The Complexities of Culturally Responsive Organized Activities: Latino Parents’ and Adolescents’ Perspectives

Abstract

Grounded in bioecological theories, this mixed-method article examines aspects of culturally responsive organized activities. Study 1 used path analysis to quantitatively test relations between ethnic cultural features of activities (ways of integrating ethnic culture) and concurrent experiences (N = 150 Latino adolescents). Findings were mixed, such that some features (e.g., teaching ethnic culture) predicted positive (e.g., increased autonomy) and negative (e.g., emotional) experiences. Study 2 disentangled the nuances of ethnic culture by qualitatively exploring perspectives on three features (N = 34 Mexican-origin adolescent-parent dyads): ethnic cultural content, same-ethnic leaders/peers, and Spanish language use. Thematic analysis revealed the complexities of ethnic culture. Some parents and adolescents wanted activities that represented mainstream American culture; others wanted Latino ethnic culture, but were unhappy with the ways it was integrated into activities. Parents and adolescents thought their ethnic culture was misrepresented (e.g., Cinco de Mayo was celebrated as Mexican Independence Day) or represented narrowly (e.g., La Bamba was the school band’s only Mexican song). Findings suggest that integrating ethnic cultural features is not an “all or nothing” decision, and how it is done matters considerably. Families’ perspectives and voice would help ensure ethnic culture is integrated in authentic, preferred ways.

Keywords

culturally responsive ethnic culture organized activities after-school activities Latino Mexicans/Mexican Americans cultural content

Organized after-school activities, including school-based extracurricular activities and community-based programs, are important assets to promote positive youth development (PYD; e.g., Lerner, Lerner, Bowers, & Geldhof, 2015). High-quality activities are places where adolescents should feel safe to explore their identities, feel empowered to voice their opinions, and feel a sense of belonging (Eccles & Gootman, 2002). However, what if activities do not support adolescents in exploring a particular aspect of their identity? What if some adolescents were not welcome to contribute their opinions about the types of activities they do or how they do them? What if some adolescents felt ostracized in their activities and did not find peers with whom they connected? Although organized activities are touted as settings that promote PYD (e.g., Vandell, Larson, Mahoney, & Watts, 2015), some youth report experiencing ethnic discrimination and social marginalization (Lin, Menjívar, Ettekal, Simpkins, & Gaskin, 2016), even in high-quality activities with well-intentioned leaders (Gutierrez, Larson, Raffaelli, Fernandez, & Guzman, 2017).

It is important to understand when adolescents encounter negative experiences in organized activities, as well as how we can design activities that are inclusive and positive settings for all adolescents. Latinos represent one of the largest and fastest growing ethnic groups in U.S. public schools (National Center for Education Statistics, 2017), yet they have the lowest organized activity participation rates (Fredricks & Simpkins, 2012) and have reported negative ethnic-based experiences in activities, such as discrimination (Bejarano, 2005; Gutierrez et al., 2017; Lin et al., 2016). Thus, the overarching goal of the current study is to explore Latino parents’ and adolescents’ perspectives on organized activities to better understand how to design activities that are culturally responsive and that promote positive outcomes for all youth.

Bioecological Perspectives on Minority Adolescents’ Ethnic Cultures and Activities

According to bioecological theories, youth development involves exchanges between individuals and their multiple, nested settings (e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Proximal settings that directly impact development, including organized activities, are shaped by more distal macrosystems, such as culture. Although culture has historically been defined as the behaviors, beliefs, and values of distal settings (e.g., society) which “trickle down” to shape proximal settings, culture is better understood as a feature that directly defines and codifies youth’s proximal experiences (Vélez-Agosto, Soto-Crespo, Vizcarrondo-Oppenheimer, Vega-Molina, & García Coll, 2017). That is, culture comprises the behaviors, beliefs, and values that are part of daily practices and that define the culturally appropriate processes and outcomes associated with development in proximal settings. There is variation in the culture individuals experience within a given setting and in the cultural tool kit that individuals bring into the setting. According to Vélez-Agosto and colleagues’ (re)conceptualization of bioecological theory, organized activities are cultural microsystems shaped by the social relationships and practices that occur within them.

From the bioecological perspective, PYD occurs when the individual and setting are aligned, such that the setting supports the developmental needs of the youth and the youth’s strengths enrich the setting (Lerner et al., 2015). There is much research on the universal features of activities that support PYD, such as supportive relationships, opportunities for belonging, and positive social norms (Eccles & Gootman, 2002). However, for ethnic minority youth, alignment cannot be understood without critically considering their ethnic culture(s) (García Coll, Crnic, Lamberty, & Wasik, 1996; Williams & Deutsch, 2016). The culturally responsive organized activities framework critically considers the features of activities that serve as ethnic cultural supports for ethnic minority youth’s positive development (Simpkins, Riggs, Okamoto, Ettekal, & Ngo, 2017).

Developmental Considerations for Ethnic Minority Adolescents

Ethnic minority youth in the United States are simultaneously navigating mainstream American culture and their native ethnic minority culture(s). One way to support ethnic minority adolescents in organized activities is to intentionally design activities that are responsive to and integrate aspects of minority adolescents’ ethnic culture(s) (Simpkins et al., 2017). However, cultural responsiveness is not about strictly “matching” individuals and activity features in terms of ethnic culture. Rather, being responsive is about being flexible and adaptive to the multiplicity and fluidity of minority adolescents’ ethnic culture(s) and variations in ethnic cultures across settings and time (Simpkins et al., 2017). Being responsive also means being attentive to the vast within-group variation in individuals’ daily engagements, beliefs, and adherence to their ethnic cultures among those who identify with the same ethnic minority group.

Ethnic culture may be particularly salient during the transition to mid-adolescence (~age 12) because the focus shifts from competency or skill development to identity exploration (Erikson, 1968). Mid-adolescence is also when youth begin to consider the meaning of their ethnic culture for their identity (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Activities support development during mid-adolescence because they provide a setting for the intersection of skill development and (ethnic) identity exploration. Activities provide opportunities for minority adolescents to explore their ethnic culture(s) in meaningful ways through the ethnic cultural features present in the structure of the activity (e.g., rules, modes of communication) and in staff practices (e.g., attitudes, management styles) (Simpkins et al., 2017). Building on the work on ethnic socialization within families (Umaña-Taylor, 2001), ethnic cultural features of activities can be overt, such as explicitly teaching about ethnic minority cultural content in the activity, or covert, such as opportunities to explore ethnic minority culture by being around same-ethnic minority individuals or speaking the native language.

Indeed, ethnic cultural features of activities promote PYD among ethnic minority youth, although the bulk of research has occurred in ethnically specific programs (ESPs; Pineda & Nakkula, 2014). ESPs serve a specific ethnic minority group or concentrate on skills or issues relevant to a particular ethnic minority group (e.g., a cultural dance program). Although there is evidence that ESPs support positive outcomes (e.g., ethnic pride; Pineda & Nakkula, 2014), many ethnic minority adolescents participate in a wider range of organized activities, including school-based clubs (e.g., student council) or community-based sports. For clarity, we refer to adolescents’ non-ethnically specific activities as mainstream American activities (hereafter referred to as “mainstream activities”). Mainstream activities often focus on a specific skill (e.g., sports, performing arts) or are general programs serving diverse youth. Although there is little research on the ethnic minority cultural features of mainstream activities, preliminary findings suggest that mainstream activities offer some cultural benefits to ethnic minority adolescents, such as reinforcement of Latino ethnic cultural values (Lin, Simpkins, Gaskin, & Menjívar, 2018).

The Current Mixed-Methods Multi-Study Article

In the current multi-study article, we focus on Latino parents and adolescents as a first empirical test of the culturally responsive organized activities framework (Simpkins et al., 2017). We use mixed methods for the purpose of complementarity (Bryman, 2006). In Study 1, we use quantitative data to test relations between Latino adolescents’ perceptions of ethnic minority cultural features of their mainstream activities and their concurrent activity experiences. As one of the first studies to our knowledge to quantitatively test aspects of ethnic culture in activities, quantitative data were not sufficient to explain these (theoretically) complex processes. Thus, the purpose of Study 2 was to add depth to our understanding of parents’ and adolescents’ perceptions of ethnic cultural features and, as well, to unveil potential convolutions in the role of ethnic culture in minority adolescents’ mainstream activities. As such, the qualitative data in Study 2 help clarify unexpected findings and enhance our understanding of ethnic minority cultural features of mainstream activities.

The quantitative and qualitative phases occurred sequentially, using a parallel sampling strategy to obtain representative samples from the population of Latinos living in the southwest of the United States (Leech, Onwuegbuzie, & Combs, 2011). The samples for each phase were distinct, but came from similar neighborhoods and schools. Within each sample, adolescents and their parents were recruited across multiple schools and neighborhoods in order to capture the variability within Latino families. The quantitative sample included Latinos from various subgroups (e.g., Mexican, Central/South American) in order to achieve a large enough sample size for quantitative tests. The qualitative sample included only Mexican-origin Latinos, which is the largest group of Latinos (64%; Flore, 2017), in order to minimize variation across subgroups and to add depth to our research questions.

As in all research, it is helpful to understand our positionality and, therefore, our lens on the data. The first and second authors are White U.S.-born scholars with expertise in youth’s organized after-school activities. The third author is a first-generation immigrant scholar from Central America who identifies as Latina. The fourth author is a U.S.-born scholar of Mexican descent who identifies as Mexican. The third and fourth authors have expertise in Latino immigration and the development of Latino adolescents, respectively; the native language of both is Spanish. All authors worked as a team having regular discussions to ensure the study was guided by their collective cultural knowledge and expertise. This was a collaborative team project that ensured the study was sensitive and appropriate to the context in which it was conducted.

The research presented in this multi-study article ensured the protection of human subjects by following protocols for approval by the institutional review board at the university where the study was conducted. For each study, we present an abbreviated background and empirical findings, and provide a brief discussion. We conclude with an overarching discussion integrating the findings across the two studies.

Study 1: Relations Between Ethnic Cultural Features and Experiences in Activities

Studies on ESPs provide insight into ethnic cultural features of activities. For example, García and Gaddes (2012) found that an ethnically specific writing program promoted Latino adolescents’ positive experiences, such that adolescents felt intense positive emotions while reading books from Latina authors, which deepened their value of the program and motivation to develop their own writing skills. Moreover, respectful discussions about cross-ethnic group tensions helped adolescents feel supported by their peers and more capable of handling emotions associated with ethnic cultural issues. Although the García and Gaddes study represents one specific activity with a group of ethnically homogeneous adolescents, it provides support for the potential of ethnic cultural features to promote positive psychological and social experiences.

Only one study, to our knowledge, has quantitatively examined outcomes related to ethnic minority cultural features of activities (Riggs, Bohnert, Guzman, & Davidson, 2010). Riggs and colleagues (2010) found that ethnic cultural features of an ESP were linked with positive ethnic identity development among a sample of Latino adolescents. However, there are a few limitations worth noting. First, Riggs and colleagues’ focus was on overall ethnic cultural features and overall adjustment, thereby limiting conclusions about which features accounted for which positive outcomes. Second, it is unclear whether the link between ethnic cultural features and positive ethnic identity development stemmed from adolescents’ experiences within the activity setting or, conversely, whether these associations were the result of selection effects (Vandell et al., 2015). Third, Riggs and colleagues focused on one ESP that served Latino adolescents, whereas Latino adolescents participate in a wide range of mainstream activities as well. Finally, there is substantial within-group variation that should be considered, such that Latino adolescents vary in their orientation toward their native Latino culture (Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010).

In Study 1, we examine two dimensions of ethnic cultural features, namely overt and covert features, and their relations with adolescents’ concurrent experiences across a range of mainstream activities. To account for the variability within Latinos, we tested whether the relations between ethnic cultural features and activity experiences varied by adolescents’ Latino cultural orientation. We expected that ethnic cultural features would be associated with more positive activity experiences for all Latino adolescents and that these relations would become stronger as adolescents’ Latino cultural orientation increased.

Method

Across the 2011-2012 school year, Latino (i.e., at least one parent of Latino descent) and White adolescents were recruited from one middle or junior high school in each of four neighborhoods near a metropolitan city in the southwest of the United States. Three groups of adolescents were recruited: adolescents who participated in a range of school-based activities (e.g., clubs, sports, and arts), community activity participants, and nonparticipants. Adolescents were only recruited from activities that were offered at each of the four schools and that had at least one Latino participant. Once an adolescent was selected, we recruited other adolescents in the activity to join the study (additional adolescents were not recruited from the community activities because the sampling strategy was school-based). Our research questions for Study 1 concerned Latino adolescents’ activity experiences, and thus, our sample for Study 1 included 150 Latino adolescents who participated in an organized activity (see Table 1 for demographics).¹ Adolescents in the sample for Study 1 participated in a range of mainstream activities, including clubs (29%; for example, student council), sports (39%; for example, basketball), and arts (32%; for example, drama).

Table 1.

Sample Demographics Presented by School.

	Overall	School
	Overall	Applereed	Duffie Oak	Mapleleaf	Willow
School characteristics
Grades (no. of students)	—	6-8 (1,030)	6-8 (1,175)	7-9 (830)	7-8 (955)
% Free/reduced lunch	—	15	72	85	50
% Hispanic	—	18	88	92	49
Quantitative sample (Study 1, enrolled in 2011)
Adolescents
N (%)	198	28 (14)	68 (34)	45 (22)	57 (28)
Female, n (%)	107 (54)	18 (9)	34 (17)	25 (12)	30 (15)
Foreign-born, n (%)	33 (11)	3 (1)	9 (4)	15 (7)	6 (3)
Bilingual, n (%)	87 (43)	7 (25)	39 (57)	14 (31)	27 (47)
Age, M (SD)	12.4 (0.57)	12.3 (0.60)	12.3 (0.51)	12.5 (0.63)	12.5 (0.57)
Parents
N (%)	195	28 (14)	65 (33)	45 (23)	57 (29)
Foreign-born, n (%)	121 (62)	9 (4)	48 (24)	34 (17)	30 (15)
Spanish speaking, n (%)	106 (54)	4 (2)	44 (22)	32 (16)	26 (13)
Annual income (Mdn)	US$25,000-US$30,000	>US$60,000	US$20,000-US$25,000	US$15,000-US$20,000	US$25,000-US$30,000
Age, M (SD)	38.3 (6.6)	40.6 (8.1)	38.3 (6.8)	36.8 (5.8)	38.3 (6.0)
Qualitative sample (Study 2, enrolled in 2010)
Adolescents^a
N	34	10	12	12	—
Female, n (%)	18 (53)	6 (60)	6 (50)	6 (50)	—
Foreign-born, n (%)	30 (88)	1 (10)	3 (25)	0 (0)	—
Bilingual, n (%)	18 (53)	1 (10)	6 (50)	9 (75)	—
Age, M	12.66	12.50	13.00	12.50	—
Parents
N	34	10	12	12	—
Foreign-born, n (%)	24 (71)	3 (30)	10 (83)	11 (92)	—
Spanish speaking, n (%)	15 (44)	1 (10)	7 (58)	9 (75)	—
Annual income (Mdn)	US$20,000-US$29,000	US$50,000-US$59,000	US$20,000-US$29,000	US$10,000-US$19,000	—
Age, M	39.60	39.50	38.73	40.08	—

Note. Percentages are of the total sample.

Adolescents in the qualitative sample were stratified by school (i.e., ~30% from each school), activity participation (i.e., ~50% currently participated), and gender (i.e., ~50% female); adolescents who did and did not participate in an organized activity were matched on several factors (e.g., gender, grade point average, proximity to school, and language use) that predict participation (Vandell et al., 2015).

Measures

Adolescents completed two phone interviews that were spaced 3 to 6 months apart and conducted in their preferred language (99% of the interviews were in English). The phone interviews lasted approximately 60 to 90 minutes for the initial interview and approximately 20 minutes for the follow-up. With one exception (i.e., Latino orientation), all measures come from the initial interview. Descriptive statistics for all measures (M, SD, Cronbach’s α) are reported in Appendix A.

Ethnic cultural features of activities

We adapted a family ethnic socialization measure (Umaña-Taylor, 2001) to capture ethnic cultural features of activities. Adolescents reported their perceptions of ethnic cultural features of a current activity on two scales (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree; Riggs et al., 2010; Umaña-Taylor, 2001): covert features (seven items; for example, “The activity room or space is decorated with things that reflect my ethnic or cultural background”) and overt features (four items; for example, “the activity leaders teach me about my ethnic or cultural background”). Because the scale was adapted to a new context, we tested the two-factor measurement model for the scale (estimated using confirmatory factor analysis in Mplus v.5.1; Muthén & Muthén, 2007), which evidenced good fit, χ²(43) = 56.28, p = .08; comparative fit index (CFI) = .98; root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) = .05; standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) = .04 (Appendix B).

Activity experiences

Adolescents reported their psychological and social experiences during a current activity. Psychological experiences included the following: negative feelings (seven items; for example, “I feel lonely at [activity]”) and positive feelings (three items; for example, “I feel happy at [activity]”; 0 = never, 4 = always; Shernoff & Vandell, 2007), engagement (six items; for example, “I feel challenged in a good way in [activity]”; 0 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree; Moore & Hansen, 2012), and autonomy (four items; for example, “Leaders let me decide what to do at [activity]”; 0 = never, 4 = always; Rosenthal & Vandell, 1996). Social experiences included the following: social support (Rosenthal & Vandell, 1996) from leaders (five items; for example, “Leaders go out of their way to help kids at [activity]”) and peers (six items; for example, “I can really trust the other kids at [activity]”; 0 = never, 4 = always), and discrimination (adapted from Johnston & Delgado, 2004) from leaders (five items; for example, “Leaders have negative beliefs about my ethnic group”) and peers (six items; for example, “The kids at [activity] call me names because of my ethnicity”; 0 = strongly disagree, 3 = strongly agree).

Latino orientation

Latino orientation was measured using adolescents’ reports on the Mexican orientation subscale of the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans–II (ARSMA-II; six items; for example, “I enjoy speaking Spanish”; 0 = not at all, 4 = extremely often or almost always; Cuéllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995).²

Analysis Plan

Eight path models were estimated (one for each activity experience indicator because multicollinearity precluded the inclusion of all indicators in a single model) with the maximum likelihood robust estimator in Mplus v.5.1 (Muthén & Muthén, 2007).³ Each model included sociodemographic controls (i.e., parents’ education, parents’ income, gender), two main effects for ethnic cultural features (i.e., covert and overt), a main effect for Latino orientation, and two interaction terms for ethnic cultural features (overt and covert) by Latino orientation. Significant interactions were followed up using simple slope analyses (www.quantpsy.org; Preacher, Curran, & Bauer, 2006).

Results

All models achieved adequate fit in terms of the chi-square, RMSEA, and SRMR statistics.⁴ For parsimony, the sociodemographic control variables were dropped because the coefficients had extremely small effect sizes, were statistically nonsignificant in nearly all models, and did not change parameter estimates after being dropped (see Table 2 for model fit and path coefficients).

Table 2.

Standardized Path Estimates for Models Testing Relations Between Ethnic Cultural Features and Activity Experiences.

	Psychological experiences
	Negative feelings		Positive feelings		Engagement		Autonomy
	β	(SE)	β	(SE)	β	(SE)	β	(SE)
Covert features	.12	(.12)	−.05	(.11)	−.02	(.13)	.06	(.10)
Overt features	.08	(.13)	−.24	(.11)*	−.04	(.13)	.27	(.10)**
Latino orientation	−.05	(.09)	.06	(.08)	.09	(.08)	−.09	(.08)
Overt × Latino Orientation	.22	(.09)**	—		—		—
Model fit	χ²(4) = 5.40, p = .24		χ²(2) = 3.71, p = .16		χ²(2) = 3.71, p = .16		χ²(2) = 3.71, p = .16
	RMSEA = .05		RMSEA = .05		RMSEA = .07		RMSEA = .07
	SRMR = .05		SRMR = .05		SRMR = .05		SRMR = .06
	CFI = .84		CFI = .82		CFI = 1.00		CFI = .88
	Social experiences
	Leader support		Peer support		Leader discrimination		Peer discrimination
	β	(SE)	B	(SE)	β	(SE)	β	(SE)
Covert features	−.06	(.08)	−.08	(.13)	−.30	(.12)**	−.15	(.13)
Overt features	.09	(.07)	.16	(.15)	.18	(.09)*	.13	(.12)
Latino orientation	−.02	(.04)	.13	(.08)	.20	(.08)**	.04	(.08)
Model fit	χ²(2) = 3.71, p = .16		χ²(2) = 3.71, p = .16		χ²(2) = 3.71, p = .16		χ²(2) = 3.71, p = .16
	RMSEA = .07		RMSEA = .05		RMSEA = .05		RMSEA = .07
	SRMR = .05		SRMR = .05		SRMR = .05		SRMR = .05
	CFI = 1.00		CFI = 1.00		CFI = .84		CFI = 1.00

Note. — = interaction not included in model because it was not statistically significant. RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation; SRMR = standardized root mean square residual; CFI = comparative fit index.

p < .01. ***p < .001.

We examined four outcomes related to psychological experiences: positive feelings, negative feelings, engagement, and autonomy. Contrary to our expectations, covert features did not significantly predict psychological experiences. There were mixed findings with overt features, such that overt features predicted increased autonomy, but decreased positive feelings. Latino orientation was not related to psychological experiences. One interaction term was statistically significant (see Figure 1): Contrary to our expectations, overt features predicted increased negative feelings for adolescents with high Latino orientations (z = 2.89, p < .01), but was unrelated to negative feelings for adolescents with average or low Latino orientations (z = 1.75, p = .08; z = 0.59, p = .56, respectively).

Figure 1.

Relations between overt ethnic features and negative feelings by Latino orientation.

We examined four indicators of adolescents’ social experiences: leader support, peer support, leader discrimination, and peer discrimination. In line with our expectations, covert features predicted decreased perceptions of discrimination from leaders. However, contrary to our expectations, overt features predicted increased perceptions of discrimination from leaders. Covert and overt features did not predict social experiences. Latino orientation predicted one of the four indicators of social experiences, such that increases in Latino orientation were related to increases in perceptions of discrimination from leaders. There were no statistically significant interactions between covert or overt features with Latino orientation predicting social experiences.

Discussion

The findings from Study 1 did not align with our expectations, as covert features were unrelated to activity experiences and overt features had mixed findings. There are two potential explanations for these findings. First, adolescents in this sample were entering mid-adolescence (about 12 years of age). The implications of ethnic cultural features may be more prominent after the transition into mid-adolescence when ethnic identity exploration peaks (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Nevertheless, there are likely benefits for minority youth to attend activities with ethnic cultural features before they transition into mid-adolescence. Just as having co-ethnic friends facilitates ethnic identity exploration (Kiang & Fuligni, 2009), culturally responsive activities may help adolescents connect the meaning of their ethnic culture with the activity. In other words, culturally responsive activities might facilitate adolescents’ acquisition of competencies and the extent to which they build an activity-related identity, such as seeing themselves as an artist or athlete (Eccles & Barber, 1999). We suspect that the explanation for these findings is complex and that ethnic culture in activities does matter for experiences.

A more likely explanation is that the role of ethnic cultural features in activities may be more nuanced than these data can reveal. There were mixed findings, as overt Latino features were related to more positive and more negative activity experiences. The school literature suggests that some highly enculturated Latino adolescents can have negative experiences because they feel alienated and struggle to fit in with their peers (Bejarano, 2005). Moreover, many Latino immigrants are made to feel embarrassed about their ethnicity or ethnic culture (Valenzuela, 1999) and may join activities for the opposite purpose—to learn how to fit into mainstream American culture (e.g., Bejarano, 2005). Thus, overt ethnic minority cultural features in activities, depending on how they are integrated, might accentuate differences between ethnic minority and mainstream adolescents. In Study 2, we explore the complex role of ethnic culture in activities more deeply.

Study 2: Latino Parents’ and Adolescents’ Perspectives on Ethnic Cultural Features of Activities

Findings from Study 1 suggested that, contrary to extant research (Simpkins et al., 2017), ethnic cultural features of activities might result in negative experiences for Latino adolescents. To date, the literature has attributed Latino adolescents’ negative experiences in activities to explicit or implicit negative actions toward minority youth or the lack of support or action for minority youth, including ethnic discrimination (e.g., Lin et al., 2016), ethnic-based policy biases (e.g., English-only policies; Gast, Okamoto, & Feldman, 2017), or system-level prejudices against ethnic minority groups (e.g., immigrant documentation status; McConnell, White, & Ettekal, 2018). The unexpected findings from Study 1 suggest that seemingly well-intentioned efforts of activity leaders to be supportive of Latino adolescents may have gone awry. In Study 2, we sought to disentangle the complexities of ethnic cultural features of activities to understand when and how they result in positive and negative experiences.

There are a few potential examples in the existing literature of when ethnic cultural features may be perceived negatively in activities. One scenario that may result in negative experiences is integrating ethnic cultural features when the setting is majority White. For example, some youth did not prefer speaking their native language or having their ethnic heritage emphasized when they were in majority White schools (Bejarano, 2005; Valenzuela, 1999); ethnic minority youth felt embarrassed about their ethnicity and were trying to fit in with their majority White peers. Importantly, pressuring ethnic minority youth to assimilate into majority White settings is related to negative developmental outcomes (e.g., Bejarano, 2005; Gibson, Gándara, & Koyma, 2004). Another scenario that may explain when ethnic cultural features go awry is related to youth’s intentions for joining activities. Learning and speaking English was a central reason some Latino youth joined activities (Perkins et al., 2007), and similarly, some youth joined activities to learn how to engage with and fit into mainstream American culture (Bejarano, 2005). Thus, it is plausible that negative effects resulted from integrating ethnic cultural features when the youth’s reason for joining was the opposite.

In Study 2, we investigated parents’ and adolescents’ perceptions of ethnic cultural features of activities, including whether and how they experienced the features and their perspectives on the importance of the features. We conducted an in-depth, qualitative inquiry into one overt feature, namely ethnic cultural content, and two covert features, including Spanish language use and same-ethnic peers and leaders. These three features cover core aspects of the quantitative measure of ethnic cultural features of activities in Study 1 and have been studied extensively in terms of culturally responsive schools. Qualitative methods were used because they are particularly strong for discerning the meaning of contexts and advancing depth of understanding (e.g., Yoshikawa, Weisner, Kalil, & Way, 2008). Moreover, qualitative data are useful to reveal general patterns of a phenomenon and, as well, to identify specific instances that deviate from the general pattern.

Method

In 2010, a purposive sampling technique was used to select 34 Mexican-origin seventh-grade adolescents and a parent from three middle schools (see Table 1). The sample was drawn from three of the four schools included in Study 1, but the participants in each study were recruited in different years and were distinct. All adolescents in the qualitative study were Mexican-origin (i.e., at least one parent was of Mexican descent) and included adolescents who currently participated and adolescents who did not currently participate in any activities (71% participated in at least one activity across the year). Adolescents who did not participate in activities were included to understand whether and how ethnic culture matters for decisions not to participate in activities. All analyses draw on data from the participants and nonparticipants.

Procedures

Participants were interviewed individually in their homes in January, May, and June 2010 to examine activity participation in fall 2009, spring 2010, and summer 2010. All study materials were available in English and Spanish (about 50% of parents were interviewed in Spanish; one adolescent was interviewed in Spanish). The bilingual interviewers and transcribers were primary Spanish speakers and lived in the local communities. The 45- to 90-minute interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim (Lofland, Snow, Anderson, & Lofland, 2006).

The team used a semi-structured interview protocol and had weekly meetings during data collection to promote interviewer consistency. Participants were asked general questions about activity participation, as well as specific questions about each ethnic cultural feature: ethnic cultural content (e.g., “How important is it that [you/your child] participate in activities that reflect Mexican culture or use Spanish? Why?”), Spanish language use (e.g., “What language [do/does] [you/the leader] speak at the activity? Does that matter?”), and same-ethnic peers and leaders (e.g., “What ethnicity is/are [your/your child’s] activity leader(s)/peers? Does that matter?”) We added specific questions about ethnic cultural features based on the core items found in measures of ethnic socialization (Umaña-Taylor, 2001) and how researchers have examined ethnic cultural features of schools (Gay, 2010). Data for Study 2 were drawn from all parts of the interview and across all three interviews for each participant. Participants were interviewed about several different types of activities during each season: fall (20 activities: 40% sports, 35% arts, 20% clubs, 5% religious), spring (19 activities: 53% sports, 37% arts, 5% clubs, 5% religious), and summer (7 activities: 71% sports, 29% arts).

Analysis Plan

We used deductive and inductive primary and secondary coding in Dedoose v.4.5 (Ryan & Bernard, 2003). First, the first and second authors used thematic analysis to code each ethnic cultural feature. The team used a code manual which was updated throughout the coding process (DeCuir-Gunby, Marshall, & McCulloch, 2011). After training, 20% of the transcripts were double-coded to establish interrater reliability (κs >.80). The first and second authors used memos to note ideas about the themes and relations among themes throughout the coding process (Lofland et al., 2006). Next, within-case analysis was used to identify common subthemes for each participant across all of his or her interviews (Ryan & Bernard, 2003). Across-case analysis was used to examine the common reasons underlying the themes. In addition, we compiled data displays in order to understand relations among the coded subthemes (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Finally, we examined whether themes differed across schools through salience analysis (Buetow, 2010).⁵

Results

First, we describe the findings for each ethnic cultural feature (i.e., Mexican cultural content, Spanish-speaking leaders, same-ethnic peers/leaders) using exemplar quotes from interviews to illustrate emergent themes and subthemes, as well as by explaining any differences by school. The prominent themes are presented in each section in italics, and Table 3 includes additional example quotations. Next, we summarize findings by examining patterns across the ethnic cultural features.

Table 3.

Themes and Example Quotations from Latino Families About Ethnic and Cultural Features in Activities.

Theme	Subtheme	Example quotation
Mexican cultural content: 27 parents and 29 adolescents discussed cultural content across 83 current activities (12 activities incorporated cultural content, primarily those in Mapleleaf)
Cultural alignment: content supports cultural alignment with adolescents’ ethnic culture (19 parents, 20 adolescents)	Cultural content teaches aspects of Mexican culture and history that parents cannot teach	“[Cultural content is] important because [my husband and I] don’t always know a lot. I came [to the US] when I was 9 and my husband has been [in the US] since he was 9 or 10 also.” (Mother from Applereed)
	Cultural content fosters Mexican cultural traditions and roots	“It’s very important because that way [my children] feel that they are not just Americans because they were born here. They are also part of you because they are Mexican and they cannot, for me, forget it.” (Mother from Duffie Oak)
Cultural complementarity: content complements adolescents’ ethnic culture (two parents, four adolescents)	Cultural content was a secondary benefit, not the primary focus	“If they get it, great. If they don’t, I don’t think it’s a big deal because they get enough culture here at the house.” (Mother from Mapleleaf)“I think it’s nice because there’s no other clubs that teach you [culture], but my mom talks to me about our traditions and certain days we do, so not sure [we need it].” (Adolescent in Duffie Oak)
Cultural misalignment: content misaligned with adolescents’ ethnic culture (six parents, five adolescents)	Cultural content was stereotypical, narrow, or misrepresented Mexican culture	“Mexico doesn’t celebrate Cinco de Mayo. Even the Mexican food that’s out there [in the US] is not the food that we eat [in Mexico]. I think the Mexican culture you experience outside is the American-Mexican culture. It’s not the real Mexican culture.” (Mother from Applereed)
	Adolescent lacked interest in Mexican cultural content	“[His] instructor was wanting to focus on Mexican songs and he was like, ‘I’ll never play that’. He wanted rock. He wanted My Chemical Romance. She [the instructor] wanted to do La Bamba. He was just like ‘No, that’s not me.’ It was the exact same cords, but she was tying them to Mexican songs and he’s not interested. So he quit.” (Mother from Applereed)
Spanish language use: 23 parents and 18 adolescents discussed language use across 56 current activities (17 activities had Spanish-speaking leaders, which were least prevalent in Applereed)
Spanish-speaking leaders are necessary cultural brokers (five parents, four adolescents)	Spanish-speaking leaders aid parent-leader communication	“It’s important for me because sometimes I talk fast and I say stuff in Spanish and [the leader] understands me even though I say it in Spanish.” (Adolescent in Mapleleaf)
	Spanish-speaking leaders provide cultural connections	“It is very important that they know [Spanish] because it helps them so much to know about the Mexican cultures.” (Mother from Mapleleaf)
Adolescents are sufficient cultural brokers (18 parents, 14 adolescents)	Adolescent-leader communication is most important and often in English	“As long as they speak a language the teen can understand, it doesn’t have to be Spanish.” (Mother from Duffie Oak)
	Families are accustomed to English-speaking leaders	“It doesn’t matter because most all the teachers speak English. I’m getting used to it.” (Adolescent from Mapleleaf)
Same-ethnic leaders: 23 parents and 18 adolescents discussed leader’s ethnicity across 51 current activities (15 activities had leaders who were Mexican/Latino, which were most prevalent in Duffie Oak and least prevalent in Applereed)
Same-ethnic leaders are cultural assets (nine parents, six adolescents)	Same-ethnic leaders promote a sense of belonging	“She would know the culture, the feeling. It’s the heart. Her last leader was Hispanic and I really felt comfortable with her. I felt close with her just because of that bond.” (Mother from Applereed)
	Same-ethnic leaders are role models	“Latinos are important for [my kids] to see because they need role models from our culture.” (Mother from Applereed)
Leaders as cultural assets are not the driving factor (14 parents, 12 adolescents)	Leaders’ ability to run the activity is paramount	“It doesn’t really matter to me the race. It just matters to me if they teach me something. If they teach me with respect and all that.” (Adolescent from Duffie Oak)
	Leaders’ ethnicity is not an option	“We are in America and I can’t pick who is going to be her coach. I can’t say I want it to be a Mexican so that she learns Mexican things.” (Mother from Duffie Oak)
Same-ethnic peers: 32 parents and 22 adolescents discussed peers’ ethnicity across 39 activities (30 activities had mostly Mexican/Latino peers, which were most prevalent in Duffie Oak and least prevalent in Applereed)
Same-ethnic peers are cultural conduits (15 parents, 12 adolescents)	Same-ethnic peers promote a sense of belonging	“Band is like a big family because of [my Mexican/Latino peers].” (Adolescent in Mapleleaf)
	Same-ethnic peers share cultural experiences	“It was cool cause we’re all Mexican and we could share our experiences. Like, ‘oh, I went to a quinceañera.’” (Adolescent in Duffie Oak)
Peers as cultural conduits are not central to activities (14 parents, eight adolescents)	Same-ethnic peers are accessible beyond activities	“I have a very large Hispanic family and my kids are with Hispanics all the time. So I don’t make it a point that whatever activity they’re in that there has to be Hispanics there.” (Mother in Applereed)
	Same-ethnic peers are the norm (in predominantly Latino settings)	“[Mexican/Latino peers] are not important . . . in here, almost everyone is Mexican.” (Adolescent in Duffie Oak)
	Diverse peers are important to teach interethnic group respect	“My son is a real team member now. He’s learned how to be around other people. He has Black people on his team and White people. You know, diversity. He used to really disrespect other people of color [referring to black adolescents] and now he has learned to get along with and respect those kids.” (Mother in Duffie Oak)

Mexican Cultural Content

The majority of the activities that parents and adolescents discussed did not incorporate overt Mexican cultural content, at least not in the way that they conceived of Mexican culture. Many respondents (i.e., parents and adolescents) said the activities “had nothing to do with Mexican culture” or were “more about American culture.” Nevertheless, respondents articulated three views on cultural content in activities: cultural misalignment (22% of parents, 17% of adolescents), cultural alignment (70% of parents, 69% of adolescents), and cultural complementarity (7% of parents, 14% of adolescents).

The phenomenon that respondents seemed most strongly impacted by, though it was a relatively small number of individuals, was that of cultural misalignment between the activity and the adolescents’ ethnic cultural background (see Table 3). Ethnic cultural misalignment triggered negative experiences, including feelings of being misunderstood and stereotyped, and sometimes prompted the adolescent to quit the activity. Misalignment occurred in two ways. First, some parents and adolescents “weren’t looking for [Mexican cultural activities]” because they were more focused on skill development (e.g., athletic or musical skills) and peer interactions. For example, an adolescent from Applereed said, “I think [cultural content] is okay, but at the same time, if it has nothing to do with the topic, then it’s kinda weird learning about that.” Parents and adolescents who were not actively seeking out activities with Mexican cultural content did not necessarily dislike the idea of it, they were just prioritizing other features of activities and seeking other benefits (e.g., playing the sport, hanging out with friends). The second form of misalignment occurred when parents and adolescents did not like the Mexican cultural content they experienced, suggesting that it was stereotypical, narrow, or misrepresented Mexican culture. For example, a parent in Mapleleaf noted the narrow scope of Mexican culture saying that “De Colores is the only [Mexican] song” in the school choir. Thus, misalignment occurred between the Mexican cultural content adolescents experienced and the (authentic) cultural content that parents and adolescents preferred. Parents and adolescents did not want activity leaders to assume they wanted cultural content based on their ethnic cultural backgrounds or to incorporate cultural content based on stereotypes or assumptions about their ethnic cultural group. Although not highly prevalent, cultural misalignment was highly salient for activity experiences when it occurred.

The most prevalent perspective was one of cultural alignment between activities and ethnic culture (see Table 3). Although many parents and adolescents discussed cultural alignment, it did not invoke as strong emotional responses as experiences of misalignment. Parents and adolescents who discussed cultural alignment mentioned some general benefits of ethnic cultural features of activities. Mexican cultural content in activities helped adolescents maintain their cultural heritage and fostered cultural pride. This sentiment emerged for parents and adolescents who proactively engaged in family ethnic socialization, as well as who were not engaged with their ethnic culture at home. For parents who actively socialized their children about Mexican culture at home, activity cultural content afforded opportunities for adolescents to learn, reinforce, “continue with their Mexican roots,” and “continue learning about their culture.” Parents and adolescents appreciated the consistency in the intentional positive messaging about Mexican culture across the home and activity contexts. For parents and adolescents who had limited Mexican cultural capital within their families and, thus, limited exposure to ethnic cultural socialization at home, activities were supplementary for adolescents’ cultural development. That is, activities afforded opportunities to learn about Mexican culture and history when parents felt they could not teach their children about their Mexican culture. Overt cultural content was especially important for parents who had been in the United States for generations (e.g., Mexicans originally from the Southwest who had never been immigrants) or who immigrated to the United States when they were young. For example, a mother from Applereed acknowledged that “In reality, I don’t know much about [Mexican culture], but I would be happy that [activities] teach it. I’m from [Mexico], but what do I know? Only what I was taught in 6th grade and that’s it.” This mother immigrated to the United States at a young age and did not feel equipped to teach her children about Mexican culture, even though she was quite welcoming of the idea.

Finally, a small group of parents and adolescents described cultural complementarity in the activity, a concept that underscored the importance of activities to work in concert with families. Some parents and adolescents did not think Mexican cultural content was essential in activities because they engaged in ethnic socialization at home. In other words, parents and adolescents thought cultural content would be beneficial, but it was not the primary benefit or purpose of activities (see Table 3). For example, some parents and adolescents said, “it’s important that they know about the culture, but they don’t need activities to get that” or “we celebrate [culture] with our family.” An adolescent in Applereed emphasized this point suggesting that “[cultural content in activities] is not really needed. I think your family should teach you that ’cause maybe [the activities’] information is different.” This adolescent was in the mostly White school, which might suggest a lack of trust in the leaders or the meaning of being Mexican in that school context. These perspectives represented examples of parents who reinforced Mexican culture at home, which was sufficient for their adolescents’ exposure to culture.

Spanish Language Use

We anticipated that language use might serve two purposes, as language is a practical tool to enable communication and also a cultural tool to reinforce and engage with one’s ethnic culture. Both of our expectations were revealed, but there was only a small subset of parents and adolescents who viewed Spanish-speaking leaders as necessary cultural brokers—mostly from Mapleleaf, which was in the neighborhood with a high percentage of Latinos, recent immigrants, and primary Spanish speakers (see Table 3). For example, a mother in Mapleleaf said Spanish-speaking leaders are important because “I would be able to communicate with them. I would be able to ask them if my daughter is interested in music or how my daughter is doing. Is she behaving or is everything going well.” Indeed, these parents and adolescents thought Spanish-speaking leaders provided instrumental support for parent-leader communication so that the adolescent “could just say it in Spanish” when Spanish phrases did not translate well into English. Other parents and adolescents noted the cultural support of a Spanish-speaking leader, suggesting that Spanish was a window into Mexican culture and “is a part of the culture, of the family” (a mother in Mapleleaf). For these parents and adolescents, speaking Spanish aided communication and had a cultural connection.

The majority of respondents thought Spanish-speaking leaders “didn’t really matter” because adolescents were sufficient cultural brokers. This sentiment arose largely because parents and adolescents were focused on adolescent-leader communication. Adolescents in Study 2 were primary English speakers, and many adolescents “did not understand or speak Spanish”; thus, Spanish as a practical tool for communication was not believed to be necessary. Although some Spanish-speaking parents thought Spanish-speaking leaders would enable parent-leader communication, they did not view the lack of Spanish language use as a barrier to participation. Many parents trusted their adolescents to navigate the relationship with the activity leader in English (e.g., see quotations in Table 3). Another unexpected perspective was that parents and adolescents did not think they had a choice about language use and had become accustomed to the English-only ways of U.S. schools and activities. Thus, for some parents and adolescents, it was unclear whether they perceived benefits of having a Spanish-speaking leader or whether they felt constrained by the typical English-speaking leaders they had encountered; either way, they had learned to navigate activities despite parents’ potential language barriers.

Mexican-Origin Leaders and Peers

Parents’ and adolescents’ perspectives on leaders revolved around their views of leaders as cultural assets. About a third of parents and adolescents thought same-ethnic leaders were critical cultural assets because they promoted a sense of belonging for youth and served as positive adult role models (see Table 3). For example, having a Mexican or Latino leader made adolescents “feel more comfortable.” Some parents and adolescents recognized that activity leaders teach more than activity-specific skills, such that they model different aspects of Mexican culture. Parents and adolescents also acknowledged that the benefits of same-ethnic leaders (e.g., sense of belonging and connection) could be achieved by someone who was not necessarily of Mexican descent: A mother of a boy who attended Duffie Oak said, “If you’re not Mexican and you don’t know anything about Mexicans then that would be a problem. But, if it’s someone who has studied Mexican culture then I wouldn’t have a problem with it.” Although the view of Mexican-origin leaders as critical cultural assets was represented by a small number of respondents, the cultural benefits and experiences of having a same-ethnic leader were cogent.

Although most parents and adolescents did not prioritize Mexican-origin leaders as critical cultural assets, it was not for lack of caring about the leaders, but rather because they prioritized other leader characteristics (see Table 3). Many parents and adolescents thought that the leader’s ability to run the activity successfully, work with youth effectively, and teach the topic of the activity was paramount. For example, parents wanted leaders who were “qualified and have been finger printed” and “treat [my kids] good.” Other parents and adolescents were reluctant to express a preference for same-ethnic leaders because they had accepted that they did not have a choice about activity leaders. Parallel to the findings on Spanish language use, these parents and adolescents thought that all leaders (and teachers) were “American” or “White” and they “had to get used to it.” These perspectives unveil that many parents and adolescents thought the leader’s main purpose was to teach a specific skill and the leader’s ethnicity was fairly irrelevant to being able to teach that skill.

Interestingly, just as parents and adolescents described the role of leaders in a specific way (i.e., to teach skills, supervise, keep children safe), they also viewed peers as having a distinct role in activities. Parents viewed peers as having a stronger role in adolescents’ cultural development than leaders, discussing Mexican-origin peers as cultural conduits (see Table 3). Many parents thought Mexican-origin peers provided a feeling of “comfort” or a “sense of belonging” and enabled adolescents to “share experiences about their culture” or “learn their roots.” One mother said,

It is more important that their friends are [Mexican] than the adults because [adolescents] can share different things with companions about how they are with their families. That is why I think it is important that they get together with other Mexican kids.

Thus, in contrast to leaders, peers were viewed as an extension of the family and family practices, which was perhaps why there was a stronger preference for Mexican-origin peers than leaders. Parents wanted their children to be with peers who were likely to be a good influence and come from healthy families. Some thought having Mexican/Latino peers increased the likelihood that they came from a healthy family and would be a good influence.

About half of respondents thought having Mexican/Latino peers was not central to activities. These parents and adolescents thought it was just important to “be around good kids” and that “any kid should be there.” Some noted that being around Mexican/Latino peers was the norm in predominately Latino settings. For example, many adolescents in Duffie Oak and Mapleleaf said they were in activities where “everybody’s mostly Mexican,” and having many Mexican peers was “normal” or made them feel “the same.” Peers’ ethnicity may not be as salient for adolescents nested within mostly Latino settings. For some Latinos who were the numerical minority, having same-ethnic peers was still not central because they had regular interactions with Mexican/Latino peers in other settings, such as families or neighborhoods. Thus, Mexican/Latino peers in activities was not a strong priority because it was something they had elsewhere.

One unexpected finding was that some respondents preferred having ethnically diverse peers in activities because activities “bring [diverse adolescents] together” and having a common goal “makes them work together.” Parents and adolescents described how learning from diverse peers occurred in sports, where adolescents had to work together on teams. The positive experiences in activities with a diverse peer group encouraged adolescents to respect other ethnic groups.

Taking a Broader Perspective: Insights Across the Ethnic Cultural Features

To provide a different lens on the findings from Study 2, we analyzed parents’ and adolescents’ perspectives across the ethnic cultural features. The majority of respondents were seeking a balance across the features, such that 69% of the sample (21 parents, 25 adolescents) expressed a preference for one or two features, specifically Mexican cultural content and/or Mexican-origin leaders/peers. In contrast, a minority of respondents preferred none or all of the features. About 20% of the sample (seven parents, six adolescents) did not prefer any ethnic cultural features. Only 11% of respondents preferred activities with all three ethnic cultural features and that group comprised almost exclusively parents from the school serving a more recent immigrant community (i.e., six parents and one adolescent in Mapleleaf). Finally, among the three indicators of ethnic cultural features examined here, Spanish language use was not a driving force for parents’ and adolescents’ preferences about activities. Although language is a common practical barrier for English language learners, nearly all adolescents in Study 2 spoke English and were able to broker the language barriers for other family members when necessary.

Discussion

Findings from Study 2 suggested that ethnic cultural features of mainstream activities were complex and parents’ and adolescents’ perspectives were nuanced. Nevertheless, there were three clear findings worth deeper investigation. One of the most important themes was the experience of cultural misalignment which resulted in particularly negative experiences for some parents and adolescents and led to dropping out of activities. Cultural misalignment occurred with overt ethnic cultural features and was particularly complex. The presence of ethnic cultural content was incompatible for some adolescents because they were primarily interested in learning a particular skill (e.g., playing a sport) or spending time with peers (Vandell et al., 2015). However, when desired, the type of ethnic cultural content mattered considerably. Inauthentic, narrow, or stereotypical representations of adolescents’ ethnic cultures were negatively received. Even when well intentioned, leaders make blanket assumptions about ethnic culture or about ethnic minority adolescents that could result in culturally unresponsive activities. One strategy to help safeguard against designing unresponsive activities is to ground activity practices in parents’ and adolescents’ voices (Simpkins et al., 2017).

Second, although some ethnic cultural features were not a priority, they still generated enthusiasm. For example, parents and adolescents enjoyed that same-ethnic peers provided opportunities to reinforce ethnic culture and that diverse peers fostered interethnic group respect (Ettekal, Gaskin, Lin, & Simpkins, 2015), but they also felt like they did not have a choice or were used to the absence of ethnic cultural features in their local activities. Thus, the contradiction may be the product of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957), such that parents and adolescents with limited exposure to ethnic cultural features may have adjusted their preferences to align with what was available to them. Increasing access may, in turn, yield a higher demand for ethnic cultural features. Although the indifference some respondents expressed about ethnic culture in activities was seemingly benign, a deeper investigation into parents’ and adolescents’ perspectives may reveal a more complex explanation.

Finally, many parents and adolescents did not prioritize ethnic cultural features, which underscores the importance of ensuring activities first and foremost meet adolescents’ basic needs. Indeed, the activity leader’s ability to run the program, teach specific skills, and treat adolescents with respect was paramount. Activity leaders should continue to emphasize the basic features that are central to high-quality activities, such as having skilled leaders who foster a sense of belonging for all youth (Eccles & Gootman, 2002).

In sum, activity leaders should learn from the families they serve whether and what type of ethnic cultural features they prefer. A good starting point is to learn about families’ immigrant backgrounds and their broader contexts. For example, although the lack of Spanish-speaking leaders was not an overall priority for the families in the current study, English language use was a barrier for recent immigrants. The broader context mattered, such that some features were a source of comfort for parents and adolescents who experienced interethnic group tensions in their neighborhoods (e.g., same-ethnic leaders), whereas some features were a source of discomfort in majority White settings where ethnic minority youth were trying to fit in (e.g., ethnic cultural content). Best practice in cultural responsiveness is to encourage youth and families to voice their perspectives and contribute to the activity design.

Overarching Discussion: Lessons Learned About Culturally Responsive Activities

Culture is embedded in the practices and behaviors that occur in organized activities (Vélez-Agosto et al., 2017). Thus, “adding on” a separate cultural component to activity programming as a way of checking off a professional development or diversity requirement is ineffective. ESPs treat this principle well—activities designed for a specific ethnic group or to address a specific ethnic minority–related issue have a foundation in cultural responsiveness that pervades all aspects of programming, including the covert and overt practices and norms that define the activity (Pineda & Nakkula, 2014). By definition, mainstream activities serve a different purpose than ESPs. However, best practices may be learned from ESPs and then further research may help to understand how they can be tailored and applied to mainstream activities.

Findings from the current studies support a complementary approach to cultural responsiveness. Most respondents wanted a balance in how the activity served as a setting for ethnic cultural development. Parents and adolescents wanted some features that matched with their home lives, but downplayed other features in which adolescents had sufficient exposure elsewhere. This finding underscores the importance of integration across families, schools, and activities (Eccles & Gootman, 2002). Adolescents’ various settings need to work in tandem, which requires ethnic cultural features that are complementary across settings.

A challenge of the complementary approach is learning how to address the diversity of preferences within and across families. Incorporating parent and adolescent voice into program design is critical to learn families’ specific needs and preferences for activities. Many activity leaders may want to avoid topics involving minority ethnic culture because they do not feel well equipped to facilitate potentially controversial discussions and may have substantial diversity in their activity that seems impossible to adequately address. However, ignoring ethnic culture (e.g., color-blind approaches) can lead to larger problems and exacerbate diverse youth’s feelings of low efficacy, exclusion, and mattering in activities (Gutierrez et al., 2017). Research on culture-based incidents in activities indicates that addressing the topic of ethnic culture “head-on” (i.e., explicitly and with everyone involved in the activity, not just minority youth) is the most productive approach to serve the needs of diverse youth (Gutierrez et al., 2017).

In conclusion, designing culturally responsive activities is complex (Simpkins et al., 2017). A challenge is understanding when to integrate ethnic culture features and for whom. Although previous research on ESPs suggests that ethnic culture features are positive (e.g., Pineda & Nakkula, 2014), findings from this study challenge whether the positive effects generalize to mainstream activities. Areas warranting further investigation include understanding how ethnic cultural content is integrated in mainstream activities, when good intentions to represent adolescents’ ethnic cultures can go awry, and how to address the needs of a diverse set of families. Such research is critical before the field makes policy recommendations on integrating ethnic cultural features broadly and clarifies how these can be integrated effectively to support PYD for all youth.

Footnotes

Appendix

Appendix A

Descriptive Statistics and Correlations Among Ethnic Cultural Features of Activities Scale, Latino Orientation, and Activity Experiences Scales.

		1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11
1	Covert features	—
2	Overt features	.74**	—
3	Negative feelings	.14	.13	—
4	Positive feelings	.19*	.25**	−.21*	—
5	Engagement	.05	−.02	−.22**	.37**	—
6	Autonomy	.25**	.27**	−.02	.18*	.07	—
7	Leader support	.05	.08	−.21*	.40**	.47**	.25**	—
8	Peer support	.10	.12	−.26**	.40**	.46**	.09	.51**	—
9	Leader discrimination	−.13	−.07	.18*	−.25**	−.21*	.02	−.23**	−.11	—
10	Peer discrimination	−.07	−.02	.19*	−.27**	−.26**	−.06	−.30**	−.26**	.75**	—
11	Latino orientation	.19*	.19*	−.02	.09	.08	−.03	−.02	.13	.19*	.04	—
	M	1.93	1.77	0.57	3.11	3.07	1.89	3.19	3.29	0.24	0.40	1.77
	SD	0.78	0.86	0.50	0.66	0.48	0.71	0.56	0.55	0.42	0.49	1.02
	Number of items	7	4	7	3	6	4	5	6	5	6	6
	Cronbach’s α	.84	.87	.76	.50	.61	.56	.74	.64	.94	.90	.91

p < .05. **p < .01.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This project was funded in part by a William T. Grant Young Scholars Award (#7936) to Sandra Simpkins and a William T. Grant Award (#181735) to Sandra Simpkins and Cecilia Menjívar.

ORCID iD

Andrea Vest Ettekal

Notes

Author Biographies

Andrea Vest Ettekal is an assistant professor of youth development in the Department of Recreation, Park, and Tourism Sciences at Texas A&M University. Her research examines processes related to positive youth development through out-of-school time settings. Her current aims focus on character development, sports, researcher-practitioner partnerships, and evaluation capacity-building.

Sandra D. Simpkins in psychology, is a faculty member of the University of California, Irvine School of Education. Generally, her work has focused on how families, friendships, and social position factors (such as ethnicity and culture) shape adolescents’ organized after-school activities and motivation.

Cecilia Menjívar holds the Dorothy L. Meier Social Equities Chair and is professor of sociology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her work focuses on the effects of immigration law and enforcement practices on different aspects of immigrants’ lives, such as gender relations, family dynamics, and their contacts with institutions.

Melissa Y. Delgado is associate professor of family studies and human development at the University of Arizona. Her collaborative program of research focuses on the mechanisms and protective factors that reduce racial/ethnic inequality (e.g., educational) and promote the positive development of U.S.-Latin American youth. Currently, her work examines the roles of academic identity and school climate.

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