Emerging Versus Emancipating

Abstract

Emerging adulthood has been defined as a distinct developmental stage in which youth experience opportunities for identity development and transition toward independence. While this period has been examined for youth in the general population, less is known about how foster youth experience this transition. This study uses qualitative interviews with 20 foster youth to understand their experiences during emerging adulthood. Consensual qualitative research is used to analyze data and develop core themes around youth experiences. Foster youth not only report sharing many characteristics with youth in the general population during this stage but also have experiences that are uniquely tied to their foster care history. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.

Keywords

emerging adulthood foster care child welfare identity development youth

In recent years, the concept of emerging adulthood has taken root as a distinct developmental period between adolescence and adulthood (Arnett, 2000, 2001, 2004). During this period, youth slowly move into adulthood and have opportunities for identity exploration. Periods of instability and self-focus characterize this stage, allowing youth to experience different roles and to focus on their own interests. Youth also express optimism and hope for the future as they navigate this transition. While emerging adulthood is evident in many sectors of the population, there is less research exploring this experience among vulnerable populations. Research shows vulnerable youth often have a more difficult path to adulthood, possibly setting them on a path to continued disadvantage in adulthood (Osgood, Foster, Flanagan, & Ruth, 2005; Settersten & Ray, 2010). Foster youth represent one such group, whose cumulative disadvantage and institutional transitions during this time create greater cause for concern. Evidence is strong that foster youth experience high rates of difficulties during this time period (e.g., Berzin, Rhodes, & Curtis, 2011; DeMarco & Berzin, 2008; Dworsky & Courtney, 2010; Goerge et al., 2002; Hook & Courtney, 2011), yet little is known about how they conceptualize and experience this transition in relation to the characteristics of emerging adulthood. This study uses qualitative interviews with youth who are emancipating from foster care to understand their experience of emerging adulthood in comparison with our conceptual understanding of this developmental period.

Emerging Adulthood

In recent years, there has been a shift to a more extended transition to adulthood, due in part to demographic shifts, including delays in marriage and parenting, and increased educational attainment (Arnett, 2004; Settersten, Furstenberg, & Rumbaut, 2005; Settersten & Ray, 2010). The demographic patterns evident in this period allow more time to complete education, become financially independent, develop adult relationships, and acquire skills (Aquilino, 2006; Arnett, 2004). For youth who do experience emerging adulthood, there is an increased opportunity for exploration while being supported by family both financially and emotionally (Schoeni & Ross, 2005). Youth acquire skills to support successful career paths and amass human and social capital (Settersten & Ray, 2010). This development of human, social, and financial capital prepares youth for greater stability and higher status positions as they enter the labor force and establish independent households.

With this longer transition, Arnett (2004) describes a new developmental stage, termed, “emerging adulthood,” that represents neither adolescence nor adulthood. During this stage, it is common for youth to experience five distinct characteristics: (a) feeling in-between adolescence and adulthood, (b) instability, (c) identity exploration, (d) self-focus, and (e) optimism (Arnett, 2004). While these characteristics have been seen across groups, subsets of the youth population (e.g., youth from homes with lower socioeconomic status, youth who are racial or ethnic minorities, and those who have experienced violence) experience different or accelerated paths to adulthood (Bynner, 2005; Foster, Hagan, & Brooks-Gunn, 2008; Johnson, Berg, & Sirotzki, 2007; Johnson & Mollborn, 2009). This causes some concern that not all segments of the population receive the benefits of this new developmental phase.

Foster Care Youth and the Transition to Adulthood

One population that has been of particular concern is youth who are transitioning out of the foster care system. The child welfare system serves more than 400,000 youth with close to 28,000 youth emancipating from foster care and an additional almost 25,000 having emancipation as a case goal each year (U.S. Children’s Bureau, 2011). Emancipation, also called “aging out” is defined as the age at which the formal relationship of the state to the child under guardianship is ended. Emancipation, therefore, represents a definitive end to a child’s time in care and the end of services. Since 1998, the percentage of youth who leave care through emancipation has grown steadily from 7% to 11% in 2010 (U.S. Children’s Bureau, 2011).

Many youth who age out of foster care face significant challenges, and without the connection to supportive networks their chances of success in adulthood weaken. In fact, much research indicates that youth who emancipate from foster care experience poor outcomes, such as homelessness, unemployment, unplanned pregnancy, low educational attainment, legal system involvement, and substance abuse (e.g., Berzin et al., 2011; Courtney & Dworsky, 2006; Courtney, Terao, & Bost, 2004; Hook & Courtney, 2011). The extant research stems from four types of studies, (a) cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis of youth post-care; (b) secondary analysis of national, representative data sets, (c) administrative data linked to youth in the child welfare system, and (d) qualitative studies of foster youth experience.

Longitudinal research by Courtney and others (see Courtney & Dworsky, 2006; Courtney et al., 2011; Courtney et al., 2004) provides a comprehensive look of the experience of young people exiting the child welfare system in three Midwestern states. Using longitudinal data, this study followed more than 600 foster youth from ages 19 to 26 (Courtney et al., 2011). The results suggest the youth have faced difficulties in emerging adulthood compared with youth in the general population, and that extending care to age 21 is associated with gains in some areas.

Research from this study and others suggest difficulties related to self-sufficiency and employment for this population. Studies report foster youth have lower employment rates and lower earnings than other youth (Courtney & Dworsky, 2006; Courtney et al., 2011, Goerge et al., 2002; Pecora et al., 2006, Reilly, 2003). Difficulties establishing self-sufficiency are also tied to housing outcomes, which provide challenges for youth in this population. Foster youth struggle with housing issues related to both homelessness and housing stability (Berzin et al., 2011; Courtney et al., 2011; Pecora et al., 2003).

Former foster youth also report challenges related to substance abuse and legal involvement. Researchers have documented high rates of substance abuse issues among this population (Shook et al., 2011; C. R. White, O’Brien, White, Pecora, & Phillips, 2008). Studies also find that rates of legal involvement, including arrests, jail time, and convictions are higher for foster youth than other youth in the population (Courtney et al., 2011; Courtney et al., 2004; Reilly, 2003).

Recognizing the need to support older foster youth, the Chafee Foster Care Independence Act of 1999 provided states the funds to design and implement independent living services for foster youth. Expanding on that legislation, the Fostering Connections to Success and Increasing Adoptions Act 2008 (FCA) strengthened the link between permanency and older foster youth. Focusing on relational permanency in the form of increased reunification with biological families or adoption for youth who are in the care of the state, this legislation provide enhanced opportunities and incentives to support permanency for older foster youth. The legislation also allowed for federal reimbursement of foster care maintenance payments for eligible youth who remain in care after age 18. States are starting to support foster youth to stay in care past 18, allowing them the support of the state system while they make the transition to adulthood. The policy context is beginning to acknowledge the need for a more gradual transition to adulthood for foster youth.

However, for the large numbers of youth who age out of the foster care system each year without permanent interpersonal connections and social and emotional support, the policies and programs for these youth mostly emphasize independent living skills and self-sufficiency (Howard & Berzin, 2011). Many scholars and advocates question emancipation as a case goal and the assumption that youth preparation should emphasize independence (Bussiere, 2006; Propp, Ortega, & Newheart, 2003; Smith, 2011). They advocate for models that support interdependence and more gradual emergence from the foster care system into adulthood. Providing foster youth with opportunities to develop supportive relationships and community connections becomes a priority rather than independence and self-sufficiency. The emerging adulthood literature supports this gradual shift into adulthood and acknowledges the lengthened transition that many youth experience (Arnett, 2004).

With large numbers of foster youth experiencing this institutional shift at the same time as emerging adulthood, it becomes critical to understand their experience. While we know that foster youth suffer from negative outcomes during this transition, little research has examined their conceptions of adulthood and the similarity of their experiences to other youth in emerging adulthood. Research that deepens our understanding of these issues may shed light on opportunities to better support this population.

The current study seeks to provide a richer understanding of the experience of foster youth during this period and to provide the youth voice in describing this experience. Rather than focus on negative outcomes for this population, the study seeks to understand the following:

Do foster youth experience the five characteristics of emerging adulthood as defined by Arnett (2004), (a) feeling in-between adolescence and adulthood, (b) instability, (c) identity exploration, (d) self-focus, and (e) optimism? Is there experience of these five characteristics influenced by their foster care history and experience?

How do foster youth define adulthood? Is this definition influenced by their child welfare involvement?

Through this study, current and former foster youth discuss their perspectives on emerging adulthood, and how this is impacted by their foster care experience.

Method

Participants

Youth in the study (N = 20) were recruited from two community-based programs that serve children who are making the transition out of the child welfare system. The programs include youth who maintain dependent care status in the child welfare system and youth who have emancipated from foster care. The first program provides general resources and support to help youth who are making this transition. Youth are served in their community and at a community advocacy center. This program serves up to 75 youth at any 1 time. The second program specifically targets youth who are transitioning out of the child welfare system and are attending college. The program provides campus housing, general transition support, as well as college preparatory and college-level academic support to 20 youth. Ten youth were recruited from each program. Youth recruited through flyers that were posted at the sites. The researcher also spent several days at each site to recruit participants. Youth self-selected to participate.

The two programs represent a broader population of foster youth making the transition to adulthood, but only include youth who are receiving services. Comparisons were drawn between the participant groups but were not seen in relation to their experiences of emerging adulthood, and therefore the groups are not separated for this study.

Participants included 14 males and 5 females, ages 18 to 21.¹ There was racial diversity, including 11% White, 47% Black, 16% Hispanic, 21% multi-racial, and 5% who identified as another race. Over half of the youth (58%) were enrolled in college, 16% were still in high school, and another 21% had less than or equal to a high school diploma/General Educational Development (GED). Youth spent an average of 9.47 years in care. Fifty-three percent of youth in the study lived in five or fewer foster homes, whereas 47% lived in more than five. When asked about their connection to the child welfare system, 68% agreed that they still felt connected regardless of legal status (this was a subjective measure), and 53% said that they had not yet “aged out” of care.

Data Collection

Data were collected using qualitative, semi-structured interviews. The interviews included open-ended questions and several questions that utilized Likert-type scales. Interviews were collected by two research assistants and lasted 45 to 60 min. Interviews were audio-recorded and later transcribed. All interviews were conducted on the site of the two transition programs. Interviews were conducted between November 2011 and March 2012. All participants received a US$20 gift card for participation in the study.

Interview Questions and Measures

Interview questions were grouped in three distinct sections, (a) adult identity and adulthood, (b) emerging adulthood, and (c) demographic characteristics.

In the adulthood section, participants were asked about their transition out of the child welfare system and about being an adult. They were asked to consider their own adulthood and what characteristics are most important as markers of adulthood. Questions included, “Do you consider yourself an adult?” “What makes you an adult?” and “What does it mean to be a successful adult?” Using Arnett’s (2001, 2004) work on conceptions of the transition to adulthood, participants were asked to rate 14 criteria for adulthood using a 3-point Likert-type scale (not very important, somewhat important, and very important). Criteria included the following:

Establishing a stable place to live

Finishing school

Having a stable career

Being in a committed, long-term relationship (or being married)

Having children

Being financially independent

Making decisions for myself

Being able to independently take care of myself physically

Being able to independently take care of myself emotionally

Accepting responsibility for your actions

Deciding on your own beliefs and values

Avoiding risky or unsafe behavior

Being above age 18

Being above age 21

The emerging adulthood section relied on Arnett’s (2004) five-part conceptualization of emerging adulthood, asking questions about feeling in-between, identity exploration, instability, self-focus, and optimism. All questions were open-ended. Questions included the following:

Feeling in-between: As you said earlier, you feel like you are an adult, adolescent, in-between (reference what they said)? How have you made this transition? If still say adolescent, say how do you plan to make the transition to adulthood?

Instability: Have you had plans in relation to work, education, love, and relationships? Have these plans changed over the past few years? And been revised? What has led to these revisions or shifts?

Exploration: During this transition, have you had the opportunity to explore different roles and identities? In work, education, love, relationships, and worldviews? What has supported this opportunity to explore, try different things?

Self-focus: Do you make the majority of decisions about your life? How do you see your role in relation to others, family, community, friends? Are you self-sufficient? How would you describe self-sufficiency? Is this a goal?

Optimism: Now as you think about your future, do you feel optimistic? What do you feel optimistic about?

The demographic and history section was included at the end of the survey to document basic facts about the participants. Information was collected on age, gender, race/ethnicity, marriage, children, number of placements in care, current living arrangements, and education.

Data Analysis

Following transcription, data were transferred into HyperResearch qualitative software for analysis. Data were analyzed using Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) methodology (Hill, Knox, Thompson, Williams, & Hess, 2005; Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). CQR can be useful to document irregularly occurring phenomena and “inner experiences,” and provides a rigorous methodology to support analysis (Hill et al., 2005; Hill et al., 1997). Stemming from grounded theory and comprehensive process analysis, it is primarily constructivist with elements of postpositivism (Ponterotto, 2005). CQR examines multiple versions of reality, but looks for common realities across participants. Typically using one semi-structured interview, it views the participant–researcher interaction as mutual, but sees the researcher as discovering the participant’s belief, rather than one of co-construction (Hill et al., 2005). It is a methodology used to explain and understand themes that emerge from the literature rather than focus on discovery stemming from the interview process (Ponterotto, 2005). As this study sought to understand themes of adult identity and emerging adulthood, as conceptualized in the extant literature (e.g., Arnett, 2001; Shanahan, 2000), CQR provides the qualitative structure to support this analysis.

CQR relies on three primary steps: (a) developing and coding responses from interviews into domains, (b) constructing core ideas from the material within each case, and (c) conducting cross-case analysis to develop categories or patterns that describe core ideas (Hill et al., 1997). The consensus process, critical to CQR, involves a team of researchers analyzing the data and arguing to consensus to come to common coding. Consensus is used at each stage of the analysis process.

Using CQR methodology (Hill et al., 1997), the research team, consisting of the principle investigator and two research assistants, studied the methodology and literature related to the study. Each team member began by independently coding six individual case transcripts to identify domains. The team then met to discuss consensus for the coding. A consensus version for each of these six transcripts was created. The remaining transcripts were each coded by one researcher. Content for each domain was then summarized into core ideas. Core ideas for six of the transcripts were coded by multiple researchers and reviewed for consensus. Each of the other transcripts was coded for core ideas by one researcher. Following coding of each individual transcript, the team worked on cross-case analysis to generate categories that describe groups of core ideas. Cross-case analysis was done as a team to generate consensus of these patterns/themes across cases.

The Likert-type-scale questions were analyzed by examining means for the responses on each indicators of emerging adulthood. These data were used to explore what characteristics are considered most important by study participants.

Results

Similar to most youth in this age group, youth in this sample express a sense of emerging gradually into adulthood, in which adolescent and adult roles blend and continue to be revisited. As one youth expressed, “I am an adult . . . at the same time, I am still learning, still a child.” Emerging adulthood is about these transitional experiences in which adolescents move toward being independent adults. In Arnett’s (2004) characterization, particular experiences are common in emerging adulthood, including feeling in-between, instability, independence, self-focus, and optimism. For foster youth in this sample, these experiences are shared with other youth, but are shaped by their unique experience of having been in the foster care system. The results section explores these five elements of emerging adulthood and the patterns associated with foster youth experiences from the data. A final part of this section explores how foster youth in this sample defined adulthood.

Feeling In-Between

As one youth reflected, “there are times when I feel like I just need to be a teenager . . . cause sometimes its stressful just thinking that you have to be an adult.” Feeling in-between is a reflection of the experience of not fully being an adult, but also not fully being a child or adolescent. For youth in this sample, more than two thirds share this experience of feeling in-between adulthood and adolescence. A pattern that emerged was foster youth describing that they feel like both an adult and a teenager at different points.

This experience, while common to other youth in this age group seems to reflect their distinct experience of being in care. A core idea that was evident across youth (n = 11) was feeling like an adolescent when they have to follow the rules of the child welfare system or when they have to ask for help or support from that system. As Sherri² describes, she feels like an adult when she realizes she has no curfew, no one to report to, and adult responsibilities. She does not feel like an adult when she feels “watched” in the program. She continues,

Growing up in the foster care system and being in all these foster homes I wanted to give up a lot and I didn’t want to go to school, and I hated school. So, me deciding to finish high school, and then to go even further and make it to my second year of college is major for me . . . I see (my sister) struggle, and for me to be able to look at her and learn from her struggles so that I don’t make those mistakes, and make my life better, I feel like that makes me an adult, and teaches me a lot about what I want as I grow older.

Keyshawn describes,

I don’t feel like an adult when it comes to DCF, when they say, you’re still in DCF custody. And, when I feel like I have to follow some of their rules. Because, there are certain rules where I feel like I know what I have to do, and what I have to go by, and it’s like, I feel like when I turned 18, why should I have a curfew? I should be able to set my own curfew, as a good curfew.

This sentiment was heard over and over as other youth talked about accepting help from the child welfare system or following their rules as indicative of being in-between childhood and adulthood. For youth in the study, feeling in-between is not only about being in-between adolescence and adulthood but also about being in-between the child welfare system and independence from that system.

Other youth describe feeling in-between in relation to maturity and having fun with friends. As one youth describes, she feels like an adolescent when she is “with friends and just enjoying time and not worrying about things.” For these youth, “having fun,” “being unproductive,” “following friends’ actions,” and “goofing off with friends,” all are indicative of being adolescents. However, these same youth also describe times when they feel like an adult, such as taking care of bills, cooking, cleaning, and appointments. Thirteen describe feeling like an adult when taking care of themselves and their responsibilities.

Instability

Common to emerging adults is a sense of instability, which allows for shifting choices in love, work, and housing (Arnett, 2004). Emerging adults revisit plans and adjust as opportunities are presented. These shifts create a sense of instability, but also allow for the type of identity exploration that may support youth in building stronger pathways and supports to long-term goals. For youth in this sample, instability was quite familiar. Patterns emerged in which youth who discussed instability often in terms of experience with unstable housing and lack of consistent adult support. Fifteen youth talked about housing instability and multiple placements. Instability had been the norm for many of the youth, with 9 having lived in more than three homes during childhood and several of them (n = 5) having lived in more than six homes. Stable housing became a critical goal, rather than experiencing frequent transitions in housing as an indicator of the freedoms of emerging adulthood in the general population. As one youth said, “If you are not financially stable, than you won’t have a place to live, and that is the most important thing.” Even when housing was stable, youth were concerned about the long term. As Eric explained, “my housing feels stable, but it is just for now,” and Tony echoed the same sentiment that living with friends currently, he “doesn’t really have a certain place.”

Instability was also viewed in relation to career choices and goals. There was an increased sense of defining goals as the youth matured into adulthood. They were narrowing in on choices for career rather than viewing instability as an opportunity to try different paths. This realization that education and a strong career were necessary for the future seemed to be happening for several of the youth during this time (n = 11). As Cassie said, “I originally just wanted to do high school and be done, but that changed, I just matured.”

Identity Exploration

Arnett (2004) says, “exploration and identity go hand in hand” (p. 12). For youth in emerging adulthood, this experience of instability is often what allows them to explore different living arrangements, locations, careers, educational opportunities, relationships, and worldviews. Through this exploration, emerging adults develop and solidify their identities in terms of careers, relationships, and personal values. For youth in this sample, rather than focus on the opportunities provided by the openness to explore during this stage, a common core theme was their desire to move to more stable settings and more predictable futures. Although the view of instability seems closely aligned with the foster care history, a more mixed experience was evident around identity exploration.

As young people often develop multiple roles during late adolescence and the transition to adulthood exploring identity becomes a critical task. A pattern emerged among youth that identity was explored but that practice opportunities were limited. Many of these youth expressed opportunities for identity exploration around career, love, and worldview. While development varied based on individual and area, clear opportunities to think about personal self and roles were evident. Youth were less able to articulate practice opportunities to explore identity, particularly around career exploration. The process for many youth was one of thinking about career options and choosing career goals, but with limited engagement in mentorship, internships, jobs, or other practice opportunities. While 15 youth discussed career goals and plans, only four talked about opportunities for internships, mentoring, career counseling, or work experience. The process of identity exploration is also thought to include worldviews, beliefs, and attitudes, though youth in this sample did not express this as part of their current experience.

Less than half of the sample talked about opportunities to consider love and relationships as they develop their adult identity. Many expressed a desire to focus on themselves at the present time and a concern that relationships would distract them from reaching goals. As Lena expressed,

I haven’t done that (explored relationships), because I say even though I know I am going to get married, at this time, I say that if I put myself into the relationship it will wear me out because first of all, I need to focus on myself first, like what will benefit me, and if I establish myself, that’s when I can handle relationship stuff.

Love was described as something to want when you are older and more settled, as one youth explained, “That stuff is 10 years down the road.” Chris does not want to get married or fall in love until “I’m 40 because then you have the wisdom to go into something like that.” There is a guarded sense that relationships might cause additional hurt, energy, and effort; many felt it may not be worth the risks at this point.

Self-Focus

Self-focus is another characteristic common to the experience of emerging adults (Arnett, 2004). While this experience may be new for many segments of the population, many of the foster youth in this sample (n = 9) share a core experience that their own self-focus is a consistent pull between their responsibility to their families and to themselves. They view family issues as a distraction from focusing on themselves and their goals. One youth described focusing on herself as “taking a break” from her family because “it’s not helpful or positive for herself.” Another youth described this dual responsibility to take of herself and her family, as focusing on herself, “but also always making sure everybody else is okay at the same time.” Gabriela described,

I’ve been so worried about other people I’m now just worrying about myself . . . Like, I do things for other people before I do things for myself, and I’ve kind of had to tone down on that to really focus more on myself.

While Arnett (2004) talks about self-focus as an opportunity to be free of daily commitments and obligations to others, freeing youth to explore their own identity and goals, foster youth continue to maintain a dual obligation to themselves and their families.

Self-focus is also discussed as an opportunity to pursue goals, schooling, and taking care of one’s needs. Julian explained,

I put myself first and, I don’t know if that kind of sounds selfish or not, but, it’s like, I have to better myself before I can help anybody else. That’s just the way I see it . . . I look out for myself just because of my past and, like, I never really . . . I try, anyway, not to rely on other people for that reason.

Optimism and Possibilities

Arnett (2004) characterizes emerging adulthood as a stage in which youth are optimistic. It is the “age of possibilities” when the future is open and the potential is limitless. For foster youth, this set of possibilities may be constricted by past experience and opportunities that are available. Nevertheless, 16 youth in this sample expressed optimism and a sense of hope for the future. In fact, patterns in the data suggest that the youths’ past experiences gave them confidence for success and belief in the fact that they were going to “make it.” Julian explains,

I’m pretty hopeful with it. Um, I feel like I’ve come a long way. Um, so far, I haven’t failed at anything. I, I’m not the type of person to quit unless I absolutely have to . . . I’m just not the type to just give up, so I feel like I will become successful!

Some youth felt confident in their goals and are hopeful that things will “be better in a few years . . . There are potential stumbling blocks, but I’m still striving to be more.” Lena shares this belief “what I will do now will be what will make my future different, because I always see my future as in my hands.”

This new opportunity, post-foster care, gave them the chance to accomplish their goals. Yet, patterns emerged that demonstrated their realism that the future would be difficult. Eric said,

I feel like I, nothing is easy in life, obviously. I just feel like it’s gonna be a long road, but I know it’s gonna work. I know that I will make it, but it’s just gonna, it’s not gonna be easy . . .

And Alisha said “sometimes I feel positive that it is going to be good, and then other times I worry.” For some youth, the ability to succeed is tempered by a connection to their past. For one youth, the age of possibilities felt limited because of the reality of his past: “you can’t really move on in your future until you’ve let go of your past . . . and it hasn’t been a good past. I think that’s getting in the way of me really living my life.”

Defining Adulthood—It Means Not Asking for Help

While Arnett (2001) describes five characteristics of emerging adulthood, one of the most salient aspects of this transition relates to the definition of adulthood. How youth experience this time period and mark its end is characterized by their assumptions about what it means to be an adult. For foster youth, this experience is related not only to their physical maturity and transition experiences but also by their transition as it relates to the child welfare system. Youth in the sample describe their transition to adulthood as gradual with opportunities for independence and reliance on the system. As one youth said, “Sometimes I sit and think, oh, may be I should ask my social worker. But then I’m like, hold on, I am 20, I am in college, I can take basic care of myself.”

This gradual transition and relationship with the child welfare systems affects their definitions and experiences of adulthood. Most of the youth in the sample (n = 13) felt like adults the majority of the time. Examining 14 criteria, they endorsed financial independence (M = 2.95), independent decision-making (M = 2.95), and being able to care for oneself (M = 2.95; using a scale of 1 not very important to 3 very important) as the most important criteria for defining adulthood.

While the markers, self-sufficiency, personal responsibility, and financial independence, are common for defining adulthood in the general population, the foster youth in this study added an additional element to their definition. Not only does one need personal responsibility and self-sufficiency to be an adult, but asking for help or support means not being an adult. Fifteen participants shared this common notion that adults take care of themselves. The shared pattern reflected the idea that being in foster care and receiving support prevents the youth from becoming an adult. Participants reflected the common idea that when youth move into adulthood, a prerequisite is no longer requiring help and support. One youth described, “aging out of foster care is 21 . . . where I am on my own. You know no help and no support.”

Another youth, James explains,

What makes me adult legally, I’m an adult because I’m 18. But the reason why, I look at it, you’re adult when you start pretty much taking care of yourself, and I’ve been an adult since I was young because I’ve been taking care of myself for a long time now.

Sixteen youth expressed having had to take care of themselves for a long time. As one foster youth described “I’ve basically had to take care of myself.” Their notions of adulthood were embedded in a belief that self-sufficiency was critical, but also that reliance on others was an indicator of not being an adult. Cassie said,

I don’t like to ask people’s help, but . . . if I’m, like, need it, need it, need it, then yea, I will, but . . . most of the time, I do not ask nobody to do anything because I know I can do it myself. I just don’t want to. But, like, that’s why I have to, like, I have to do it myself, to . . . be, like, more independent and depend on myself.

For many youth in the sample, being able to do things yourself and without reliance on others was a prerequisite for adulthood.

Discussion

This study advances our understanding of the experience of emerging adulthood for youth who are aging out of the child welfare system. Current scholarship has focused on youth outcomes in emerging adulthood (e.g., Berzin, 2008; Courtney & Dworsky, 2006; Osgood et al., 2005) and begun to understand youth experiences as they relate to resilience (Samuels & Pryce, 2008), relationship networks (Samuels, 2008), and general experiences of this transition (Geenen & Powers, 2007). However, research has not examined foster youth identity development during this phase as it relates to concepts of emerging adulthood.

Existing research suggests that emerging adulthood has advantages for youth, as they are able to build human, social, and financial capital to support them in adulthood (Osgood et al. 2005; Settersten & Ray, 2010). Disadvantaged groups who experience accelerated paths to adulthood may, in fact, miss out on these opportunities, further disadvantaging them in adulthood (Foster et al., 2008; Johnson & Mollborn, 2009).

Our findings suggest that foster youth do, in fact, experience many of the characteristics of emerging adulthood, but are affected by their unique foster care experience as well. Foster youth report a gradual transition to adulthood and a feeling of being “in-between,” yet this experience is intimately tied to being in care. Their experiences of the child welfare system reflect an understanding that support from this service system is commensurate with being a child, and being free from the system is about being an adult. While youth in the general population continue to have parental support during emerging adulthood to assist with this transition (Schoeni & Ross, 2005; Surjadi, Lorenz, Wickrama, & Conger, 2011), foster youth express that support from the child welfare system actually affects their ability to be independent. Foster youth view help from the child welfare system as an impediment to independence rather than a natural part of this transition. Many express a desire to be free from this system in order to establish themselves as adults, rather than embracing this support as part of a gradual transition in which youth “emerge” into adulthood. Even for the youth in this study, who were connected to support systems through their involvement with these programs and many who were in college, they still expressed their reluctance to continue to accept help as they move toward adulthood.

Given this frame, foster youth are left with a choice of help from the system, which they view as treating them like children, or adulthood that is free from support. The child welfare system may provide youth with functional support, including financial support, housing, tuition assistance, and employment assistance, but may also provide critical relational support through child welfare professionals. Social workers, foster parents, program directors, counselors, mental health providers, and other professionals provide youth with emotional and appraisal support, in addition to instrumental and informational support. Youth in this study continued to receive these resources as they are connected to programs.

However, this view that adulthood requires a break from this system and from these supportive relationships may cause foster youth to prematurely lose these support systems that other youth are receiving during this time. This dichotomy between support and independence creates unrealistic expectations for self-sufficiency (Collins, 2004). For foster youth, the concept of emancipation is one that has a definitive end point and represents a stark legal contrast. Youth in the general population experience this transition gradually, and continue to return to familial support throughout their lifetime. This is exemplified in the patterns of home-leaving and returning during emerging adulthood. In one study, 30% of youth returned home after leaving (DeMarco & Berzin, 2008), while other research shows over 50% of youth return home (L. White, 1994). On the contrary, foster youth have to make a complete break from the child welfare system at some point. Youth who exit foster care often maintain relationships with their family of origin following emancipation (Collins, Paris, & Ward, 2008; Wade, 2008), but do not have the same opportunity to return to the child welfare system for support. Even as some services are expanded beyond age 18, support from the child welfare system eventually ends for all youth.

Implications

While policy and practice implications are not clear, this study continues to suggest a need to build a system that promotes interdependence and support rather than complete independence following emancipation (Bussiere, 2006; Propp et al., 2003; Smith, 2011). Even for youth in this sample who are gradually becoming more independent of the child welfare system, they still face an abrupt end to service provision and inability to get continued support as they enter adulthood. Helping youth develop and sustain positive relationships with support outside the system becomes critical as they prepare for emancipation.

For youth in this study, the notion of independence resonates and seems to be a primary goal. While non-foster care youth express similar goals of independence and personal responsibility as critical for adult status, youth in the general population also experience continued support even following independence (Arnett, 2004). Results from this study suggest that the practice and policy context must help foster youth to find ways to support broader notions of independence, allowing them to seek help when needed. Avery (2010) calls into question the appropriateness of “independence” as a goal for youth in the child welfare system and the independent living skills programs (ILSP) they are provided with. Youth sentiments in this study complement her findings that the current policy and practice lens has led young people to identify adulthood as independence, and independence as not needing help. This conceptualization misses the critical connections that are imperative for success (Arnett & Tanner, 2006; Baker, 2000; Howard & Berzin, 2011)

Study implications also suggest the inadequacy of the current ILSP for preparing youth for adulthood. While youth were not asked explicitly about ILSP involvement, their discussion of identity development brings into question current practice. As echoed by Collins (2004), ILSP needs to go beyond life skills training. Youth in this study were able to talk about opportunities for identity exploration and personal triumphs as they develop roles for adulthood. While the personal exploration was a major theme, it was not rooted in actual opportunities to “practice” these identities. Internship and practice-based experiences can be critical for acquiring occupation-specific skills and social connections to support labor market entry (Gault, Leach, & Duey, 2010; Scholz, Steiner, & Hansmann, 2004). Practice and policy prepares youth leaving care with independent living skills that include concrete and discrete skills, such as opening a bank account, cooking a meal, finding a job, and obtaining housing (Lemon, Hines, & Merdinger, 2005). These skills are important, but we may be missing an opportunity to connect youth with real opportunities to explore their professional interests and build capital to support marketability. Current independent living skills classes are not sufficient to prepare youth for this transition (Geenen & Powers, 2007). These programs should support identity development in career and relationships, as well as provide real opportunities to practice these skills.

Youth in this study expressed a desire to work hard to reach their goals, and had a shared optimism about the future. These youth are not pessimistic, but instead use past experiences to fuel their optimism and self-confidence. They are realistic about the hard work ahead of them to reach their goals and dreams. As one youth said, “I work today to make tomorrow better. I feel great about my future.” Seizing on his motivation and wise words, we have a responsibility to work today to create better policies and programs to support future foster youth in emerging adulthood.

Limitations

While the study provides insight into the experiences of foster youth in the sample, the study is limited in generalizability to the larger foster care population. Youth in the sample were connected to service systems and may not represent youth who are truly disconnected. In addition, more than half of the participants were in college, again limiting generalizability to the foster care population. These factors may skew the results to youth who have slightly better experiences of emerging adulthood and more support to help them through this process. Additional research could share the voice of foster youth without these supports to better understand the emerging adulthood experience.

A further limitation was related to data collection and availability. The study utilized a single interview, perhaps limiting the ability to see the youth’s complete perspective. Although self-report helps us understand the youth perspective of these experiences, these perspectives were limited by the single time of the report.

The CQR method helps to reduce bias among researchers during the analysis phase (Hill et al., 2005). This method was utilized by the researchers in the study. However, an auditor was not available as an additional check on data coding. While this is a limitation of our use of CQR, the trustworthiness of the analysis was strengthened because of our use of the consensual coding process with three researchers.

Conclusion

This study sought to understand the experience of older foster youth in emerging adulthood. Foster youth expressed similar characteristics around identity development, self-focus, instability, and optimism that are experienced by other youth in the population (Arnett, 2004). However, the youth experiences were also characterized by their foster care history and unique connections to the child welfare system. The child welfare system has an opportunity to better support youth as they make their transition to adulthood, and to provide them with resources and supports they might not otherwise have. Longitudinal analysis that could follow youth through emerging adulthood could enhance our understanding of how this period supports positive pathways to adulthood, and how the child welfare system could better facilitate this transition. For foster youth, they are challenged with the current dichotomy of a gradual transition/emergence into adulthood and a finite end to foster care services through emancipation. Their experience suggests a need to rethink these frames and find ways to support youth as they make this gradual transition. This study provides early insight into how that might be possible and how we can better support youth during this period.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors gratefully acknowledge the contributions of the program directors from the study sites. Their work and effort supported the recruitment and data collection. The authors also express appreciation for the study participants who willingly shared their experiences of foster care and emerging adulthood.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Author Biographies

Stephanie Cosner Berzin, PhD, is an associate professor and chair of the children, youth, and families concentration at the Boston College Graduate School of Social Work. The mission of her research is to enhance our understanding of how the family, school, and neighborhood context affect development for vulnerable youth, and to support social sector agencies in expanding their capacity for innovation. She has served as principle investigator for several studies related to child welfare and youth transition and was awarded the Frank R. Breul Memorial Prize for outstanding contribution in Social Service Review in 2009 for her research in this area.

Erin Singer, MSW, is a current PhD candidate at Boston College’s Graduate School of Social Work. Her research involves exploring contexts and protective factors that promote positive youth development among vulnerable and marginalized youth, specifically those emancipating from long-term foster care, and sexual and gender minorities.

Kimberly Hokanson is a current MSW student at Boston College’s Graduate School of Social Work who previously worked at a residential treatment center and Texas Child Protective Services. Her interests include children’s relationships with and experiences of the child protective systems.

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