benefit of all members. This may include, but is certainly not limited to, the main gathering with its corporate singing, liturgy, prayers, reading of Scripture, preaching, and the Lord's Supper. Importantly, it is also the other elements of congregational life: meals before and after the gathering, prayer meetings, service projects, mid-week Bible Studies, and annual events.

Allow Child Participation in Faith-Formative Practices

In a learning tradition characterized by intent community participation, children are more than mere attendees; they are legitimate peripheral participants. Therefore, it is not sufficient to have children present while the adults get on with the faith-formative practices of congregational life. Children are to be guided into genuine participatory activity.

Christ has given the church apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors, and teachers (Eph. 4:11), and it is good and right that these roles be enacted by those appropriately appointed by the church (1 Tim. 3; Titus 1). However, the Apostle Paul states that this is for equipping his (Christ's) people for works of service (Eph. 4:12). Since Anglican Churches are not preparatory by confession, but affirm the baptism, and therefore inclusion of infants “as most agreeable with the institution of Christ” (Thirty Nine Articles of Religion, 1562), there exists the theological rationale for these works of service to also include children.

As peripheral participants, their inclusion will be scaled appropriately to their development, ability, and training. Nevertheless, the transformation of participation is the goal of education (Glaveanu, 2011, p. 413). Therefore, churches engaged in intent community participation will be actively looking and inviting children into having contributive purpose, rather than ushering children to age-segregated programs by default.

As noted above, Rogoff et al. have observed that cultures that engage younger generations in intent community participation experience learners who are motivated by their generative participation in the productive and formative world of their community and express increased integration into the community. For the Anglican parish church, as a gathered community of God's people in a particular location, the “production” is not of a commodity but of the life of faith itself. Intent community participation of the child in the faith-formative world of the church provides these principles for children's ministry practice.

Conclusion

The current expression of child learning and development in Sydney Anglican Churches has strong commonalities with Western, middle-class, industrial schooling methods. These learning communities are characterized by the segregation of children from the older congregation, in “age-appropriate” liturgical practices, with learning that focuses on cognitive knowledge, often to the detriment of embodied practice. While attendance among children of Anglican adult members is strong, and there are certainly advantages to engaging children in learning that is cognitively coherent, the argument of this paper has been that children in this community would further benefit from a sociocultural development informed through intent community participation. When Barbara Rogoff comes to church, when children are integrated into the larger cultural community, when learning is explicitly linked to the cultural practices of the church, and when children are engaged through observation and eager expectation of full participation, then these children are more likely to be firmly embedded in the community; to have a more comprehensive engagement of their cultural beliefs, pattern, and practices; and to be more equipped to participate in the repertoires of Confessional Anglican practice.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Tim Beilharz

Notes

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