Introducing the Black Male Adult Learner Success Theory

Abstract

Given the preponderance of deficit-oriented discourse about Black men and adult learners in higher education, there have not been theoretical frameworks put forth to explain the success of Black male adult learners in higher education. Thus, this article describes the Black male adult learner success theory, which builds on Gilman Whiting’s scholar identity model and Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological system theory and was developed as a lens to examine the unique experiences of Black male adult learners in higher education and the impact of their various environments on their academic success. In response to the call for action from adult education scholars, this article introduces an asset-based theoretical approach for researchers to use when studying Black male adult learners. The article provides implications for using the Black male adult learner success theory for policy and practitioners. The article ends with providing future recommendations for research based on the theory.

Keywords

Black male adult learner success theory Black men higher education adult education adult learners

The academic trajectory of Black males in higher education has been the subject of scholarly and popular discourses. Often this conversation is centered around Black males having the lowest 6-year graduation rate of any race/gender group (Wood & Palmer, 2014). For instance, recent data from the National Center for Educational Statistics (2016) explains that only 34.8%, 37.5%, and 16% of first-time Black male undergraduates graduate within a 6-year time frame from public, private, and for-profit institutions, respectively. Unfortunately, because of the data, the scholarly conversation about Black men in higher education has focused on their failure and deficits. However, researchers have not considered that this data point does not account for those men who return to college as adult learners and subsequently earn their degree (Goings, 2018).

To combat the deficit-oriented research on Black men in higher education, several scholars have explored how Black men succeed (e.g., Goings, 2016; Goings & Bonner, 2017; Bonner, 2010; Brooms, 2018, Fries-Britt, 1997, 2017; Harper, 2012, 2015; Palmer et al., 2016). While these scholars have informed our understanding of how and why Black males succeed in higher education, a majority of this research has not delineated the experiences of traditional collegians (age 18-24 years) and Black male adult learners. For the purposes of this study, Black male adult learners are defined as collegians older than 25 years, who also have one or more of the following characteristics described by Horn and Carroll (1996): (1) delayed enrollment in college, (2) attending college part-time, (3) having financial independence, (4) working full-time while taking classes, (5) responsible for dependents (other than spouse), (6) a single parent, and/or, (7) obtaining a high school diploma through an alternative route.

As a result of the research on Black men in higher education not often exploring the experiences of Black male adult learners, a majority of research uses theoretical frameworks that are grounded in the experiences of traditional-aged Black men in higher education (e.g., Harper, 2012; Palmer et al., 2016) or are not centered on the unique experiences of Black men. To date, there has not been a theory specifically suited for Black male adult learners. Thus, this article presents the Black Male Adult Learner Success Theory (BMALST), which derives from my growing body of work on Black male adult learners (see Goings, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2017a, 2017b; Goings et al., 2018), as a theoretical framework that can be used to guide antideficit research on Black male adult learners.

To contextualize the BMALST, I first establish the significance of the BMALST to the field of adult education. Second, I review the literature on what we know about Black male collegian success broadly and then focus specifically on Black male adult learners. Third, I explore theoretical frameworks used to study Black male collegians and provide a rational as to why the BMALST is needed. Fourth, I explain the BMALST. Last, I conclude by providing implications for applying the BMALST and thoughts on the future of research on Black male adult learners.

Significance of Black Male Adult Learner Success Theory to Adult Education

With the publications of Swimming Upstream: Black Males in Adult Education (Rosser-Mims et al., 2014b) and Swimming Upstream 2: Agency and Urgency in the Education of Black Men (Drayton et al., 2016), there has been an uptick in research in adult education devoted to unpacking the educational experiences of Black men. From my purview, these aforementioned volumes and research about Black male adult learners in higher education specifically, including my own, have been grounded in theories that were not specifically tailored for Black male adult learners. While various theoretical approaches focused on adult learners broadly, such as Bean and Metzner’s (1985) conceptual model of nontraditional undergraduate student attrition have been applied to explore academic trajectories of Black men, I would argue that there is a need for adult education researchers interested in studying Black male adult learners from an asset-based lens to have theories that are directly applicable to this population. Thus, introducing the BMALST is my attempt to provide the field a theory that centers the needs and experiences of Black male adult learners.

Literature Review: Factors of Success for Black Men in Higher Education

When examining why Black males experience success in higher education, findings of published work often point to individual, institutional, and environmental factors to explain their success. Moreover, these three literature foci are directly related to the development of the BMALST. Because there is a paucity of research specifically focused on Black male adult learners, I examine the research on each of the three aforementioned factors using the general literature on Black male undergraduate success and integrating the research on Black male adult learners.

Individual-Level Factors

When looking at individual factors, scholars have reported that Black men are successful in higher education due to their intrinsic motivation (Goings, 2016a; Goings & Shi, 2018), spiritual foundation (Goings, 2015; Herndon, 2003; Jett, 2011; Wood & Hilton, 2012), and willingness to challenge racial and gender stereotypes about Black men (Harper, 2015). For example, in their quantitative study that sought to predict the factors of degree completion for Black males from their perceptions as high school seniors, Goings and Shi (2018) found that Black males’ level of intrinsic motivation was the only predictor of their subsequent degree completion. In fact, intrinsic motivation was more predictive of college completion than the influence of peers, teachers, and parents.

While intrinsic motivation serves as a major theme in this research, scholars have also suggested that Black men and those who are successful have learned to navigate the stereotypes of peers and professors. These stereotypes are often centered on their academic ability, believed athletic prowess, and appearance (Harper, 2015: McGee & Martin, 2011). Scholars suggest that Black men particularly experience negative stereotypes as STEM majors (McGee & Martin, 2011). Harper (2015) found in his qualitative study examining how Black male high achievers respond to racist stereotypes at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) that Black men resist stereotypes by serving in leadership roles and being actively involved on campus. Moreover, when confronted with a racist stereotype from students, the Black men in this study questioned White students about their racist assumptions in a manner that allowed them to conclude “on her or his own that the question posed or assumption made was racially problematic” (Harper, 2015, p. 666). The findings from this study and other literature more broadly point to the fact that Black men have to be resilient in university environments as they encounter stereotyping from students and professors.

The literature on Black male adult learners also underscores the influence of intrinsic motivation on collegiate success (Goings, 2016a; Rosser-Mims et al., 2014a). For instance, Goings (2016a) found that Black male adult learners often set their own standard for excellence because of their past failures. Thus, in many ways, they saw failure as a foundational aspect of their subsequent academic success. One of the participants, Rahim, used a processing method to explain his intrinsic motivation:

I have a philosophy that with whatever it is that you do, you always ask yourself four questions. Those four questions are: Why am I doing it? What is the reward of success? What is the method of achieving it? What are the consequences of failure? With those four questions, you can appropriately proceed in anything you want to do. (Goings, 2016a, p. 245)

Interestingly, in the literature to date on Black male adult learners, their experiences with racism have not been the focus of the research (Rosser-Mims et al., 2014b). One plausible explanation is that research on Black male adult learners has explored their experiences on historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) campuses, where racism is not a part of the student experience. However, research on Black male adult learners does suggest that they are successful because of their desire to disrupt deficit narratives about Black men (Goings, 2015). To overcome these stereotypes, as discussed in the next section, Black male adult learners seek institutional resources to support their academic success.

Institutional-Level Factors

Although the research on Black men in higher education has underscored the importance of intrinsic motivation, other research suggests that there are institutional factors that can explain their success. Some of the factors suggested are informal and formal advising (Johnson et al., 2019), access to caring professors (Goings, 2016a; Brooms, 2019; Palmer & Gasman, 2008), and university-sponsored communities (Brooms & Goodman, 2019). Johnson et al. (2019) found in their study examining the advising experiences of Black males that they credited their formal (i.e., university assigned) and informal (e.g., peer advisors and/or professional staff) advisers for connecting them to academic and employment resources that helped them succeed on campus. Moreover, the men suggested that their advisers made themselves readily available, so they always knew they had a resource to call or text when needed.

The scholarship on Black male success in higher education highlights the importance of Black men cultivating relationships with their professors (Brooms, 2020). Researchers have suggested Black men are better able to cultivate student–faculty relationships at HBCUs than PWIs (Goings, 2017a). Scholars suggest this delineation between HBCUs and PWIs is due to PWI’s lack of faculty of color who share Black males’ lived experiences (Comeaux, 2013). Moreover, within the HBCU context, because these institutions were founded specifically to educate Black students, the mission of these institutions foster a positive campus ethos where professors seek to cultivate positive relationships with Black students (Walker, 2018).

While positive student–faculty relationships have been found to influence the academic success of Black men in higher education, scholars have posited that colleges and universities must create other formal structures to support Black men on campus. As a result, there has been an increase in Black male initiatives, such as mentoring programs, to provide a resource for Black men to build community on campus and have access to resources to support their retention in college (Goings, 2017a; Brooms, 2018; Brooms et al., 2021).

In his analysis of 40 Black male participants in a Black male initiative program on two college campuses, Brooms (2018) found that these programs provided Black men “access to capital, including human capital, helped alleviate some of their potential struggles, provided them with access to mentors and a variety of institutional agents, and helped mitigate some of the stressors in transitioning and persisting in college” (p. 148). Given these findings, it is important that institutions create university-wide programming to provide Black men the opportunity to gain access to various forms of capital (social, cultural, political) that will support their academic success.

When looking specifically at Black male adult learners in higher education, the research mirrors the findings that Black men benefit from positive student–faculty relationships, and Black male initiative programs (Rosser-Mims et al., 2014a). However, there have been some differences in how Black men gain access to these resources. For instance, Goings (2017a) conducted a comparison study in how traditional-aged and Black male adult learners cultivate relationships with faculty at an HBCU. Findings suggest Black male adult learners often had to suppress their background experiences in class so as not to appear to “outshine” their professors. Thus, because Black male adult learners come into college classrooms with a wealth of life and work experiences, they have to be strategic in how they interact with faculty on campus,

Moreover, while the literature discussed the utility of Black male initiative programs on campus, Goings (2018) found that Black male adult learners do not have access to programs that are specifically suited for their needs as adult students who have various family and work responsibilities. Thus, in many ways, Black male adult learners succeed on campus by building their own networks. Additionally, as will be discussed in the next section, several social and familial factors outside of the university become important in cultivating academic success.

Social–Familial Factors

A prevalent theme in the research on Black male collegiate success is the importance of social–familial factors. These factors include Black men cultivating a positive peer network on campus and having supportive family members (Carey, 2016; Maton et al., 1998; Palmer et al., 2010). When looking at peer support, numerous scholars have suggested that across both PWI and HBCU contexts, Black men succeed academically because they have peers who push them to succeed and provide support when they experience instances of racism and/or stereotyping (Fries-Britt, 1997; Harper, 2006; Harper & Quaye, 2007; Hotchkins & Dancy, 2015). However, establishing this support, particularly at PWIs, can be difficult (Harper & Griffin, 2011) due to there being low numbers of Black men available to build community with.

Black men have been found to be successful due to supportive family members. Maton et al. (1998) found that Black men succeeded in college because their parents stressed the importance of academics. They also loved and supported them, connected them with outside supports (e.g., mentors, extended family, etc.), and cultivated their children’s moral compass to help them avoid some of the barriers that negatively affect Black males. As a result of this familial support, scholars suggest Black men succeed not only for their own upward mobility but also because they want to make their families proud because of their sacrifices.

The research also suggests that Black male adult learners succeed academically because of their peer support. Unlike their traditional-aged peers, however, Black male adult learners have been found to not only have peers they rely on for support but also serve as mentors to their younger peers on campus (Goings, 2016a). Thus, Black male adult learners use their peers to navigate the campus environment while also seeking to set an example for their younger peers to follow (Goings, 2016b).

In addition to peer support, family support has been shown as a factor of success for Black male adult learners (Goings, 2016c, 2018; Rosser-Mims et al., 2014a). Goings (2016a) found that Black male adult learners succeed in college because of the sacrifices their families make for them. In this study, families consisted of participants’ parents as well as their spouses and/or children. Additionally, the men in this study suggested that their “families allowed them the flexibility to focus on their schoolwork, even when it meant less time for family events and gatherings” (2016a, p. 247).

Literature Review Summary

Through this review of literature researchers have provided much insight into the various individual, institutional, and social-familial factors the propel Black men to succeed in higher education. However, when explicitly focusing on Black male adult learners, there is a need for future research to unpack their unique experiences. This gap in the literature serves as the impetus for the development of the BMALST as it is guided on the small but growing body of literature on Black male adult learners. Before introducing the BMALST in the section that follows, I first discuss past theories that are centered specifically on Black men used to study Black men in higher education and provide a rationale for a theory specifically tailored to Black male adult learners.

Why Is There a Need for a Theory Focused on Black Male Adult Learners?

It is important to note that scholars have developed theoretical frameworks to explain the trajectory of Black men in society (Bush & Bush, 2013, 2018), success of Black men in community college (Wood & Harris, 2014), and 4-year higher education settings (e.g., Harper, 2010, 2012; Palmer et al., 2016). For instance, Palmer et al. (2016) developed a model of retention and persistence for Black men at HBCUs. Their model focuses on three components:

Supporting and assessing the academic preparedness of Black males prior to their entry into HBCUs (preentry phase)

How HBCUs can “facilitate the development, retention, and persistence of Black males as they enroll and work toward degree completion” (Palmer et al., 2016, p. 10; enrollment and persistence phase)

Being cognizant of and proactive to the barriers of success for Black men such as academics and finances (optimizing student success phase).

In addition to Palmer et al.’s (2016) model, Harper’s (2010, 2012) antideficit achievement framework (ADAF) has been used in higher education research to explain the success of Black male collegians. Harper (2012) explains that the ADAF “inverts questions that are commonly asked about educational disadvantage, underrepresentation, insufficient preparation, academic underperformance, disengagement, and Black male student attrition” (p. 5). In essence, when using the ADAF, researchers are positioned to ask asset-based research questions, thus expanding our understanding of how Black men in higher education succeed despite the barriers they encounter.

Furthermore, Bush and Bush (2013) introduced the African American male theory (AAMT), which they argued is “used to articulate the position and trajectory of African American boys and men in society by drawing on and accounting for pre- and post-enslavement experiences, while capturing their spiritual, psychological, social, and educational development and station” (p. 6). Furthermore, Bush and Bush explained that AAMT is constructed of the following six tenants:

The individual and collective experiences, behaviors, outcomes, events, phenomena, and trajectory of African American boys and men’s lives are best analyzed using an ecological systems approach.

There is something unique about being male and of African descent.

There is continuity and continuation of African culture, consciousness, and biology that influence the experiences of African American boys and men.

African American boys and men are resilient and resistant.

Race and racism coupled with classism and sexism have a profound impact on every aspect of the lives of African American boys and men.

The focus and purpose of study and programs concerning African American boys and men should be the pursuit of social justice (Bush & Bush, 2013, pp. 7-12).

While the aforementioned frameworks are useful in understanding the experiences of Black men in society (e.g., AAMT; Bush & Bush, 2013, 2018) and higher education specifically (e.g., Harper, 2010, 2012; Palmer et al., 2016), these theories (and others used to study Black men) have not specifically focused on Black male adult learners. For instance, previous frameworks do not explicitly incorporate the influence spouses and children have on Black men’s’ success in college. Given that Black male adult learners are more likely to have dependents (e.g., spouses or children) and be employed, I argue there are additional factors that should be incorporated into theories that are used to explain their academic success. Thus, while the BMALST is grounded in the research and theoretical frameworks on Black men in higher education, I extend previous theories here by incorporating the insights learned from studying Black male adult learners specifically.

Last, Rosser-Mims et al. (2014b) issued a call to action for researchers in adult education. Specifically, the authors state, “A glaring omission is apparent in the adult education literature—the voices and experiences of Black males” (p. 90). I further argue that not only are the voices of Black males missing in adult education research but also missing are theories that help explicate their experiences on college campuses. As a result, I developed the BMALST to fill this void and make a unique scholarly contribution to the field of adult and higher education.

The Black Male Adult Learner Success Theory

The BMALST was developed as a lens to examine the unique experiences of Black male adult learners in higher education and the impact of their various environments on their academic success. At the root of BMALST is the belief that Black male adult learners succeed in higher education due to individual characteristics and environmental influences. More specifically, the BMALST is based on the two assumptions that:

Black male adult learners develop a scholar identity that ultimately positively influences their academic success.

Black male adult learners’ social-familial-spiritual, institutional, and African diaspora environments influence the development of their scholar identity and ultimately, their academic success.

While described in a linear fashion above, the BMALST is iterative in nature as various environmental levels influence the development of Black male adult learners’ scholar identity and vice versa at various times during their college tenure. Figure 1 depicts the components of the BMALST.

Figure 1.

Black male adult learner success theory.

BMALST builds on Gilman Whiting’s (2009b) scholar identity model (SIM) and Urie Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) bioecological systems theory. Thus, in the sections that follow, I describe each of these theories and expand on how they inform the BMALST.

Scholar Identity Model

The SIM was initially developed to support K-12 educators in cultivating the academic gifts of Black males in schools. However, as I have argued elsewhere (Goings, 2015, 2016b, 2016c), scholar identity is an identity Black men carry with them into adulthood. Thus, they have attributed their success to the constructs of scholar identity. Whiting (2006b), creator of the SIM, defines a scholar identity as Black males “perceiving themselves as academicians, as studious, and as intelligent or talented in school settings” (p. 227). Whiting (2006a, 2006b, 2009a, 2009b, 2014) explains that a scholar identity comprises the following nine constructs: (1) self-efficacy, (2) willing to make sacrifices, (3) internal locus of control, (4) future oriented, (5) self-awareness, (6) need for achievement, (7) academic self-confidence, (8) racial pride, and (9) masculinity. I describe each of the constructs below.

Self-Efficacy

Bandura’s (1977) notion of self-efficacy serves as the theoretical foundation of the SIM. Bandura explained that “people fear and tend to avoid threatening situations they believe exceed their coping skills, whereas they get involved in activities and behave assuredly when they judge themselves capable of handling situations that would otherwise be intimidating” (p. 194). Black men with a scholar identity hold positive perceptions of their academic capabilities and, when faced with a challenge, embrace it rather than avoid it (Whiting, 2009a). For Black male adult learners specifically, self-efficacy applies to both their academic and life experiences. In essence, due to various life experiences such as having children, spouses, and full-time employment, successful Black male adult learners welcome and always find an opportunity to learn from the challenges they face (Goings, 2016a).

Willing to Make Sacrifices

Black males who develop a scholar identity believe in making short-term sacrifices to ensure their long-term academic success (Goings, 2015). Whiting (2009b) posits that Black males may need to “let go of some aspects of a social life (e.g., parties, joining a fraternity, dating, popularity and so forth) and other potential distractions (e.g., TV) to reach desired goals” (p. 55). Black male adult learners also sacrifice time with their families to pursue academics (Goings, 2016a). In many ways, Black male adult learners with a scholar identity succeed academically because they know the impact their sacrifices can have on their family and they want to show their families that the sacrifices made were not in vain.

Internal Locus of Control

Whiting (2009b) suggested Black males with a scholar identity believe they have control over their academic futures and work hard to achieve their goals. Whiting’s notion of internal locus of control is grounded in the work of Rotter (1966), who argued the following:

The individual who has a strong belief that he can control his own destiny is likely to (a) be more alert to those aspects of the environment which provide useful information for his future behavior; (b) take steps to improve his environmental condition; (c) place greater value on skill or achievement reinforcements and be generally more concerned with his ability, particularly his failures; and (d) be resistive to subtle attempts to influence him. (p. 26)

Additionally, when faced with failure, Black males with a scholar identity “take responsibility for their choices and actions, while being mindful of outside pressures and societal injustices” (Whiting, 2009a, p. 225). In the context of BMALST, Black male adult learners with scholar identities recognize and acknowledge their mistakes and then develop a support system of family, friends, and teachers to ensure they learn and overcome academic and life barriers (Goings, 2015).

Future Oriented

Black men with a scholar identity consistently plan for the future. Stated differently, Whiting (2009b) argued that the construct of future orientation involves Black males’ contemplation “about the past, present, and future, particularly regarding how one’s past and current behaviors and decision influence future achievements” (p. 55). The future oriented construct of scholar identity is centered on Black males seeing the value of education and always thinking forward about how their education can be leveraged for future opportunities. In the BMALST, future orientation is a critical component of why Black male adult learners succeed academically. For instance, academically successful Black male adult learners take the opportunity to cultivate professional mentorship opportunities that prepare them for their future career endeavors.

Self-Awareness

Black male adult learners with a scholar identity are self-aware and recognize their academic strengths and weaknesses (Whiting, 2006a). An important component of self-awareness is Black males’ ability to not only recognize their strengths and weaknesses but also seek ways to improve in both areas. As Whiting (2006b) contended, Black males’ with a scholar identity do not let their weaknesses serve as a barrier to their academic pursuits. They embrace their weaknesses and seek to develop a community to help them improve. For the BMALST, self-awareness also includes the belief that previous failure in higher education and/or not attending as a traditional collegian does not deter them from succeeding as an adult learner. Moreover, they are keenly aware of the areas they need improvement and seek to find supports on campus such as advisors, faculty, and support programs for adult learners to aid in their academic success.

Need for Achievement

Whiting’s (2009a) notion of the need for achievement is grounded in McClelland’s (1961) trichotomy of needs. These needs include the need for affiliation, power, and achievement. McClelland suggested that academically successful students should be targeted for hiring because they have shown the propensity to work harder than their peers and will, therefore, succeed in the workplace as a result (Goings, 2015). Whiting (2006b) further explains,

A need for achievement [that] is stronger than the need for affiliation, which is consistent with McClelland’s theory. Thus, their identity is not determined by the number of friends they have or their popularity. Rather, they value the quality of friendships over the quantity of friends. (p. 225)

In essence, Black males with a scholar identity consider their achievement more paramount than their social standing with peers (Goings, 2015). In the BMALST, Black male adult learners are motivated to achieve not only because it is important to them personally but also because it increases their opportunity to financially support their families (Goings, 2016a).

Academic Self-Confidence

Black males with a scholar identity have a strong belief that they are strong students. Whiting (2009a) explained that with more academic confidence, Black males work harder, which in turn increases their academic self-confidence. Whiting (2006b) explains further,

They feel at ease and confident in academic settings; they enjoy learning, they enjoy rigor and they value playing with ideas. More importantly they do not feel inferior or inadequate in academic settings and challenging classes; nor do they feel the need to negate, deny, or minimize their academic abilities and skills. (p. 225)

With the context of the BMALST, academic self-confidence is a critical component to Black male adult learner academic success. Moreover, as adult learners, Black males who adopt a scholar identity not only are confident in their academic abilities and value learning but are also not afraid to acknowledge when they do not understand a concept and are willing to learn from their professors along with their younger classmates. In essence, Black male adult learners with a scholar identity have the confidence to understand that while their younger classmates may not have vast life experiences, they can bring value and be of support along their academic journey.

Racial Consciousness

The construct of racial consciousness distinguishes scholar identity from other theories used to explain the academic success of Black students. Black males with a scholar identity are not only proud of being Black and male but also understand “the importance of adapting to racially heterogeneous and homogenous (if they are the only diverse student therein) environments, of being bicultural or multicultural” (Ford et al., 2017, p. 39). Important to the scholar identity model and BMALST is the idea that not only are Black male adult learners proud of being Black men but they also equate their academic success as a characteristic of Black manhood. In essence, Black males with a scholar identity reject the debunked notion that they must equate their success with the concept of “acting White” (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). Moreover, Black male adult learners recognize the salience of race and often seek opportunities to show others a positive image of Black men in educational settings.

Masculinity

The masculinity construct of scholar identity is often the most misunderstood. Ford et al. (2017) describe that while masculinity can take many forms, the U.S. context views “hegemonic masculinity—rough, hard domineering, and dominating— as normative” (p. 40). Black males with a scholar identity believe their academic success does not take away from their own sense and definition of masculinity. Within the context of the BMALST, Black male adult learners with a scholar identity view their intelligence as a masculine trait and seek ways to cultivate the academic success of their peers. Additionally, they view academic success as a quality that strengthens them as men, and they embrace the opportunity to support the academic success of other Black men.

BMALST Environmental Factors

Through my various investigations about Black male adult learners in higher education, it is clear they develop a scholar identity and rely on the various constructs at different times during their academic journey. For instance, in one study that explored the transition experiences of Black male adult learners (Goings, 2018), the participants used their academic self-confidence and self-awareness to help them navigate college reenrollment and succeed in the classroom. Given the importance of Black men’s scholar identity, an important question to consider is, how is scholar identity developed for Black male adult learners? From my previous research, I have found that Black male adult learners’ environments greatly affect their success as collegians.

Given this finding, the BMALST borrows from and builds on Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) bioecological system theory. As Bronfenbrenner explains, “Seldom is attention paid to the person’s behavior in more than one setting or to the way in which relations between settings can affect what happens to them” (p. 18). Given the influence of an individual’s environment at various levels, the depiction of the BMALST (see Figure 1) uses concentric circles to represent the interconnectedness of an individual’s various environments that influence their behavior. For the purposes of the BMALST, I have adapted new names for each of his nested environments. These names are derived from the environmental factors of success found in previous literature on Black male adult learners. In the subsections below, I explicate each environment and provide examples of its applicability to Black male adult learners.

Social–Familial–Spiritual Environment

The social–familial–spiritual environment level of the BMALST involves the interactions Black male adult learners have with individuals they interact with in their daily lives in addition to the interactions that happen among individuals in their microsystem. For instance, given that some adult learners are spouses and parents, their social–familial environment encompasses their families along with their peers and professors on campus. The social–familial environment derives from Bronfenbrenner’s microsystem and mesosystems. Microsystems are defined as “a pattern of activities, roles and interpersonal relationships experienced by the developing person in a given setting with particular physical and material characteristics” (p. 22). Additionally, the mesosystem involves “interrelations among two or more settings in which the developing person actively participates” (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 25).

Another key component of the BMALST is spirituality. Previous research on Black men in higher education has found spirituality to be an important factor in why they persevered through challenges (e.g., Herndon, 2003; Jett, 2011; Wood & Hilton, 2012). Moreover, based on my previous work on Black male adult learners, spirituality involves an individual’s belief in a higher power and how that higher power guides their interactions with others (Goings, 2015). Spirituality is included here as “spiritual beliefs and values [that] impact their interactions in and perceptions of all societal sectors” (Wood & Hilton, 2012, p. 29). Thus, I argue that when Black male adult learners interact with individuals in their microsystem, their spiritual beliefs overtly and subconsciously can influence their decisions.

Institutional Environment

For the BMALST, the institutional environment captures the spaces and places on campus and in the surrounding community that can influence Black male adult learners. For instance, events that happen in academic buildings and social spaces (i.e., student center) on campus affect the Black male adult learners’ success. BMALST is grounded in the belief that higher education institutions must take ownership in supporting Black male adult learners. More specifically, it is vital to their success to have access to institutional environments that provide resources (e.g., daycare, flexible class scheduling) along with caring professionals who embrace their students’ Blackness and maleness (Goings, 2018). The institutional environment of the BMALST derives from Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) exosystem, which is defined as “one or more settings that do not involve the developing person as an active participant, but in which events occur that affect or are effected by what happens in the setting containing the developing person” (p. 25).

Societal African Diaspora Environment

The societal African diaspora environment captures the ways societal views of Black men in higher education (and society at large) affect how they are perceived on campus and how they perceive the world. This becomes important to the academic success of Black male adult learners as they thrive when placed in an institution that recognizes the ability of Black men to succeed academically. Based on previous research on the experiences of Black male adult learners, this often happens on HBCU campuses (Goings, 2016a, 2017a).

In addition to the societal influence on Black male success, the BMALST is grounded in the notion that Black male adult learners are successful due in part to their racial pride. As a result, when presented opportunities on campus to redefine societal perceptions of Black men, they relish the opportunity. Moreover, Black male adult learners are successful not only for themselves and their families but also for the betterment of their people. They believe in the African proverb, “I am because we are.” Thus, their success is not only reflective of their own motivation, but it is also a reflection of the fact that they recognize the sacrifices of their African ancestors. The societal African diaspora environment of the BMALST builds on Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) macrosystem concept, which is defined as “the consistency observed within a given culture or subculture in the form and content of its constituent micro-, meso-, and exosystems, as well as any belief systems of ideology underlying such consistencies” (p. 258). Goings (2015) explained that “the macrosystem takes into account how cultures, values, and laws impact the interactions between the [various] systems” (p. 17).

Implications of the BMALST for Policy and Practice

It is critical that student and academic affairs administrators consider the experiences of Black men in the development of policies and practices on campus because adult learners often balance school with financial and familial responsibilities and have different needs than their traditional-aged peers. Research from Gast (2013) suggested that institutions of higher education have not done an inadequate job in collecting data on their adult learner populations. From a policy perspective it becomes difficult to create programs and policies for a population that you know little about. Furthermore, because there is not an abundance of research on Black male adult learners specifically, the BMALST provides a framework for institutions of higher education to consider using when developing programs and policies targeting Black male adult learners.

To aid in the development of a more robust data corpus to support the needs of adult learners generally and Black male adult learners specifically, administrators should conduct formal adult learner climate studies to assess the availability of campus resources for adult learners. They should also interview racial subgroups such as Black male adult learners to learn more about their experiences. With the use of this data, universities can be proactive to the needs of their growing adult learner populations. My hope is that campus administrators develop these climate studies using the BMALST to account for the various environments that affect Black male adult learner success. Specifically, it is important for these climate assessments to review how the institution shows through their marketing and recruiting to programs on campus that the institution seeks to support Black male adult learners. Through having a comprehensive understanding of the work, home, and campus barriers that Black men face, administrators can be more responsive to creating policies that deconstruct these barriers.

Recommendations for Future Research Using the BMALST

Because of the relative infancy of research on Black male adult learners, there are several areas for future research based on the BMALST. At the social-familial-spiritual level, for example, there is a need to explore how spirituality influences the academic experiences of Black male adult learners to unearth the role that spirituality plays in the development of their scholar identities. Furthermore, while there has been research that explores the experiences of reentry Black mothers and the influence their reentering college had on their daughters lives (Sealey-Ruiz, 2007), there is a need to explore the phenomena of Black male adult learners who are fathers and the influences of their return to college on their children’s lives. This research line can disrupt deficit narratives that suggest Black men do not care about education nor take care of their children.

At the institutional level, given the continued increase of adult learners generally and Black men specifically on college campuses, there is a need for research on how Black male adult learners work with academic advisers. In particular, there is a need for researchers to examine advising professionals’ practices that are useful for Black male adult learners in addition to Black male adult learners’ experiences accessing academic advising. Furthermore, research exploring how student affairs professionals adapt their programming to support Black male adult learners is needed. This is important given that many adult learners do not live on campus thus, student affairs practitioners will have to develop innovative ways to reach this population.

Furthermore, a majority of the research has focused on the experiences of students, however there is a paucity of research that explores professors’ perspectives of Black male adult learners, and their pedagogical and relationship approaches to working with Black men. Given previous research suggests that Black male adult learners sometimes struggle to build relationships with faculty (Goings, 2017a), there is a need to also understand this perspective from the professor’s vantage point. In addition to a focus on professors, there is a need for future research to explore how institutions that support a large quantity of Black male adult learners (i.e., online universities) develop their recruitment and retention strategies.

At the African diaspora level of BMALST, there is an opportunity for researchers to explore how Black male adult learners encounter and respond to racism on campuses. Additionally, this line of research can explore to see if there are differences in how Black male adult learners respond to racism than their younger traditional-aged peers. In these analyses it will be important for researchers to consider how Black men develop their racial pride in the midst of experiencing a racist campus environment. These analyses can provide recommendations for administrators on how to respond at the institutional level to create conditions where Black male adult learners matter on campus.

Conclusion

In my foundational work on Black male adult learners (Goings, 2015), I argued that there should be research that explores the challenges Black male adult learners face and the steps they take to overcome those challenges. The BMALST was developed in response to that initial call to action. I contend that not only do we need studies focused on Black male adult learner success, but we also need asset-based theoretical and conceptual frameworks used to study this population.

It must be stated that I am not suggesting the BMALST is the only solution to explain the academic success of Black male adult learners. However, in my extensive research on this population, these recurring themes come up in the experiences of Black male adult learners who have succeeded academically. What is vastly important and important to stress here is the role of the institution in cultivating the success of Black male adult learners. In essence, the responsibility to foster a scholar identity does not solely rest on Black men themselves but also on the institutions that educate them. They share in the responsibility to create campus-wide spaces where Black male adult learners’ academic, racial, and scholar identities are embraced and cultivated.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: This study was supported in part by the African American Success Foundation 2019 Lydia Donaldson Tutt-Jones Memorial Research Grant.

ORCID iD

Ramon B. Goings

Author Biography

Ramon B. Goings is an assistant professor in the Language, Literacy, and Culture doctoral program at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. His research examines gifted/high-achieving Black male academic success in PreK-PhD settings, diversifying the teacher and school leader workforce, and the student experience and contributions of historically Black colleges and universities to the higher education landscape. Dr. Goings is also founder of the Done Dissertation Coaching Program () which provides individual and group dissertation coaching for doctoral students in the social sciences.

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