Peer Influences on Adolescent Body Image: Friends or Foes?

Abstract

The aim of this study was to investigate how peers influence adolescent body image, and whether this influence was positive and/or negative from young peoples’ perspectives. One hundred and eleven adolescents aged 13 to 18 years from the Republic of Ireland participated in this study, in 17 focus groups. Data were analyzed using a thematic analysis approach. Findings demonstrated that peers have an overwhelming negative impact on adolescent body image, and consequently, health. Both boys and girls revealed that the peer environment is characterized by a significant pressure to conform to appearance expectations, and deviations from such expectations lead to negative peer experiences. Positive peer influences were also revealed but to a far lesser extent.

Keywords

Body image peer influences adolescents qualitative methods Ireland

Body image (how one sees, thinks, feels, and acts toward his or her physical appearance; Cash & Smolak, 2011) and body dissatisfaction (the extent to which one experiences displeasure with the whole or specific parts of his or her body; Kimber, Georgiades, Jack, Couturier, & Wahoush, 2015) are well-recognized issues of concern for adolescents. In Ireland, a national survey examining adolescents’ perceptions of and attitudes toward body image revealed that 43% of participants aged 10 to 21 years were dissatisfied with their body image (O’Connell & Martin, 2012). Moreover, cross-sectional studies in Ireland revealed that 81% of girls and 55% of boys aged 12 to 18 years reported a desire to alter their body shape (Lawler & Nixon, 2011), while 13% of non-overweight children, aged 10 to 17 years, reported that they were on a diet (Kelly, Molcho, & Nic Gabhainn, 2010). Furthermore, poor self-image (i.e., how individuals perceive themselves and how others perceive them) is the leading contributing factor negatively impacting the mental health of adolescents aged 12 to 18 years in Ireland (McEvoy, 2009).

Body image perceptions and experiences differ for both boys and girls during adolescence. Research studies have indicated that girls experience greater body dissatisfaction than males during this period, in both cross-sectional (Kantanista, Osiński, Borowiec, Tomczak, & Król-Zielińska, 2015; Lawler & Nixon, 2011; Meland, Haugland, & Breidablik, 2007; Xu et al., 2010) and longitudinal studies (Eisenberg, Neumark-Sztainer, & Paxton, 2006). In addition, more specific gender differences have been identified with regard to body image behaviors and concerns. Research has shown that girls are more likely than boys to engage in general appearance conversations (Jones, Vigfusdottir, & Lee, 2004; Lawler & Nixon, 2011); whereas boys are more likely to engage in appearance conversations related to muscularity (Jones & Crawford, 2006). Moreover, Jones and colleagues (2004) found that appearance criticism from peers was the strongest direct predictor of body image dissatisfaction among boys but not among girls. Lawler and Nixon (2011) found that girls report greater internalization of appearance ideals than boys. The sources of appearance pressure also differ for boys and girls. Xu et al. (2010) found that peer pressure to increase muscle bulk among boys predicts body dissatisfaction, while pressure to lose weight from peers, adult relatives, and the media predicts body dissatisfaction among girls. Boys and girls also differ in terms of the body ideals they aspire to achieve. Specifically, boys tend to value a muscular, lean, and fit ideal, while girls primarily value thin and fit ideals (Birbeck & Drummond, 2006; Clark & Tiggemann, 2006; McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2003; Tatangelo & Ricciardelli, 2013). In addition, weight perceptions differ for boys and girls. Research has found that girls are more likely than boys to perceive themselves as overweight (Standley, Sullivan, & Wardle, 2009), while boys are more likely than girls to perceive themselves as underweight (Currie et al., 2012).

A variety of models and theories have been developed and used as theoretical frameworks to help identify which and how certain factors may affect adolescent body image development and concern. The Tripartite Influence Model of Body Image and Eating Disturbance is one such model (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999), and was drawn upon in the current study, which posits that peers, parents, and the media influence body dissatisfaction via internalization of body ideals and appearance comparison. Since its development, the model has been consistently supported among adolescent girls (Keery, Van den Berg, & Thompson, 2004; Papp, Urbán, Czeglédi, Babusa, & Túry, 2013; Shroff & Thompson, 2006) and boys (Rodgers, Ganchou, Franko, & Chabrol, 2012; Smolak, Murnen, & Thompson, 2005). Although peers are recognized within this framework, there is a general lack of qualitative research focusing on peer influences and adolescent body image.

This is surprising, given that the time spent with, value given to, and influence of peers increase significantly during adolescence (Brown, 2004). As such, peers have the potential to impact and shape adolescents’ views of their bodies. From peers, adolescents learn about their own and others’ appeal by directly observing and comparing themselves to the physical attributes of their peers. They also learn what body images are associated with social privilege and popularity (Carey, Donaghue, & Broderick, 2014). Furthermore, the peer environment provides them with a forum to discuss and reinforce appearance-related issues, to share appearance-related behaviors (Carey, Donaghue, & Broderick, 2013, 2010; Clark & Tiggemann, 2006; Jones, 2004; Jones & Crawford, 2006) and to single out and/or criticize those who do not conform to specific appearance ideals. Overweight/obese adolescents may be particularly susceptible to peer influences, given that they experience greater levels of body dissatisfaction (Caccavale, Farhat, & Iannotti, 2012; Calzo et al., 2012; McCabe, Ricciardelli, & Holt, 2010) and sociocultural messages to lose weight, in comparison with their healthy/underweight peers (McCabe et al., 2010). Peers also have the potential to positively impact adolescent body image by providing support to those who experience difficulty coping with their changing physique and/or to those who are subjected to appearance-related teasing and criticism from other peers.

Indeed, studies to date have highlighted some of the mechanisms through which peers influence body image. Specifically, Carey et al. (2013) found that body comparisons with peers significantly mediate the relationship between the endorsement of thinness norms and body image concern among adolescent girls, while Jones (2004) found that appearance conversations and appearance comparisons with peers were significant predictors of change in body dissatisfaction among adolescent girls over a 1-year period. In addition to appearance comparisons and conversations with peers, Paxton, Eisenberg, and Neumark-Sztainer (2006) found that the dieting habits of one’s peers and peer teasing were prospective risk factors for body dissatisfaction over a 5-year period. Barker and Galambos (2003) found that being teased by one’s peers was a significant risk factor for both boys’ and girls’ body dissatisfaction over a 3-year time frame. Furthermore, Eisenberg, Neumark-Sztainer, and Story (2003) found that peer teasing is associated with low body dissatisfaction, low self-esteem, high depressive symptoms, and suicide ideation and attempt among both boys and girls, even after controlling for body weight. Moreover, Lunde and Frisen (2011) found that being a target of peer victimization at age 10 is related to more habitual appearance monitoring and body shame at age 18 among both boys and girls. In addition to the above influences, previous research has shown that peer pressure to engage in body change behaviors predicts body dissatisfaction among both boys and girls (Xu et al., 2010), while peer encouragement to control body weight and shape predicts weight concerns in girls and muscle concerns in boys (Helfert & Warschburger, 2011). Lastly, prior studies have indicated that body image attitudes and weight-loss behaviors among friendship cliques contribute significantly to the prediction of individual body image concern, weight-loss, and eating behavior among adolescent girls (Hutchinson & Rapee, 2007; Paxton, Schutz, Wertheim, & Muir, 1999).

While the aforementioned studies have provided us with a glimpse of the various ways in which peers impact adolescent body image, most of these studies adopted a quantitative approach, and thus do not provide us with an in-depth understanding of the mechanisms and processes through which peers influence body image. Moreover, most of these studies focused on the contribution of a single mechanism or process through which peers impact adolescent body image and/or the contribution of peers to body weight and shape concerns. Other characteristics, related to body image, such as hair, skin, and teeth, have not been explored.

While a quantitative approach has been frequently used to examine peer influences on body image, qualitative studies in this area are sparse. In the few qualitative studies published to date, peers were included as one variable among many others (e.g., family, self-perception) and were conducted with pre- and early adolescents (Frisén & Holmqvist, 2010; Tatangelo & Ricciardelli, 2013). The current study, however, examines the contribution of peers to body image among early-, mid-, and late adolescents, given that body dissatisfaction increases with age during this life stage, particularly among girls (Bearman, Presnell, Martinez, & Stice, 2006; Olive, Byrne, Cunningham, & Telford, 2012; Paxton et al., 2006). Furthermore, research to date has primarily focused on the negative aspects of body image, and thus has been primarily pathology focused (Tylka, 2011). Consequently, very little attention has been paid to positive peer experiences, a gap this study aimed to fill.

In light of existing literature, the current study sought to explore, through a series of focus group discussions, adolescents’ perspectives on (a) the processes and modes (including behaviors, norms, and attitudes, both implicit and explicit) through which peers influence adolescent body image, and (b) whether this influence is positive and/or negative. A qualitative approach was used to unveil the processes through which peers influence body image. It was hypothesized that negative peer influences would dominate discussions. Specifically, we hypothesized that peer pressure, peer teasing, and peer exclusion would dominate, whereas the positive influences might include peer support and advice to help adapt to adolescent-related body changes.

Differences in peer influences on body image by age and gender were also hypothesized, given that boys report lower levels of body dissatisfaction (Lawler & Nixon, 2011), have a lower risk of developing eating disorders and are less concerned about being thin (Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2004), internalize appearance ideals to a lesser extent (Knauss, Paxton, & Alsaker, 2007), are more embedded in a sporting culture than an appearance culture (Tatangelo & Ricciardelli, 2013) and are less likely to perceive themselves as overweight (Standley et al., 2009) in comparison with girls.

Method

Participants

Seventeen focus groups were conducted with single-gender groups to explore whether opinions and views on the topic differed between males and females. Overall, 111 youth (59 females and 52 males) from second, third, fourth, and fifth year participated in the study. In Ireland, students in second and third year are generally aged between 13 and 15 years, while students in fourth and fifth year are generally aged between 15 and 17 years. This age group was recruited in order to explore the impact of peer influences on body image during early-, mid-, and late adolescence. Participants were predominantly White; only two adolescents were Black. Socioeconomic status was not collected; however, two of the six schools were located in lower class areas. Each school (with one exception) facilitated three focus groups. Schools were recruited from the Irish Department of Education and Science published list of schools to take part in this study. School Principals were contacted and invited to participate in the study. The initial communication was followed up with school visits and phone calls to discuss with each school Principal the nature of the research in greater detail. Upon approval from the respective school Principal, a choice of active or passive consent was given. Letters, consent forms, and information sheets for both participants and parents were delivered to each school by the researcher. Only adolescents who returned a completed parental consent form and who volunteered to take part were randomly selected to participate in the focus group discussion. Adolescents were informed that they could withdraw at any time if they wish. There was no incentive for participation for the schools or students.

Design

Focus groups were selected as most appropriate for measuring the peer context as they are intended to facilitate naturalistic discussion among participants in a nonthreatening environment. We anticipated that focus groups would better reflect the ways in which adolescents interact with one another, in comparison to one-to-one interviews, where researcher observation of group interactions is absent. Furthermore, focus groups were considered an appropriate means of gaining insight into how peer influences unfold in the peer environment, directly linking to the aims of our study. In addition, focus groups empower participants to drive the discussion, often taking the research in new and unexpected directions (Tiggemann, Gardiner, & Slater, 2000). This was deemed particularly suitable for the current study, given that few studies used a qualitative approach to examine peer influences on adolescent body image.

Focus Group Interviews

The focus groups were conducted by the first author, with a moderator present for note taking to aid the subsequent transcription process. All focus groups were conducted in an empty school classroom provided by the school principal. On average, focus groups lasted approximately 45 minutes and included six to eight participants who were in the same year at school. Each focus group commenced with a short introduction by the researcher and agreement of ground rules. Ice breakers were used to allow the participants to become as comfortable with the question process as possible (Krueger & Casey, 2009). Focus group questions were developed by the study investigators who had previous experience in constructing and conducting focus groups with children and adolescents. In addition, the study investigators consulted with an independent expert in body image and qualitative methodology to review the questions developed. In total, six questions were developed (see the appendix), in accordance with the guidelines provided by Krueger and Casey (2009). This article focuses on two questions: “How do you think peers influence body image?” and “Do you think this influence is positive and/or negative?” All questions were supplemented by clarifying and probing questions to elicit further discussion.

Three pilot focus groups were conducted with a convenience sample of students (n = 19) aged 13 to 18 years from one of the participating schools, to discern the appropriateness and sequencing of the questions; to establish if any key issues were omitted and to ascertain the length of the focus group sessions. No changes were made to the question sequence and content after the pilot, thus the data were used for the main study. This study received ethical approval from the Institutional Human Research Ethics Committee.

Data Analysis

From the tape recordings and notes created by the moderator, the focus groups were transcribed verbatim by the first author and analyzed using an inductive thematic approach (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Initially, the first author became immersed in the transcripts, by repeatedly reading and listening to each focus group in order to grasp what the participants had said about the research topic. In addition, the first author constructed descriptive accounts of each focus group discussion, to afford the last author the opportunity to take note of any inductive codes and themes. The first author continued the process by examining the transcripts, paragraph by paragraph, and developing initial codes (as closely related to the raw data as possible) for interesting features. The qualitative software package QSR NVivo 10 was used to facilitate the coding process. Codes that reflected similar ideas and that were prevalent throughout the transcripts were collated and grouped into seven themes and 18 subthemes. However, in line with Braun and Clarke’s (2006) suggestions, we did not solely rely on frequency in the search for our themes. Rather, some themes were built from segments that were not necessarily the most prevalent, but, together with the other themes, they captured important features of the way in which peers influence adolescent body image.

The potential themes and subthemes were then reviewed to ensure that they corresponded to the coded extracts (Level 1) and entire dataset (Level 2). During this process, the number of main themes remained the same; however, some of the subthemes were combined, given that they reflected overlapping ideas, a process that resulted in 11 subthemes. Throughout the analysis, meetings were held between the authors to discuss the codes, subthemes, and themes and to reach a consensus on the final themes. Once the themes had been identified, a third researcher, with experience in qualitative research, read through a random sample of the focus group transcripts (seven of the 17 focus groups; 41% of the transcripts). For each of these transcripts, she formed an opinion on which themes she believed were present. Interrater agreement of 85% between the first author and third researcher was found. The final step involved selecting compelling extract examples which were believed to best summarize the main patterns and key findings of the data.

Concurrent to the thematic analysis, a thematic model of the peer influence process was developed as part of this study. This model was guided by the themes that emerged from the analysis.

Results

Seven major themes and 11 subthemes emerged from the thematic analysis. Each theme and associated subthemes are described in detail in Table 1, with quotes to illustrate them. A thematic model (see Figure 1) further illustrates the proposed process by which peers influence adolescent body image.

Table 1.

An Outline of the Themes, Subthemes, and Examples of Participant Quotes.

Themes	Subthemes	Examples of participants’ quotes
Theme 1: Peer modeling	Reasons for peer modeling	(Boy, third year) If there’s clothes that everyone else is wearing you wouldn’t want to be the only one not wearing them. You know you’d try to fit in, not be the odd one out. Like when you kind of standout you’d be like an easy target and you’d be teased.
Theme 1: Peer modeling	Peer comparison	(Girl, fourth year) Your friend could be like, not even a 6, it could be a size 8 and you could be a size 10 and then you would be so self-conscious that you’ll try and be better. You’d try every little thing, like eating less food or healthier food, do more exercise, to be the same.
Theme 2: Pressure to conform	Appearance ideals, rules, and motivation	Ideals: (Boy, fourth year) They put pressure on you to get the body they think is right, like soccer players, skinny strong and muscley.
		Rules:(Girl, second year) They’d set a limit . . . am . . . at a certain size and if you weren’t that size people would slag you and they’d call you fat or whatever and people would kind of follow them, so everyone would be that size then.
		Motivations:(Girl, fourth year) If a boy likes a girl with blonde hair, who’s skinny tall and tanned, you’d try to get skinny, blonde hair and you’d be doing sunbeds to try and get tanned and just try be the way they want you to look.
	Appearance-related behaviors	(Girl, second year) They would just be like . . . “Do you want to come to like the gym with me” or “Do you wanna’ do a diet with me? It’s a really good diet” and . . . like they’d say, “No don’t bring in any lunch or you don’t need lunch money like it doesn’t matter . . . Like just have half your dinner and that’s it like.”
	Peer conversations	(Boy, fifth year) Gaining muscle and looking thin, there’s a bit of pressure in it. Because they’d be just like, “Oh yeah I went to the gym today, lifted 100 kgs, so massive, you know” and then you’d follow it.
Theme 3: Peer surveillance	Constantly surveilled and criticized	Constantly surveilled(Girl, fifth year) Everything you do is pretty much watched, like you hair, your make up, your body weight. Everyone comments on everything you do.
		Constantly criticized(Boy, fifth year) If you’re too skinny you’re being called skinny. If you’re big and strong you’re called too big like so there’s no pleasing them.
	Girls are worse than boys	(Girl, fifth year) You have to impress girls more than you have to impress boys because they are more bitchey than boys are . . . ‘Cause like boys love girls but girls hate each other so they are bitching, putting you down ten times more than boys would be.
Theme 4: Failure to conform	Peer teasing	(Boy, fifth year) It’s mostly slagging that’s the negative really . . . people saying you are too skinny or your hair isn’t right and saying you’re not strong.
Theme 4: Failure to conform	Peer exclusion	(Boy, second year) Like if you were kind of fat they wouldn’t really like talk to you. They’d leave you out of all the games and say picking teams for a match you’d always be the last picked just because you’re fat and you weren’t sporty.
Theme 5: Health consequences		(Girl, fourth year) If people constantly teased you from a young age, like it’s gonna’ stay in your head as a teenager, it’s not gonna’ go away, and it’s hard to live with like, like you keep sayin’ it to yourself’, if you see like your reflection, you keep saying it to yourself.
Theme 5: Health consequences		(Boy, second year) If a person who was overweight, was in a group of fellas who were like, pure skinny they’d all slag him for being overweight and then . . . they can’t help it, like, they’ll get like really upset over it at some stage but they won’t show anyone else. And then it’ll go down to like, self-harm or suicide.
Theme 6: Positive peer influences	Peer encouragement	(Boy, fourth year) If you were a bit fat, they might push you to lose a bit of weight and become fitter . . . and they’d try and help you.
	Peer compliments, opinions, and advice	Compliments(Girl, fourth year) If you’re wearing a new outfit and someone said to you “Oh you look lovely today” that’s going to immediately boost your confidence and you’re going to want to dress like that more often.
		Opinions(Girl, fourth year) If you like a certain thing and other people don’t like it, they’ll say to you straight away, “You don’t look nice in that top.”
		Advice(Boy, fifth year) They can kind of help you improve your looks because, like you want to look good and if you’re not, you’d appreciate their help like in telling you how you could look better.
Theme 7: Age and gender differences	Age	(Boy, fourth year) It’s very important to look the same as your peers at a younger age, going into secondary school because it will help you, like going on with like relationships, friendships later on. And once you get older you start to think, “Well I can wear this because I like this” and aaah people will respect you, that’s because you’re independent, you’re yourself and you’re older and more mature. When you’re younger, ju’ know, it’s good playing it safe, and wearing the same clothes as everybody else.
Theme 7: Age and gender differences	Gender	(Boy, fifth year) I know from talking to my sister and stuff, she’s in an all girl’s school and her peers make comments about people’s hair. They’d make comments about how they look, they’d make comments about absolutely anything, like small things, had they got their hair in a plait or a bob.

Figure 1.

A thematic model illustrating the proposed process in which peers negatively influence adolescent body image.

Theme 1: Peer Modeling

In each of the focus groups, the desire to be similar to one’s peers was raised by many of the adolescents. Their reflections on this first theme are summarized in the following two subthemes: (a) “Reasons for peer modeling” and (b) “Peer comparison.”

Reasons for peer modeling

The adolescents repeatedly reported that peer similarity facilitated peer inclusion, helped maintain peer friendships, and enhanced peer approval and acceptance. In particular, high-status peers, that is, perceived popular peers and peers with the most desirable attributes (good looking/in good shape) were predominantly copied by the wider peer environment. They also articulated that looking like their peers increased self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem and helped reduce peer victimization. According to the adolescents, those who differ in their appearance are subjected to peer teasing and exclusion. Peer competition was also mentioned as a reason for copying peers. Both boys and girls claimed that they copied their peers to ensure that they looked better than them.

In an attempt to achieve peer similarity, the adolescents expressed that they modeled their friends and peers’ hair and clothing styles, hair color, body weight and shape, piercings, and specific to girls, their makeup, eyebrow shape, and tanning habits. The girls also reported that they model peers who receive the most verbal compliments regarding their appearance from others and who receive the most “likes” on Facebook. Apparent across all groups of girls was the belief that peers with “stick thin figures” received the most attention, and that modeling such an appearance would increase their likelihood of receiving similar levels of attention on Facebook. However, digitally altered (“photo-shopped”) photos posted by peers on social media placed the girls under pressure to heighten their social desirability, which in turn appeared to arouse self-presentation and appearance concerns.

Peer comparison

Body weight and shape comparisons were used by the adolescents to approximate how closely they resembled the appearance of their peers. However, methods of comparison differed by gender. Weight and clothing size comparisons with peers were most often used by the girls, while hair style, muscularity, and sporting ability comparisons were the most common points of peer comparison for boys.

Theme 2: Pressure to Conform

The second theme highlights the appearance norms and expectations adolescents are expected to conform to for their peers. Their reflections on this theme are summarized in the following three subthemes: (a) “Appearance ideals, rules, and motivations,” (b) “Appearance-related behaviors,” and (c) “Peer conversations.”

Appearance ideals, rules, and motivations

The adolescents repeatedly highlighted that they are expected to conform to specific appearance ideals and rules for their peers. According to the boys, an aesthetic-athletic body ideal (which consisted of being slim, strong, and muscular) is the most widely accepted image among peers and is also perceived to be a requisite for sports participation. According to the boys, conforming to such an ideal helps minimize peer exclusion and teasing, both on and off the sporting field. They also mentioned that they had to conform to the latest hair and clothing styles worn by their peers.

The girls gave more detailed descriptions of the appearance they were expected to conform to for their peers. This included having long hair, a pretty face, tanned flawless skin, white teeth, thick eyebrows, and being “perfect.” When asked to describe the meaning of perfection, it was described as having “a thigh gap,” “collar bones and hip bones,” and being able to “fit into a size 0.” The girls were further prompted to define the term “a thigh gap,” which was delineated as “Your legs aren’t touching in between even though your feet are because you’re so skinny.” According to the girls, those who attain such attributes are the most popular and are often appraised by their peers (e.g., they are labeled “God” and “perfect”). Although the girls were aware that such aspirations were unrealistic, they nonetheless felt bad about themselves for not conforming to the ideal image endorsed by their peers. Common to both, however, was the desire to be fit, which was described as being “thin” and “healthy” by the boys and being “healthy,” “a pure stick,” “exercising more,” and “losing weight” by the girls. For boys, however, fitness was strongly linked to sports functionality, whereas girls most often associated fitness with being and looking thin. In addition, some of the boys expressed concerns regarding the narrow body ideal girls are expected to conform to for their peers.

Furthermore, the peer setting appeared to reinforce rules and limits regarding the appearance adolescents were expected to conform to for their peers. The adolescents reported that peer acceptance was enhanced for those who conformed to peer rules concerning appearance, while peer rejection, teasing, and judgment were prevalent for those who resisted them. The adolescents claimed that peers executed rules that predominantly concerned how someone should look, weigh, and dress. Certain rules were sex specific (e.g., How girls should shape their eyebrows?), and others were weight specific (e.g., overweight adolescents were “forbidden” from wearing clothing items such as belly tops, given that their weight status did not conform to the body ideals held by their peers). Consequently, the adolescents reported that they invested a lot of time in their appearance to ensure that they adhered to peer rules and expectations.

Interestingly, the adolescents outlined their motivations for adhering to appearance rules and ideals set by their peers. For girls, there was a strong perception that adherence to a thin beauty ideal was mandatory to attract male attention. One girl stated that boys choose “A girl who’s skinny, she has to have very good looks,” and that personality was not as high a rating factor as looks “They wouldn’t go for the personality or anything.” Furthermore, the girls reported that they feel obliged to wear revealing clothes to heighten their probability of receiving male attention. The manner in which the girls felt they had to dress for boys was depicted by one girl as “wearing a Hollister tracksuit bait onto your ass” and by another as “showing off as much flesh as you can.” Furthermore, some of the girls in this study expressed that boys’ apparent preoccupation with thin attractive girls was due to peer pressure from their same-sex peers. Despite this awareness, the girls in our study admitted that they nonetheless conform to or alter their looks to an appearance they believe receives the most male attention among their same-sex peers. Similar to girls, the boys expressed that they conformed to a muscular body shape and gelled their hair to heighten female attention but also to fit in and avoid being targeted by stronger peers.

Appearance-related behaviors

Consequently, conforming to such narrow appearance ideals and rules appeared to give rise to the use of health-compromising behaviors. The adolescents outlined that appearance-related practices such as dieting, dietary restraint, purging, excessive exercise, and muscle enhancement behaviors are used by adolescents to conform to body-related expectations held by peers, and use of such behaviors is encouraged by peers. Furthermore, they emphasized that peer encouragement to lose weight intensifies when a social event is approaching. Moreover, many girls agreed that dieting attempts by thinner peers made them feel they ought to be dieting, while both boys and girls indicated that appearance-related behaviors are frequently exercised as a group activity; as something that adolescents do together in order to consolidate peer relationships and confirm or enhance the continuation of peer acceptance.

Peer conversations

Peer conversations concerning appearance also placed the adolescents under pressure to conform to specific body ideals and had a negative impact on how they viewed themselves. The occurrence of “fat talk” (which involved complaining about weight and discussing weight-loss regimes or achievements) placed them under immense pressure to engage in dieting and/or muscle enhancement behaviors. Discussing the appearance of peers, particularly in their absence, also negatively impacted how the adolescents viewed themselves. Being spoken about or fear of being spoken about appeared to exacerbate the pressure of conforming to an appearance perceived as “acceptable” by peers. However, smaller peer groups were perceived to minimize the occurrence of peer discussions that concern the appearance of others.

Theme 3: Peer Surveillance

Peer surveillance, which appeared to occur more subtly than other peer influence mechanisms, also impacted how the adolescents viewed themselves and behaved in accordance with appearance expectations. Being constantly surveilled by one’s peers appeared to give rise to self-policing tendencies, to ensure that appearance expectations were being met. Adolescent reflections on this third theme are summarized in the following two subthemes: (a) “Constantly surveilled and criticized” and (b) “Girls are worse than boys.”

Constantly surveilled and criticized

The adolescents expressed a strong sense of frustration that they were being constantly surveilled and scrutinized by their peers. Being surveilled by one’s peers appeared to coincide with feelings of fear of potential rejection and criticism, and exacerbated appearance concerns within the peer context.

Common to both girls and boys was the view that peers perpetually focused on the negative aspects of one’s appearance. Acknowledgment or recognition of one’s admirable physical attributes appeared to be a rare occurrence; rather they are intentionally ignored or criticized. Furthermore, the girls outlined that their peers always manage to find appearance flaws, regardless of how perfect one appears to be. Thus, it is unsurprising that the adolescents felt frustrated by the impossibility of impressing their peers. According to the adolescents in this study, the school setting provides ample opportunities to surveil the appearance of peers, particularly during physical education (PE) classes, where their appearance is more exposed (e.g., in changing rooms/swimming class). However, who the adolescents surveilled appeared to differ by gender. The boys asserted that they surveilled peers from older years at school who were successful at sports; whereas the girls surveilled peers they perceived as being the “prettiest” within the peer environment.

Girls are worse than boys

Both boys and girls expressed that adolescent girls surveil and criticize the appearance of other girls more frequently than boys. However, the girls also mentioned that boys surveil the appearance of girls but to a far lesser extent.

Theme 4: Failure to Conform

The adolescents in our study stated that those who deviate from appearance norms and ideals are at greater risk of receiving negative attention from their peers. Their reflections on this fourth theme are summarized in the following two subthemes: (a) “Peer teasing” and (b) “Peer exclusion.”

Peer teasing

The adolescents claimed that peer teasing occurs for a variety of appearance-related reasons. In particular, boys predominantly mentioned that they are teased by their peers for not conforming to a muscular body shape, and to how others dressed and styled their hair. They also mentioned that they are teased about their skin complexion. The situation appeared to be worse for girls, who reported that they are teased if they fail to meet certain weight criteria, if their makeup is not applied satisfactorily or at all times, if their skin presents itself with flaws, if their teeth aren’t straight and pristine white, and if they have a hair color their peers don’t approve of. The adolescents also reported that overweight peers are stigmatized and experience teasing and exclusion more frequently than non-overweight peers. The boys stated that overweight peers are largely excluded during PE classes at school, because they are regarded as “fat,” “not sporty,” “slow,” and “unfit,” while the girls stated that failing to conform to a “size 0” or “the perfect size” was associated with peer exclusion and teasing. Interestingly, both boys and girls stated that overweight peers are stigmatized and teased; however, some claimed that overweight peers can be protected from peer teasing if they have a “nice personality.”

Furthermore, the adolescents delineated that weight-related teasing in particular perpetuates the thin and fit ideal, and that teasing experiences have a negative impact on body image. They also highlighted that underweight peers are also subjected to teasing due to their underdeveloped physique. In addition, they claimed that they are judged by their peers if they fail to conform to certain clothing styles and quality. Although the adolescents labeled it as “being judged” or “judging,” it appeared to take place through teasing mechanisms such as “pointing,” “laughing at you,” and “throwing dirty looks.”

Moreover, there was a strong sense among the adolescents that their peers were intolerant to appearance diversity. This evoked a sense of frustration for some because they felt it compromised peer individuality. The adolescents emphasized that young people should “be themselves” and should not be “forced” to conform to the appearance of their peers. Despite such an attitude, the adolescents in our study claimed that they protected themselves from negative peer experiences by altering their appearance to one that does not look different from their peers. Only a small number of adolescents perceived that there was no harm in looking the same as others because they felt it gave young people a sense of belonging in the peer group they were part of.

Peer exclusion

According to the adolescents, failing to conform to peer rules and ideals results in peer exclusion. Specifically, the adolescents outlined that being overweight was a significant risk factor for peer exclusion.

Theme 5: Health Consequences

The adolescents reported that overconcern with body image could be taken to “the extreme” as a result of negative peer influences. The extreme behaviors mentioned include self-harm, suicide, binge eating, social isolation, and extreme weight-loss and exercise behaviors. Furthermore, negative peer experiences appeared to stimulate feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, low self-esteem, paranoia, and depression. Interestingly, the adolescent girls mentioned that negative peer influences affect the entire person and how they view themselves. Furthermore, the girls outlined that the consequences of negative peer experiences may not be irreversible and/or can act as a precursor for negative health outcomes for adolescents in subsequent years.

Theme 6: Positive Peer Influences

Adolescents’ views on positive peer influences were also sought as part of this study. Their opinions on this sixth theme are summarized in the following two subthemes: (a) “Peer encouragement” and (b) “Peer compliments, opinions and advice.”

Peer encouragement

Peer encouragement to lose weight and to get fitter, stronger, and more muscular was perceived as a positive peer influence among adolescent boys. Peer encouragement to lose weight was believed to be most beneficial to overweight peers. In particular, accompanying overweight peers to the gym or on runs was perceived as providing social support, and thus a positive form of peer influence. Interestingly, peer teasing was also perceived as having a positive impact on overweight peers because it further encouraged them to lose weight and get fit.

Peer compliments, opinions, and advice

The adolescents in our study perceived that peer compliments and advice had a positive impact on their body image. They claimed that peer compliments increase self-esteem and self-confidence, and for some, offered reassurance that appearance expectations had been met. However, the girls mentioned that personality played a role in whether girls viewed compliments as having a critical undertone, while others made it explicitly clear that peer compliments are far from guaranteed. They stressed that compliments are only given to those who dress and act accordingly to peer preferences and expectations concerning appearance, thus, indicating that positive peer influences only exist for those who obey appearance expectations.

Furthermore, genuine and/or honest peer advice was perceived as a positive peer influence, particularly when making decisions regarding the outfits one should wear for social events or when out clothes shopping together. However, some did not consider their peers to be as promising a source as others did, due to peer jealousy. The girls stated that jealousy may underlie a peer opinion, whereby calculated advice is offered concerning how one looks/what one wears, to ensure they looked better than their friend(s). The boys on the other hand did not perceive peer advice as being false, rather peer advice was spoken about in a positive manner.

Interestingly, the adolescents again pointed out that peer advice was most beneficial for those who are overweight, as it prevents them from looking bad in the presence of others and may motivate them to lose weight and become fit. However, both boys and girls mentioned that peer honesty regarding weight could inadvertently be hurtful at times.

Theme 7: Age and Gender Differences

The final theme outlines the age and gender differences the adolescents pointed out. Interestingly, the age differences were only articulated by the boys in this study. Older boys articulated that it was important to copy peers and conform to their expectations at a younger age, because it helped form new friendships, particularly when transitioning to a secondary school. They also expressed that, as adolescents age, they become more mature and independent; thus, peers are not as influential in terms of body image perceptions. They articulated that peer diversity is respected rather than criticized at an older age. However, the younger boys stated that peer similarity was of paramount importance in order to fit in with surrounding peers.

Gender differences were also apparent among the adolescents in this study. First, the body ideals that boys and girls strived to conform to for their peers were highly gendered. Boys claimed that they had to meet a slim, yet muscular body shape for their peers, whereas girls had to achieve extreme thinness to be approved of and accepted by their peers. The boys articulated that they felt pressured by their peers to go to the gym to attain a muscular body ideal, and to support certain hair and clothing styles worn by their peers. In contrast, girls appeared to be influenced by their peers to diet and exercise in order to achieve extreme thinness. Second, methods of peer comparison appeared to differ for both boys and girls concerning the body ideals they strived for. Girls appeared to compare themselves to their peers in terms of weight and clothing size, while boys seemed to compare themselves to their peers in terms of hair styles, muscularity, and sporting ability. Lastly, methods of peer surveillance differed by gender. The boys expressed that they surveilled their peers at school, while girls appeared to surveil their peers via the photos they posted on social media and in school. Our findings now reveal that it is important to consider the gender and age differences when examining peer influences in future body image studies.

Discussion

This study sought to examine the impact of peers on adolescent body image in Ireland. Given that this is one of the first studies to exclusively examine peer influences on body image using a qualitative approach, we constructed a model relating to our aims. The initial stages of the thematic model were guided by the themes and subthemes that emerged consistently across the dataset. Upon closer examination, it became clear that certain themes had an impact on other themes, and a pattern began to emerge. The emergent pattern did not, however, consist of all the major themes and their associated subthemes. Rather, it appeared to be associated with the themes relating to how peers negatively impact adolescent body image. Efforts were made to seek out whether all the major themes (both positive and negative) could be included in one model; however, the opposing influences did not seem to be well connected. Perhaps, this lack of connection is linked to the explicit separation of both positive and negative peer influences made by the adolescents during the focus groups, and their tendency to favor discussion related to how peers negatively impact body image. As such, including both positive and negative influences in the same model was deemed inappropriate and misrepresentative of their views. In light of this, a decision was made to include the themes and subthemes that related to negative peer influences in the model.

Each aspect of the proposed model signifies a mechanism in which peers negatively influence adolescent body image, with each mechanism having an impact on the next or possibly the former. Given this pattern, the peer influence process is deemed cyclic in nature. However, whether the chain of cyclic events begins at a certain point, or whether the cycle is uni- or bidirectional is not yet clear. The proposed model, therefore, does not seek to declare the exact direction of the peer influence process and how it impacts body image. Furthermore, it is not intended to be a generalizable empirical model; however, further studies could lead to testable models, and we encourage its evolution. Although further exploration is needed, our model is the first of its kind to propose that the peer influence process may be cyclic in nature, with respect to body image.

In summary, the model proposes that adolescents model the appearance of their peers in order to conform to specific appearance ideals and rules inherent in the peer environment. The pressure to conform to peer expectations is further intensified by the use of surveillance activities, which serve to detect those who conform or fail to conform. Adolescents who fail to conform are subjected to negative peer experiences, such as teasing, judging, and exclusion. In order to avoid the negative peer sanctions associated with failing to conform, adolescents model the appearance of their peers in order to address appearance deviations or to ensure deviations do not exist. From here, the cycle of events continues in a cyclic order once again. For the remainder of the discussion, the major themes will be discussed in light of existing literature.

Our study is the first to highlight the role of and reasons for peer modeling. The adolescents in our study modeled the appearance of their peers in order to achieve peer similarity. Consistent with social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954), which suggests that individuals use information about others to derive conclusions about the self, body weight, and shape, comparisons were used by the adolescents to approximate how closely they physically resembled their peers. Furthermore, social media outlets were used by the girls to self-compare with peers; with such comparisons having a negative impact on their body image. Previous research connecting social media usage and body image concerns among Australian adolescents found that high levels of Facebook usage are related to appearance comparisons, weight dissatisfaction, and increased drive for thinness (Tiggemann & Miller, 2010). Similarly, research with female high school students in the United States found that Facebook users had higher levels of self-objectification and made more appearance comparisons than did nonusers (Meier & Gray, 2014). Findings from the current study and previous research therefore clearly show that social media usage may have a negative impact on adolescent girls’ body image, and represents a forum through which peer comparisons are made. Our study however extends previous findings, by explaining the reasons for peer comparisons. The adolescents claimed that peer comparisons, through social media, or otherwise, are made in order to seek out whether their appearance resembles that of their peers and conforms to the strict ideals inherent within their peer environment.

Unfortunately, peer similarity was not easily attainable, due to the extremely narrow ideals one was expected to conform to for their peers. The appearance ideal girls were expected to conform to was consistent with Western feminine beauty ideals, described frequently in the body image literature (Diedrichs, Lee, & Kelly, 2011; Tatangelo & Ricciardelli, 2013): a predominantly thin, fit, and flawless (hair, skin, makeup, teeth) ideal. The boys also claimed that they strived toward very specific ideals, in order to conform to the narrow preferences of their peers. Specifically, they conformed to an ideal that boasted their strength, muscularity, and sporting skill, and furthermore, they mentioned dressing and styling their hair in a similar way to their peers. Although males previously claimed that they place less importance on appearance ideals and are protected by a greater diversity of appearance ideals presented in the media (Diedrichs et al., 2011), our study shows that boys experience a pressure, similar to girls, to conform to very specific ideals when in the presence of their peers, and only one specific ideal is appraised.

Furthermore, both boys and girls claimed that they conformed to the aforementioned ideals in order to impress opposite-sex peers. As such, their views further substantiate the objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) by demonstrating that adolescents as young as 13 years, in this study, clearly viewed and valued themselves based on their physical appearance, and treated themselves, to some extent, as objects for male/female gratification.

Appearance rules, which included how one could/should look, and peer conversations pertaining to appearance issues or the appearance of others also appeared to place the adolescents under an increased pressure to conform to specific ideals. Health-compromising behaviors were drawn upon in order to satisfy peer rules and expectations. In previous studies, adolescents’ motivation to draw upon such behaviors has been largely associated with their own desire to alter their body shape (Hutchinson & Rapee, 2007; McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2003; McCabe, Ricciardelli, & Holt, 2005; Paxton et al., 1999); however, it is clear from our study that such behaviors are used to conform to peer expectations/rules, and even worse, are encouraged by peers. According to the adolescents, this encouragement particularly intensifies when a social event is approaching. Unlike previous research, where desires to lose weight for social events stemmed from adolescents’ self-motivated interest (Mooney, Farley, & Strugnell, 2009; Paxton et al., 1999), the adolescents in our study reported that their weight-loss attempts were a result of peer pressure.

Aligning with previous research (Carey et al., 2013; Clark & Tiggemann, 2006; Jones, 2004; Lawler & Nixon, 2011; Taylor, 2010), appearance conversations were associated with negative body image perceptions. It is likely that adolescents do not realize the extent to which these apparently casual conversations may inadvertently impact how their peers view themselves. Perhaps, sharing and openly discussing appearance-related issues or the appearance of others with peers may be teaching them how they should feel about their own bodies and how to implement restrictive appearance practices in order to conform to peer ideals.

The pressure to conform to strict appearance expectations was further heightened by intense surveillance activities used by peers. Such activities appeared to instill a great sense of fear among the adolescents, given that peers tended to predominantly focus on one’s negative appearance attributes. Consistent across both boys and girls was the view that girls are more actively engaged in peer-policing tendencies than males, and thus are more critical of and derogatory toward the appearance of their peers. This finding contradicts previous qualitative research conducted with American adolescents, who reported that boys surveil and criticize adolescent girls’ appearance more frequently than girls (Taylor, 2010). It is unsure from our study whether appearance objectification trends are changing for adolescents, in that girls objectify one another to a greater extent than boys objectify girls; however, it would be worth exploring in future body image research. Theoretically, it has been proposed that women experience appearance objectification most often by males (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997); however, our research indicates that girls are also evaluated on their appearance and subjected to habitual appearance monitoring by their female peers. To the best of our knowledge, this is one of the first studies to explicitly highlight the prevalence of appearance-surveillance activities within adolescent peer cultures; thus, the discrepancy between both studies requires further exploration. Although more implicit in nature than other peer influences, our study clearly indicates that peer surveillance arouses feelings of fear and provokes feelings of appearance uncertainty among adolescents. Furthermore, it allowed adolescents to observe and/or single out those who deviate from appearance expectations. Consistent with the deviance hypothesis (Pearce, 1989), those who failed to conform, under the critical gaze of their peers, were subjected to peer exclusion, criticism, and teasing.

In particular, the adolescents maintained that it was socially acceptable to exclude overweight peers, given their divergence from explicit appearance rules and expectations. In contrast to previous research, whereby adolescents highlighted that overweight girls are teased and subjected to weight stigma experiences more frequently than overweight boys (Taylor, 2010), the adolescents in our study stated that both overweight boys and girls are teased and excluded by peers. Weight-related teasing perpetuated the thin and fit ideal among the adolescents in our study; and consistent with other studies (Barker & Galambos, 2003; Paxton et al., 1999; Thompson et al., 2007) had a negative impact on their body image. Although it is clear that weight deviations are associated with negative social sanctions in the peer context, research to date has primarily focused on weight-related teasing experiences among adolescents (Eisenberg, Neumark-Sztainer, Haines, & Wall, 2006; Janssen, Craig, Boyce, & Pickett, 2004; Mooney et al., 2009; Taylor, 2010; Thompson et al., 2007). Our study, however, reveals that weight deviation is not the only appearance attribute associated with peer teasing, judging, and exclusion. Failing to conform to specific clothing and hair styles, teeth color and structure, skin tone and complexion, and body shapes is associated with negative peer experiences.

In an attempt to protect one from undesirable peer experiences, the adolescents claimed that they modeled and conformed to the appearance of their peers, whether or not they wished to do so. Although a lack of peer diversity infuriated some of the adolescents in this study, the majority refused to disobey the appearance culture endorsed within their peer environment. They actively modeled the appearance of their peers in order to achieve peer similarity and avoid negative peer sanctions, bringing us back to the starting point of the proposed model.

Although not included in the model, the adolescents claimed that body image is predominantly impacted by negative peer experiences. As such, it is not surprising that they alluded to the emotional, behavioral, and mental turmoil one suffered as a result. Alarming claims that negative peer experiences may provoke the use of extreme behaviors such as suicide, starvation, and self-harm were highlighted.

This study also aimed to understand how peers positively influence body image, given the acknowledgment that researchers need to focus on positive body image experiences (Diedrichs et al., 2011; Frisén & Holmqvist, 2010). To the best of our knowledge, only one qualitative study has examined the way in which peers positively impact adolescent body image (Romo, Mireles-Rios, & Hurtado, 2016); however, the authors specifically focused on how positive and/or negative peer comments impact body image and further, the study was conducted with mid-adolescent Latino girls only. Our study further contributes to the literature by focusing on adolescents’ perceptions of positive peer influences from a broader perspective with both boys and girls, aged 13 to 17 years.

Our results show that adolescents’ interpretation of what constitutes a positive peer influence is, for the most part, distorted. Peer encouragement to diet, get fit, and lose weight largely constituted their understanding of positive peer influences. Even more surprising was the view that such encouragement was extremely beneficial to overweight peers. Although previous research indicates that peers can motivate overweight peers to exercise and increase their physical activity levels (Salvy et al., 2009), it is possible that this motivation may inadvertently heighten self-image issues for overweight peers. They did however state that peer compliments and advice had a positive impact on their body image, which is consistent with previous studies (Gerner & Wilson, 2005; Romo et al., 2016). Furthermore, the current study sought to examine whether the impact of peer influences on body image differs by age and gender. In line with previous research, this study highlighted that peer influences varied by gender (Carey et al., 2013; Helfert & Warschburger, 2011; Taylor, 2010); however, to the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to highlight that peer influences concerning body image also differ by age. Interestingly however, age differences were only mentioned by the boys, who highlighted that appearance conformity is most important at a younger age because it facilitates peer approval and the formation of new friendships. The gender differences that surfaced centered on the body ideals the adolescents were expected to conform to for their peers and the modes of peer comparison/surveillance used to assess levels of peer similarity.

Although the current study did not aim to examine whether peer influences and their impact on body image differed relative to one’s socioeconomic status, some interesting findings did emerge. Specifically, the adolescents from socially disadvantaged schools reported that they modeled their peers on attributes, such as tattoos and piercings, which were not mentioned by adolescents from other schools. Furthermore, the girls in these schools highlighted that their male peers judged them on the type of underwear they wore. Specifically, they stated that their male peers are “disgusted” by girls who do not wear a thong and for those who fail to adhere to this look are ignored or disregarded. Furthermore, the girls in these schools expressed that girls who have shorter hair are judged and labeled “lesbians” by their peers, as this type of hair style does not conform to their narrow ideals. These findings thus indicate that specific peer influences may be more prominent in socially disadvantaged schools; however, more research is warranted to substantiate these tentative findings.

Limitations and Future Directions

In the current study, Irish adolescents describe distinct and predominantly negative modes through which peers impact body image. However, this study is not without limitations. One such limitation comes from the methodology used. In applying focus group methodology, participation of more withdrawn informants was at times overshadowed by a small number of domineering personalities. However, every effort was made by the interviewer to include the participants from the beginning and probe them on each question asked. In addition, honest disclosure could not be guaranteed, as underlying thoughts and feelings may have been influenced by the presence of other peers and/or the researchers. Furthermore, a time limit of 45 minutes per focus group did not allow for certain issues to be probed in sufficient detail. For example, the exploration of how and why opposite-sex peers and social media outlets impact adolescent body image could have been delved into a little bit deeper. The adolescents made it clear that both forms of influence had an impact on how they viewed themselves; thus, future research that examines these processes is warranted.

Furthermore, it must be acknowledged that the sample could have been biased. Given that body image is a sensitive topic, the sample more than likely represented adolescents who were comfortable discussing the topic at hand and had low levels of concerns themselves. As such, we are unsure whether this impacted the data collected. Another limitation is that the sample predominantly represented Caucasian adolescents, from one setting, in the Republic of Ireland. As a result, the generalizability of the study’s findings is limited. Future scholars could examine whether peer influences on adolescent body image vary across boys and girls from various ethnic and geographic backgrounds to extend and/or corroborate our findings. In addition, we focused on post-primary school students only (whereby youth are generally aged between 12 and 18 years). Given that peers had a predominant negative impact on adolescent body image, a critical direction for future research would be to examine the impact of peers on children’s body image. Would their experience with peers be as negative as the experiences described in this study? Would their peers have an even greater influence on how they viewed themselves? Or would their influence be less extreme than the influence outlined in this study? It would also be interesting to seek out whether the model developed as part of this study applies to or differs for children’s body image.

Another limitation worth mentioning is that the findings of the current study are based on the views and experiences of adolescents from single-sexed schools and single-sexed focus groups. Although this restricts our findings, dividing focus groups by gender facilitated within- and across-group comparisons and enabled us to examine more pronounced differences by gender. Future research, however, should conduct mixed-sexed focus groups in co-educational schools to see whether adolescents’ responses differ, when in the presence of their opposite-sex peers and/or in a mixed-gender school environment. It would be interesting to examine whether adolescents in co-educational schools are more resilient to peer influences concerning body image, or whether they are at an even greater risk due to the presence of their opposite-sex peers.

It is also worth mentioning that the model constructed as part of this study is the first of its kind. Thus, future studies could further explore its use, validity, and directionality with other adolescents/children in order to refine its construction. The rich and complex nature of the current findings suggests several directions for future research concerning peer influences and adolescent body image.

Research Implications

A major contribution of the present study is in demonstrating the specific relevance of the peer context in the determination of body image perceptions and concerns. The adolescents in this study mainly viewed the peer context in a negative manner with respect to body image. They alluded to processes that they engaged in, such as internalizing appearance ideals, self-objectification, and self-comparison, as a result of peer influence. The tendency to engage in such processes seemed to occur as a result of the strict appearance rules executed and the dissemination and/or discussion of appearance-related behaviors and issues within the peer context. Given that previous studies have shown that internalization of appearance ideals and self-objectification are associated with negative body image experiences (Grabe, Hyde, & Lindberg, 2007), our findings have implications for body image concern prevention and intervention programs for adolescents in Ireland.

Prevention and intervention programs could help increase awareness and understanding of the ways in which peers influence body image and undermine body satisfaction. Specifically, the programs could serve to highlight the potential role of peers in creating and reinforcing specific appearance standards in the peer context, and the effects these standards have on adolescent body image, health, and well-being. The programs could also serve to broaden adolescents’ perspectives concerning appearance, by promoting an environment that embraces appearance diversity. Furthermore, results of our study and those of Tiggemann and Miller (2010) show that social media outlets also represent a mechanism in which peers influence adolescent body image. As such, future body image concern prevention and intervention programs need to consider this in their design, so that adolescents are more aware of and considerate toward others on such forums. Specifically, the programs need to teach adolescents that their pictures and appearance information sharing on these forms of media can also pose risks for adolescent body image.

Promoting peer-supportive appearance contexts could also serve to prevent the onset of health-compromising behaviors associated with body dissatisfaction, such as unhealthy eating and exercising behaviors. Furthermore, given that body image begins to develop in children at the age of 6 years (Smolak & Thompson, 2009), it may be particularly crucial to implement prevention programs in primary school settings (whereby youth are generally aged between 4 and 11 years), when cognitions are less ingrained and perhaps more responsive to change than in later life. Nonetheless, results from the current study highlight the important role the peer group imparts on body image among adolescents in Ireland. The success of future intervention and prevention programs may be enhanced if these considerations are taken into account.

Our findings provide strong evidence that peers act as powerful conveyors of appearance ideals for adolescents, by reinforcing and executing specific appearance rules and ideals within the peer environment.

Conclusion

Overall, it is clear that the peer context in which adolescents live today is one in which looks are of paramount importance, support is limited, and pressure to live up to appearance expectations is high. Such a context, unfortunately, does not serve to promote positive body image for adolescents. Perhaps most importantly, it is evident from our study that peers negatively impact body image, and perceptions of positive peer influences are distorted, at least for the adolescents in this study. Consequently, these findings suggest that there is an urgent need to address the impact of peers on adolescent body image and develop programs to teach adolescents how to view appearance in a more holistic manner, to alleviate body image concerns.

Footnotes

Appendix

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Ursula Kenny is a PhD student within the Discipline of Health Promotion at NUI, Galway. Her research interests include body image and adolescent health, as well as food and nutrition after completeing a Bachleor of Nutritional Sciences at the University College Cork, Ireland.

Dr Mary-Pat O’Malley-Keighran is a lecturer in the Discipline of Speech & Language Therapy at NUI, Galway. Mary-Pat has also practiced as a speech and language therapist in a variety of paediatric settings.

Dr Michal Molcho is a sociologist and a senior lecturer in Children Studies, at NUI, Galway. Michal is also a co-PI for the Health Behaviour in School-aged children survey underway at the Health Promotion Research Centre, NUI, Galway.

Dr Colette Kelly is a lecturer in Health Promotion and Director of the BA Social Care programme at NUI, Galway. Colette is also a co-Prinicpal Invesitigator for the Health Behaviour in School-aged children survey underway at the Health Promotion Research Centre, NUI, Galway.

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