Using Design Experiment Processes to Adjust Money Habits of Adults with Disabilities

Abstract

As more adults with intellectual and developmental disabilities move into inclusive settings in the community, it is essential to address budgeting and finance issues to avoid real concerns of financial exploitation. Adults with intellectual and developmental disability often comprise the “working poor”, even if they are among the 20% who are fortunate enough to have access to community-based, paid employment at above minimum wage. Those fortunate enough to be placed on government assistance (1 in 4 are still waiting for funded services) soon realize that this benefit comes with restrictions on their income and savings. These restrictions impact work options, pay range, and benefits. Each person’s budget leaves little for saving and discretionary spending. Our present situation of rising inflation compounds these already significant concerns.

Keywords

adult learning financial literacy intellectual and developmental disability community living inflation

As more adults with intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDDs) continue to move into inclusive settings in the community, it is important to address issues of budgeting and finance, to avoid real concerns of financial exploitation (Anderson et al., 2018). Intellectual disability (ID) is defined as a significant limitation in intellectual functioning and adaptive behavior (conceptual, practical, or social skills) that involves needs for selected supports to live independently in communities (AAIDD, n.d.). Adults with IDD (people with ID and other developmental disabilities) often comprise the “working poor” (Rivlin, 2010), if they are among the 20% who have access to community based, paid employment at above minimum wage (Hiersteiner et al., 2018). Given that people with IDD comprise 1.6% of the United States population and that 82% of those with IDD are living outside their family home in settings of six or less (Braddock et al., 2017; U.S. Census Bureau, 2015), there is adequate need for the adjustment and teaching of high leverage money habits within this population. People with disabilities who receive government assistance (1 in 4 are still waiting for funded services) soon realize that this benefit also restricts their income and savings (Social Security Administration, 2019). These restrictions impact work options, pay range, and benefits (Arditi & Ziner, 2013; Barry, 2016), and savings and discretionary spending are limited. Combined with rising inflation and record interest rates, urban areas may contain payday loans, pawn shops, overpriced corner stores, and street-side salesman enticing people to spend or borrow more money than they can afford (Singletary, 2014).

The aim of this study was to develop, design, and build applied supports to enable a group of people with IDD to navigate a financial world often significantly limited by income and possibly impacted by high-interest lending practices. A specific focus on money habits, or inclinations, tendencies, and forces shaped by internal and external mechanisms that characterize and drive an individual's day-to-day spending was implemented. This research team used action research within design experiment theory to first, identify the spending habits of participants to, next, build a functional model of financial literacy within a community setting. We examined an applied approach to teaching mathematics including basic algebraic functions to adults with IDD living in community settings to assist people to address less-adaptive spending habits.

Within this action research process, we developed detailed strategies to adapt lessons for adult learning to meet individual needs. For example, as a primary support for learning and for uptake, we employed concrete scenarios taken directly from initial interviews to solve financial problems. We then used classroom discourse and team problem solving to find specific solutions relevant to one or more individuals in the study in a supportive and engaging environment (Merriam & Bierma, 2014). Team problem solving and collaboration helps activate and use all the disparate talents of any group where the problem solving power of everyone is optimized (Rodriguez et al., 2018). This example goes beyond real-world problem solving to a more specific personal experience that may trigger a stronger emotional response from individuals while also providing an actionable solution to try between classes (Illeris, 2003; Zull, 2020). Using gambling, pawn shops, and other potential scams as scenarios for problem solving helped make the abstract math real to class participants.

Context and Background

This study built a functional model of financial literacy to impact daily spending habits of participants. The framework was used to examine daily purchases and offer concrete and useful tools to build strong financial habits.

Mathematics education for individuals with IDD has traditionally focused on basic purchasing skills to increase independence upon graduation (Rodriguez, 2016). Life skills classes teach how to make change, pay the correct amount, and purchase the required living supplies (Xin et al., 2005). However, basic purchasing skills rarely address real-life situations such as buying overpriced items at the corner store or purchasing items on payment plans that are not legitimate. The way to understand to what degree one is overpaying is through mathematics skills of statistics, algebra, and basic numeracy. By applying these skills one can begin to make good choices and develop relevant money habits.

Ravn et al. (2006) affirmed that purchasing habits are ingrained and need a long-term commitment for change. Many studies focus on independence in transition to adulthood and how learning money skills can be the path toward this end (Agran et al., 2000; Zhang & Stecker, 2001). Often, people with IDD lack preparation in money management skills to live and work in the community (Brown, 2000; Patton et al., 1997). Other studies have taught individuals how to make change, spend their own money (Xin et al., 2005) and improve money skills (Browder & Grasso, 1999; Xin et al., 2005); yet few studies have dealt with the other side of the equation—money habits guiding our daily actions.

Effective adult learning curriculum that impacts personal development hinges on the individual both perceiving they are ready and in need of learning skills and concepts in a problem-centered manner with direct relevance to their daily experiences (Knowles, 1984). Assessment to understand the unique strength and support needs of the individual in a disability (Schalocket al. 2021) is a necessary first step in developing curricula for adults to be self-directed in coursework. Directly contesting, analyzing, and adjusting our own assumptions about teaching and learning in relation to adult learning, especially in unconventional settings and underserved communities (Conway, 2022) is crucial in structuring courses for success (Gouthro, 2019). To address the need for people with IDD to gain basic money management skills, Rodriguez (2016) investigated the feasibility of algebra instruction for adults with IDD by emphasizing applied and relevant mathematics adapted for the community. The instruction empowered adults with IDD by increasing opportunities for independence and community inclusion. By focusing on teaching strategies from the Money Club, a community education program for adults with IDD, the authors examined how the money habits of participants acted as a fulcrum to either empower and increase freedom or act as a burden, increasing dependence on guardians, programs, and the choices of others.

Money habits are developed at an early age, by witnessing the spending behavior of others and through personal experiences with spending money, “on a good-by-good basis” (Ravn et al., 2006). With limited incomes, individuals with IDD are at risk for going into debt, and possibly use high-interest lenders. Instruction in functional mathematics often overlooks money habits, yet money habits may be responsible for the financial success or instability of many adults with IDD. Fears of financial exploitation (Anderson et al., 2018) and observations of liberal spending habits (Caniglia & Michali, 2018) lead to the lack of trust and freedom regarding personal money management for many people with IDD. Yet, purchasing habits may be ingrained and require a long-term commitment to show change (Ravn et al., 2006).

Method

The study used action research to connect mathematics structure and skill in financial literacy to anchor a self-directed plan to improve spending habits of participants. The study used design experiment methods as a framework to capture the daily conjectures of participants as well as their strengths and support needs in learning. To examine the money habits of the participants and plan curricula for the study, initial interviews informed how each participant used money and accessed financial resources. Then, using qualitative methods and a designed exploratory research process, the learning process was documented (with notes, observations, and recorded class session) to help meet the needs of the group while addressing skills and comprehension to further instruction on money habits and skills. After each class session the instructor/first author analyzed the notes, observations, and recorded class sessions to build the next lesson on financial literacy for the participants.

Action Research through Design Experiment Processes

Action research is a method to “…fuse knowledge building with advocacy…to use research methods on behalf of social change” (Padgett, 2008, p.17) for people with IDD. Action research can influence and make changes within the community through pragmatic and democratic actions (Glassman et al., 2013) enroute to solving unique problems and generating useful information for the people studied (Patton, 2002). In this manner, researchers can be engaged directly in a problem and build validity through an iterative cycle of social actions and analysis. Action research methods were used to address money habits through building conceptual and procedural understanding and skill in mathematics. By building structures of math to anchor real-world applications of how, why, and when we spend money, the participants could make connections from academic knowledge to practical day to day purchases that impact financial health and wellness. Action research methods were vital to the success of the self-advocacy, sustainability, and practicality of this study.

In addition, using a design experiment process built practical, local theory through constant practice and analysis influencing the professional development of teachers/instructors, a community of learners, and sometimes both simultaneously (Cobb et al., 2009; Rodriguez, 2016). Design experiments use data from previous lessons to engage in a “tinkering to perfection” (Cobb et al., 2003, p. 9). Nijhawan (2017) integrated action research with design experiment methods within Design-Based Action Research. Pairing research for social action (action research) and methods to develop practical theory (design experiments) are both compatible and complementary. In employing design experiment methods, the first author wrote one lesson at a time with a day of analysis in between to listen to the audiotape, take notes, assess the classwork, and decide what components of the lesson were effective or not to create the next lesson. This process of high level of reading and responding to classroom actions in each lesson documents the trajectory of the study and offers insight into participant conjectures, strengths, and support needs for future classroom action.

Participants and Recruitment

After receiving university IRB approval, the first author posted flyers at the community center funded in part by the state Developmental Disability Council. In addition, the author held an informal question and answer session to describe the purpose of The Money Club, a 6-week series of 12 classes, to potential participants. Any person attending the League of Self-Determined Individuals could volunteer to work on personal financial issues.

The 10 study participants, four females and six males, were between 22 and 45 years old with a median age of 27. The Money Club met at the League of Self-Determined Individuals, which focused on access to community assistance and advocacy mentoring for people with IDD. Participants represented a range of developmental disabilities including ID, autism, cerebral palsy, spastic triplegia, traumatic brain injury, and multiple disabilities. Study participants self-identified as White (n = 5), Hispanic mixed (n = 3), and Mexican American (n = 2).

Procedures

To examine the money habits of the participants and plan curricula for the study, the first author used initial interviews to inform how each participant used money and accessed financial resources. Researcher activities and analysis are hereby reported in first-person voice, as part of action research, with the first author as I and team analysis in we form. After gaining consent, I met for 30 min with each participant to record each person's knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes toward mathematics and finance one week prior to the intervention. I used responses to interview questions adapted from an interview format of Ernest (1989) to guide content for the opening class session.

During the 6-week intervention, I created each lesson, based on the data gleaned during the pre-interview and field notes from each digitally recorded session. Classroom sessions were audio-recorded daily to capture discussions and analyzed to identify conjectures of math reasoning and pencil and paper problem solving used. Since participants often discussed their money habits with peers during unstructured time and during large and small group instruction, I developed prompts to encourage conversation. Classroom responses were collected via multiple tape recorders at each table in the classroom to capture participant responses and discussion.

Based on the analysis, I structured the tasks, type of discourse, and tools for teaching the next day's lesson, to make the lessons both pragmatic and theoretical. In this manner, the planning and assessment process that focused directly on how each member engaged in the content and assignments provided a clear target for ongoing instruction within the class sequence (Chappuis et al., 2012). At the end of the 6-week instructional period, I again interviewed participants for 30 min using similar interview prompts from the initial interview.

Throughout intervention, I documented the learning process with documentation from class and observations from recorded class sessions to meet group needs while addressing skills and comprehension to advance instruction on money habits and skills. In summary, the data corpus included 50 pages of interview transcriptions, 33 pages of lesson plans, 24 h of taped class sessions, and 95 pages of field and design notes, used to create coding matrices for analysis described below.

Thematic Analysis

Following intervention and post-study interviews, I first documented money habits. Using recorded class sessions and notes I created initial codes to develop emergent themes about money habits. Specifically, I developed analytic files used to further process this data into a rudimentary descriptive coding matrix (Charmaz, 2006; Creswell, 2009) based on similarity of content and language of money habits. Then I reduced the raw data into thematic data using coding matrices during a retrospective analysis (Cobb & Whitenack, 1996). These streams of data supported the assertions, conjectures, and other findings of the study (Edelson, 2002). All codes and themes were analyzed and interpreted through consensus with colleagues at the university in stepwise fashion within this study.

Finally, following all instruction, I processed the map/initial conjectures and retrospective analysis and viewed it from a larger, global perspective (diSessa & Cobb, 2004; Stephan & Cobb, 2003) to help connect theory to practice and prepared the work for sharing with the teaching community, similar to lesson study (Stigler & Hiebert, 1999). I investigated which teaching strategies worked, which ones failed in the opinion of participants, identified the essence of each participant's money habits, and detailed how these habits were used in the community to align with creating a functional model of teaching financial literacy in a community setting. I used the verbal responses of participants in class, everyone's work on classwork, and the flow of group work/discussions to gauge participation frequency and correct answers in my daily assessments.

Trustworthiness and Credibility

First, to establish trustworthiness and credibility the design notes form (Cobb et al., 2003) was used as a tool for capturing data and curricular conjecture within Design experiments. This format addresses the reasons why each lesson was written and the rationale for the overall trajectory of the intervention. It meets the standards for confirmability and specifically, reflexivity (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Formative and summative assessments were analyzed following each lesson and new components and supports for learning were created for the next lesson based on this element. The design notes form, a forward-facing, public document that acknowledged my background, experiences, and angle of instruction (Malterud, 2001) was shaped by 15 years of classroom teaching experience in urban public schools and a Native American community school. From those experiences, I understood that people with IDD can learn mathematics and co-create the context from which mathematics is taught, in this case through the lens of money habits.

Positionality Statement

The first author's positionality was influenced by the work and the systems he has worked in prior to joining the academy. His work as direct support for people with disabilities as a paraprofessional, volunteer work at advocacy agencies, and work in academia has influenced the ways he views people with IDD and their capacity for autonomy, mastery, and a sense of purpose (Pink, 2011). His background and experience in the field was integral in the data analysis, lending critical eye and diverse perspective to the data analysis and development of themes. Both colleagues who assisted with thematic review had a background in community inclusion of people with IDD, taught classes at the university level, and had written extensively on supports for people with IDD.

Findings on Spending Habits and Lesson Trajectory

Spending Habits Findings

Three themes evolved related to spending habits: The Saver, The Impulse Buyer, and The Gambler. Savers ensured they had enough when they needed or chose to spend money. The impulse buyer knows they are buying something permanent (like a wallet) or will purchase perishable items (like a sandwich). A gambler believes that they are going to spend now to make money in the future—without regard for the possibility of losing it all. (See Figure 1.) Data from Money Club participants revealed most were as likely to be savers (six participants) as they were to be impulse Buyers (four participants); however, all gamblers (two participants) in this study were also impulse Buyers.

Figure 1.
Money habits and risk levels for participants.

the Saver: “Wait and See”

Savers are those who saved their money and waited for the right time to spend it. They stated in classroom conversation that they hate debt, abhor credit cards, and follow their parents’ influence on the “evils” of overspending. Saving was also a way of controlling their lives and provided a sense of security. The person with saver habits prioritized saving and dreamt of spending the money later, often waiting until others urged them to make a purchase.

This seemingly perfect habit was not without consequence. Problems arose when individuals saved so much money that they fell in jeopardy of losing their Supplemental Security Income (SSI) benefits. Wes, a saver, continued to deposit money up to his maximum-allowed limit of $2,000, so as not to jeopardize his SSI benefits. He struggled with how to spend the money in conflict with his desire to focus on saving once again. His peers brainstormed large-purchase items ($1,000 or more) to improve his life and ease the discomfort of spending his hard-earned savings. The group proposed he purchase a quality mattress to provide comfort for his back after each workday at the warehouse.

Robert, also a saver, placed his money in a bank account “in case I want something” and stated: “One thing I learned is not to overspend money!” (Class 1). When asked about what he might purchase, he simply said, “stuff.” During another class he beamed, “I just save all the time!” Mindy also avoided spending and said, “I like to buy movies, but not all the time, I say no - you have to wait” (Class 1). She did dream of going to Hawaii and wanted to save up money for the trip but will stay with friends to keep costs down. Gary wanted to save his money for “A car, a car, buying a car!” (Class 2) and had a steady stream of income from his snack machine business to build capital for a down payment.

The Impulse Buyer: “Spend Now and Pay Later”

Impulse Buyers enjoyed the instant gratification of immediately obtaining what they like and bought items on a whim, without thinking of long-term consequences. Sometimes these people had the money on-hand or used credit. What defined the people in this category was the lack of self-control to walk away from purchases once the impulse hit. This code was subdivided into The Collector, who purchased more permanent items (TV's, CD's, non-perishable items), and The Spender who spent money on perishable things (food, drinks, and good times). Both the collector and the spender would rationalize their decisions as spending for an immediate or future need.

Amy and Helen are examples of collectors. They spent money on durable items. Whether items were needed or bought frivolously, their purchases were made on impulse. Helen spent money at “Borders on CD's, books, and magazines.” Amy spent money on “My cell phone, Tattoos, and partying,” identifying with Hip Hop culture and style.

Alejandro and Lynne are spenders. They used their money mainly to buy disposable items, usually on a whim with little to show for it after the experience. Alejandro spent his money on “Ice cream, Cokes, and Wendy's.” Lynne spent her money on “food and good times.” While Alejandro's spending habits did not concern him, Lynne's habits bothered her deeply. She felt guilty after impulse buying and tried to balance this by buying necessities but found herself out of money. Lynne genuinely felt the “buyer's remorse” common to many impulse buyers.

The Gambler: “I’ll Make it Back Later”

Gamblers spent to make money in high risk/high reward schemes, often resulting in losing the money. Gamblers chased “one-time opportunities” and thought that if they got in early, they would make a large amount of money (often to make up for losses from past schemes). The temptation for gamblers in this setting was high since the community is close to seven casinos within 20 miles of the city limits.

In the first class, Lynne declared that she won money at the casino and bought a computer desk for her work at college (Class 1). A few minutes later, she explained that she made this money through gambling, stating, “I went to the casino and won $30 and put it back in my account” (Class 1). When asked how much she took to the casino, she replied that she took $60 from her account and returned with $30 but was not aware of the $30 loss. After the group calculated her actual loss, she admitted she felt bad spending the money because friends and family did not trust her with money. She thought that returning with $30 would have built some trust with a guardian stating, “I wish she (trusted me)” (Class 1). Helen reluctantly spoke about her gambling history. When asked, she said “I am not going to mention that” (Class 1) but admitted to playing “Casino Bingo.” In Class three, she described how happy she felt when “I go to the casino to win money.” Bringing money home while having fun in a social environment was thrilling to her.

Lesson Trajectory Findings

The lesson trajectory, derived from design experiment methods, included three units of 2 weeks of instruction each: (a) Pricing and Smart Daily Shopping; (b) Long-term Savings and the Effects of High-rate Credit Cards, and (c) The Impact of SSI, Ponzi Schemes, and High-interest Lenders. These units emerged from classroom experiences, participant concerns, and group discussions about mathematics models connected directly to participants’ personal concerns. By acknowledging that people with IDD can be counted on to state their opinion and self-report, I was able to read and respond better in the moment and in preparation for each class, consistent with increasing relevance in research findings with those with marginalized populations including those with IDD (Powers, 2017).

During the first 2 weeks, the lessons involved simple pricing and smart-shopping models. Individuals compared purchase prices at wholesale, retail, and corner convenience stores. Participants discovered that with common, everyday purchases, they were spending, on average, three times as much at the corner store than for the same exact items at wholesale store. In most cases, they could have purchased name brand items for the cost of generic items at the corner store. The participants graphed out the cost of each item over the course of a few months and the amount they would save if they rode the bus to the wholesale or retail store for these purchases. The participants calculated long-term, exponential impact of purchasing basic items at the corner store, (coffee, milk, toothpaste, batteries, aspirin, and other toiletries) which found the losses to be numerous multiples compared to purchases at a grocery store.

Classes 5–8 took the concepts of daily purchases and added the consequences of compound interest rates on credit cards. The class discussed the costs of shopping at the corner store with the impact of monthly interest payments on past purchases. Then the class looked at saving goals. Several participants wanted to purchase new Apple products and one wanted to travel to Hawaii. We returned to graphing and algebraic numeracy with different variables to calculate how long it would take at various savings interest rates, to realize their dream purchase.

Classes 9–12 studied the impact of saving too much money on the individuals’ SSI. The class investigated high-interest lenders in the neighborhood, pawn shops and payday loan brokers, who might take advantage of the participants. We then discussed the effects of taking short term “payday” loans whose annual interest rates are well past 200% of borrowed money. The participants priced out local shops and found that this number was on the conservative side, whereas some offered annualized rates at over 500%. The effects of the pawn shops were no less shocking, as one assumed to lose 90% of purchase price when pawning any item at the store. Two individuals who were desperate for money pawned items and remembered how little they received in return. The lessons outlined in Table 1 were taught using concrete models to anchor their investigations into how high-interest lenders took advantage of each sale.

Table 1.
Lesson Components from Study.

Week 1–2 (Classes 1–4)

Estimating and applying the prices of daily purchases at three different stores (Wholesale, Retail, Corner Store).

Graphing and using T-charts to understand the impacts of top three purchases one time.

Week 2–3 (Classes 5–7)

Long-term savings plans for dream purchases.

Law of diminishing returns on spending.

Credit Cards and the impact of applied daily interest.

Week 4–6 (Classes 8–12)

Relationship of savings, job income and Social Security Income benefits.

How Ponzi scams work.

Predatory Lenders (Payday Loans and Pawnshops).

Embedding Instruction within Lesson Structure and Function

During class, I focused on the basics in this order: addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division. After the first lesson, I focused on one operation per day. I designed lessons for foundational learning, identified prior knowledge through discussion, and encouraged team communication skills. Each night I planned for the next lesson strategies based on the class artifacts to assess their learning and support needs and tried to understand the people in the study better. I took extensive notes on issues challenging the group and developed strategies to support learning. By the third class, I understood the instructional support needed for each participant to address future classes more effectively. I did all this work to tailor the lessons in a way that supported participants enough to engage in the challenges of learning applied math. For example:

“Alejandro, Matt, Robert, Helen, Antonio, and Gary need concrete instruction with manipulatives to understand the concepts. Gary requires a lot of processing and redirection back to the group. Mindy and Amy benefit from bridging (taking prior knowledge and connecting to our classroom learning), and discussion in large groups works best. Stan, Patrick, and Shirley need more challenging problems, although multiplication may be their present ceiling.” (Lesson Plan 3 design notes).

I continued to develop questions about participants’ comprehension, opinions about mathematics, and what they wanted most to learn. I learned where they worked, what they did for recreation, and how they spent money. This helped to continue the dialogue that I started with the initial interviews and transfer this open, respectful style of communication so that everyone knew their voice and preferences were directly transferred to the lesson. This supported adult learners who participated in the study to know that they are treated as capable and with respect.

The purpose and content of all lessons was derived from listening to the extensive audio data from interviews and class sessions, documented in the Design notes. The lessons were engineered to trigger the individuals’ past and present experiences to possibly impact future financial literacy, promote financial stability, and promote understanding of situations that are less advantageous. The individuals were wary of performing mathematics operations, and I needed to reassure the class that we would all learn mathematics. We finished with a math game called “The Price is Right” during snack, where they all guessed how much each item cost, and I would pose mathematics problems to solve the snack costs while they ate. The slogan “Come for the snack; stay for the mathematics” became a daily mantra. We all worked on subtraction problems and visualizing what ½ of an object using the model of the Arnold Palmer drink mixture of iced tea and lemonade is. I wanted the participants to understand the concept of the half, so I could build toward understanding other fractions. The participants made guesses, and we searched for ways to find the correct answer. Learning a math technique of ½ of a ½ can be used in finance, in the grocery store, in cooking, and in splitting bills between four friends when challenged with dividing by the number, 4. This principle is also a bridge to more advanced fractions such as ½ or a ½ of 12 or 32 or 64.

I encouraged participants to discuss, debate, and develop working conjectures on our learning of money habits to see how everyone demonstrated their money habits and understood the purposes of using money. We discussed how to make money last longer. The participants began to overcome their doubt and reticence to participate. We compared the prices of different stores (large discount stores, local grocery stores, and convenience stores). We discussed how price is directly related to convenience. Participants’ understanding of simple convenience principles allowed them to identify why it is worth the extra time to get to the grocery store.

The concrete nature of blocks helped during card counting, especially for Gary, who could find the midpoint of a number and divide it in half after looking at a stack of blocks. I had to give him clues to finding the middle using Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD) type supports (Harland, 2003). I would ask follow-up questions after participants found one answer, so each person in the card counting exercise would have to solve up to four problems for each number (1/2, 1/4, 1/3, and a follow-up question on why). I wrote in the design notes how I would need to proceed in teaching this class:
The class finished with an exercise on algebraic expressions, patterns, and conjectures. We (a) folded the paper once and cut once, then twice and cut once, and finally three times and cut once, then (b) folded the paper twice and cut once, then twice, and three times; each time guessing how many pieces (a pattern) we would make, then counting the pieces. We discussed how we solved it and what the expression would be to find the subsequent amount. At one point, I mentioned, “We have great guesses, or, in mathematics, we call it conjectures.” Robert replied, “Wow! Mathematics is my thing, you know” (Class 7).
Group support proved effective at keeping the individuals working toward the answer, rather than giving up. Group work helps normalize individual strengths and support needs by optimizing all the talents of an entire group and employing them to solve problems (Rodriguez et al., 2018). Within this framework, there were opportunities to push the participants outside their comfort zone and have peers encourage and push others to continue to solve the problem repeatedly until they found out the number of weeks necessary to reach their goal. An example of this was with Gary, who was incredibly diligent in sticking with the problem, staying “on the hot seat” (demonstrating diligent problem solving) for more than 5 min without walking out of the room. Without the unquestioned support of his peers, Gary may have returned to past avoidance of learning which was exhibited in the first few classes.

Theoretical Development Runs Parallel to Data Collection Across Lessons

The day-to-day work using math to investigate complex money habits helped build rapport and allowed us to engage in more authentic conversations as each week progressed. Using Design Experiment methods, the coursework and curriculum evolved and developed in congruence with actions of the class, the learning, the struggles, and the artifacts. Using ZPD supports, personally linked contexts, and group learning theory the class demonstrated skill and mastery. The first class's structure of applied math to daily purchases emerged from the pre-interviews, where participants’ concerns regarding money and how little they claimed to have on hand after purchasing “essentials” became a theme. During the initial class, involvement was high, and participants engaged in an open discussion on applying efficient spending on similar items across stores. This lesson led to structuring the following classes around concrete math models that were personally relevant to each person.

Participants shared very personal accounts of their positive and negative interactions with people, places, and institutions during each class. The individuals in this study were also very clear on the specific businesses they frequent and how often they went. The background information gleaned from interviews anchored what I taught and what participants learned. This provided answers to questions the participants were already struggling with, which led to increased comprehension. Participants’ engagement and willingness to discuss personal issues regarding finance, challenges in navigating spending and saving, and the individuals who took advantage was consistent throughout the 6-week program.

Discussion and Implications

This study offers insight on how people with IDD use money to help others support them during a time when inflation is eroding the fixed income that each person in this study experienced. To continue to thrive, people with IDD will continue to need to make money go further than ever before. In addition, it is important that people with IDD and their support networks understand that money habits are deeply influential in long-term financial health. Money Club participants’ spending habits were consistent across classes and situations. Savers looked for ways to deposit their money or pay debts, Gamblers sought to make up for losses, and Spenders looked to spend. The Money Club's money habits were reminiscent of the study on Deep Habits (Ravn et al., 2006). Individuals in this study frequented specific stores, purchasing very specific items repeatedly, which correlates with Ravn's findings. This indicated the money habits that drive consumption are embedded by each choice an individual makes. It is important to stress why a teacher must take the time to understand the challenges and motivations before and during the teaching of mathematics for adults. The process can demonstrate to participants that the leader is listening and valuing participant experience so much that their own personal experiences are relevant and viewed as math problems to solve. With these supports in mind the teacher can then increase rigor and go beyond traditional programs for people with disabilities.

Going Beyond Correct Change: A Call for Community-Based Financial Education

The Money Club's participants needed more rigorous instruction than counting change and performing flawless transactions. Members of the Money Club lost more money to scams and dishonesty than from failing to make correct change, the focus of traditional community-based instruction mathematics programs for people with disabilities (Browder & Grasso, 1999; Xin et al., 2005). These threats significantly hampered individuals’ long-term financial health and their ability to live independently. Many adults with IDD are still on restricted programs based solely on their spending habits and susceptibility to being taken advantage of at a casino, pawn shop, or by neighborhood hustlers (Social Security Administration, 2019). Investigating individuals’ money habits is vital to addressing these issues (Ravn et al., 2006) and allaying some deep concerns of family, caregivers, for those with IDD (Anderson et al., 2018; Caniglia & Michali, 2018). Professional educators can teach adults personalized, student centered, methods (Dibbs et al., 2020) if we identify their money habits. Including the individual with IDD in the design and deployment of curriculum increases equity in the process.

Educators must adjust the curriculum of community-based programs for adults with IDD so that they can live more independent lives (Agran et al., 2000; Rodriguez, 2016; Zhang & Stecker, 2001). Individuals have achieved competency of basic monetary transactions but require best practices for maximizing buying power while leveraging government assistance stipulations (Social Security Administration, 2019) and the harsh reality of high-interest lending and business practices that target the working poor (Rivlin, 2010). Combining the examination of money habits with a rigorous mathematics program empowers adults with IDD to protect each other and live independently in their community. Any dogmatic stance toward financial education is detrimental (don’t spend at all vs. spend as you will). Mathematics education for adults with IDD can empower individuals to face complex problems with rich and robust supports for learning.

Barriers for People with IDD as the Working Poor

Many individuals with IDD are on fixed incomes, which intensifies the need for the development of a methodical and financially literate plan. An IDD Waiver qualifies each person for a public allowance to support their independence; however, this money is fixed and carries stipulations typical of public assistance. At the time of this study, the most significant limitation was the $2,000 savings limit, which discouraged people with IDD from future independence by limiting annual income and total savings (Social Security Administration, 2019). When Helen received a raise at the League, she had to reduce her working hours or risk losing services necessary for her levels of government support. While people with IDD living in their own house or apartment have the highest rate of community-based employment, 32% vs. 17% for those in group residential situations (Hiersteiner et al., 2018), factors of low pay and underemployment contribute to living in disadvantaged areas, trailer parks, and housing projects (Rivlin, 2010). Many people live within an easy walk to pawnshops, pay day loans, high-fee Electronic Benefit Transfers at corner stores and bodegas, and other high-interest lenders (Singletary, 2014). This population faces further risks of employment in sheltered workshops and other exploitative working conditions (Arditi & Ziner, 2013; Barry, 2016). Money Club members lost money at casinos; however, even their winnings were taxable and counted against the maximum-allowed annual income and impact SSI benefits (Social Security Administration, 2019). Gambling and its impact on those with IDD are becoming a concern (Scheidemantel et al., 2019). Money Club strategies provided Adults with IDD with training to navigate the threats facing the working poor. We learned that the twin barriers of restricted income allowance through SSI and low overall average income for participants place people in high probability of financial stress. This population needs more dynamic supports than others because there is less room for error on any given purchase. Creating community-based financial education is of paramount importance. This program can be extended to anyone on the margins, struggling to pay their bills. With interest rates skyrocketing and the cost of goods increasing beyond the average person's cost of living adjustments (COLA), this program may benefit most people.

Limitations

One limitation in this study is that although most people attended every class, not every participant was present each time which may have led to less robust findings. In addition, the qualitative design of this study limits generalization about this process to other adults with IDD. Another limitation is that data were based on participant report and observational data in a classroom setting. The data could have been enhanced with a follow-up investigation or longitudinal approach to determine if class participants continued to use applied mathematics skills in the future. Despite these limitations, this research contributes to the literature base of money habits of adults with IDD as experienced in the community.

Direction for Future Research

A closer quantitative investigation of the experience of adults with IDD related to high-interest lending and scams based on spending habits could be beneficial. The categories, codes, and themes discussed in this study warrant continued evaluation. Further a connected quantitative study testing purchasing choices during and after the study would help understand uptake of learning and application in everyday situations. Future research in money habit application and growth in applied money strategies can be foundational in an individual's success in independent living.

Conclusion

The aims of this study were to develop, design, and build applied supports for financial understanding in daily living situations. The study elaborated on developing and implementing instruction using a systematic, iterative process while identifying three overall themes of spending habits from data collected during instructional lessons. The examination and daily improvements to the learning ecology supported continued work in developing lessons that are grounded in participants’ daily experiences and history. Lessons recognized the causes of participant's successes and failures with money and the ways their money habits make each individual feel independent, included, or burdened. The method for teaching as well as the lessons that emerged from this study sis used to inform future best practices. This paper contributes to improving financial education for money habits to reduce risk factors that discussion by exploring a basis for developing challenging and supportive curricula in a community-based, “feedback-rich environment” for individuals with IDD (Chan et al., 2014). Using concrete, real-world, and relevant teaching strategies to understand the money habits of adults with IDD is the first step in ensuring independent, street-smart, advocates in their communities. A conventional remedial mathematics program would not provide the opportunity to examine participants’ money habits. If literacy is an undeniable human right, (Copeland et al., 2018) then financial literacy will also be a right, one that supports those with IDD to live full more independent lives.

We would like to honor Dr. Frances R. Duff, who unexpectedly passed away in the summer of 2023. She was a light of inclusion and love, one who balanced high standards in her work with dignity and grace. In this article, we celebrate her life as this is her last work.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Anthony M. Rodriguez

Author Biographies

Anthony M. Rodriguez, PhD, is an associate professor in Education. His area of research is in Intellectual Disabilities focusing on learning mathematics and community supports.

Susan B. Palmer, PhD, is professor emeritus in Education. Her area of research is in self-determination and inclusion of students with disabilities in the general education curriculum.

Frances R. Duff, PhD, was a teacher of a transformational inclusive Shakespeare course at Cibola High School, beloved professor at the University of New Mexico and voice for inclusion of all people in the state of New Mexico.

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