Parent-Adolescent Communication as a Protective Factor Against Adolescent Alcohol and Tobacco Use: Reported Narratives From Youth From Latinx Farmworker Families

Abstract

Due to high stressors and inequities, youth from Latinx migrant farmworker (LMFW) families may experience an elevated risk of early drinking and smoking. Parent-adolescent communication can protect against early initiation, but few researchers have explored this parenting practice in LMFW families. This qualitative study used youth-reported narratives to examine messages LMFW parents convey when discussing drinking and smoking, if these messages varied by age, youths’ feelings toward these discussions, and if these discussions promoted resilience against drinking and smoking among youth. Twenty-four LMFW youth (67% boys, M_age = 13.88, 79% born in the United States) were recruited from a summer Migrant Education Program in Indiana. Using thematic analysis, five themes were identified from youth interviews: (1) mostly older youth used substances, but nearly all youth stated that parent’s expressed disapproval toward underage drinking and smoking; (2) parent-adolescent discussions left youth feeling positive and confident; (3) parents used consejos to communicate about alcohol and tobacco; (4) parents were lenient toward drinking and smoking in older male teens; and (5) some parents did not offer reasons for why youth should avoid drinking and smoking or rules pertaining to these substances. Our findings have implications for research and interventions aimed at fostering parent-adolescent communication in LMFW families about alcohol and tobacco use.

Keywords

Latino/a farmworker families parent-adolescent communication substance use adolescence qualitative methods resilience

Adolescence is a time when youth begin to seek increased autonomy from parents, while social influences such as peers become more influential (Conger, 1991). During this developmental period, youth experience considerable social emotional, physical, and cognitive changes that have implications for health and well-being across the life-course (e.g., Call et al., 2002). Behaviors found to significantly disrupt healthy adolescent development are alcohol and tobacco use, as adoption of these substances has been found to contribute to the emergence of other risky behaviors such as illicit drug use (Ellickson et al., 1992; Nelson et al., 2015). According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2017), Latinx youth exceed national averages for alcohol and tobacco use before age 13, and compared with their Black and White peers Latinx males are at greater risk of initiation.

Early alcohol and tobacco use has been linked to many adverse risks such as delinquency, lower academic achievement (Schofield et al., 2015; Vaughan et al., 2016), risky sexual behavior (Stueve & O’Donnell, 2005), and socializing with other substance-using peers which can facilitate and markedly escalate deviant behavior (West et al., 2013). Early age drinking and smoking has also been found to increase later-in-life risk of substance abuse and addiction (Gil et al., 2004).

A subpopulation of Latinx youth who are especially vulnerable to early alcohol and tobacco use are children from Latinx migrant farmworker (LMFW) families, due in part to the unique challenges that stem from their families’ mobility (e.g., Coll et al., 1996; Ramirez, 2012; Stein et al., 2016). About 68% of approximately 3 million migrant and seasonal farmworkers are Latinx, of these almost 60% have minor children, and an average of two minor children accompany their parents as they travel to and work in agricultural work sites (Hernandez et al., 2016; National Center for Farmworker Health, 2017).

Migrant farmworker families, forced by the struggle for economic stability, move to find work, or have family members absent for long periods. Due to low-pay and sporadic work opportunities for migrant workers, families often leave home base areas to work crops before the school term ends and return home in the fall (often after the school-year has begun in their home base), resulting in educational disruptions, dislocation, and social and educational disadvantages (Branz-Spall et al., 2003; Kossek & Burke, 2014). Research has shown that compared with other low-income peers, highly mobile children face even greater risks to their health and wellness (Cooper et al., 2005; Taylor et al., 2019; Taylor & Ruiz, 2017). In addition, the high stressors associated with migration (Kilanowski & Lin, 2014) combined with vulnerabilities associated with minority status and rurality (Stein et al., 2016) contribute to LMFW youth’s greater risk of using alcohol and tobacco (Cooper et al., 2005; Elder et al., 2000).

Family Communication as a Protective Factor

Given that early alcohol and tobacco use initiation has been linked to negative outcomes across the life-course, it is crucial to identify protective factors that may disrupt or buffer LMFW youth against engaging in these risky behaviors (Lerner et al., 2015). Resilience research has demonstrated that children experiencing even extreme adversity can have positive outcomes when resources counteract or mitigate risk experiences (Masten, 2018). Family-child relationships, in particular, maintaining open communication during adolescents, which consists of both the exchange of factual and emotional information between youth and parent, can promote healthy family relations and safeguard youth against engaging in risky behaviors including countering effects associated with being affiliated with substance-using peers (Davidson & Cardemil, 2009; Ennett et al., 2001). In regard to Latinx families, open communication has been shown to be protective against alcohol and tobacco initiation among Latinx youth (e.g., Davidson & Cardemil, 2009; Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2006; Miller-Day & Kam, 2010; Pokhrel et al., 2008; Yu et al., 2017).

Specifically, researchers have found that parent-adolescent communication can protect against alcohol and tobacco use when Latinx youth perceive these communications to be satisfactory, open, and honest (Bray et al., 2000; Guilamo-Ramos, 2010; Kam & Middleton, 2013; King & Vidourek, 2010; Marsiglia et al., 2014; Miller-Day & Kam, 2010; Pokhrel et al., 2008). Also, Latinx youth who view their parents as understanding and supportive, and the information parents provide as trustworthy, are less likely to drink or smoke (Clark et al., 2016; Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2006; Kam & Cleveland, 2011; Mogro-Wilson, 2008; West et al., 2013). Likewise, parental expectations articulated through rules that clearly relay requirements for children’s behavior and activities that monitor their behavior have been found to protect Latinx youth against alcohol and tobacco use (King & Vidourek, 2010; Mogro-Wilson, 2008; West et al., 2013).

Culturally specific communication strategies such as communicating and transmitting cultural values, attitudes, and expectations have also been found to influence adolescents’ decision-making processes (Azmitia & Brown, 2002; Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2008). For instance, researchers have found that in an effort to protect their children, Latinx parents will attempt to impart wisdom drawn from their own experiences or provide advice through consejos, or narratives intended to influence and shape their children’s attitudes toward behaviors (Delgado-Gaitan, 1994). Indeed, this cultural communication practice has been found to nurture resilience, perseverance, and determination among youth, particularly when youth internalize the parental advice (Azmitia & Brown, 2002; Delgado-Gaitan, 1994). Despite being identified as a critical communication practice for Latinx parents, consejos has primarily been explored in education research with Latinx families; thus, it remains under-researched among LMFW families in the area of parent-adolescent substance use communication (e.g., Alfaro et al., 2014; Delgado-Gaitan, 1994; López & Vázquez, 2006). In addition, research examining gender-linked Latinx cultural values such as machismo and marianismo has revealed that parents who endorse traditional gender values are likely to communicate different expectations for males and females such as beliefs of what is deemed appropriate behaviors for each gender (Strait, 1999). In fact, research indicates that adopting these ideals and messages can effect Latinx adolescents’ susceptibility to substance use (Soto et al., 2011; Unger et al., 2004). For instance, Latinx females who embrace marianismo are less likely to drink or smoke, since doing so would contradict what is viewed to be traditional female role expectations such as being a caretaker and nurturer (Soto et al., 2011). Conversely, endorsement of machismo values by Latinx adolescent males has been linked to higher substance use rates since alcohol and tobacco use is perceived as rebelliousness, a desirable trait among machista males (Unger et al., 2004).

In contrast, poor or absent open communication about alcohol and tobacco use has been linked to greater risk of substance use among Latinx youth (King & Vidourek, 2010; Mogro-Wilson, 2008; West et al., 2013). Moreover, Latinx parents’ own modeling behaviors have been found to shape behaviors toward alcohol and tobacco. For instance, researchers have found that youth whose parents drink or smoke are more likely to use these substances themselves (Brooks et al., 1998; Laniado-Laborin et al., 2002; Moreno et al., 1994; Yu, 2003). Adult substance use may be especially salient for youth in LMFW families, as LMFW adults have been found to have elevated risk of alcohol and tobacco use and abuse (Hiott et al., 2008; Hovey, 2001), consequently, heightening LMFW youths’ exposure to familial adults who model substance use. Furthermore, Latinx parents who use alcohol or tobacco may find it difficult to communicate disapproval of these substances to their children (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2008), as such it may be likely that LMFW substance-using parents may avoid communicating with their children about alcohol and tobacco.

Present Study

Although parent-adolescent communication about alcohol and tobacco use in Latinx youth has been examined, most investigations have examined non-migratory urban Latinx populations (e.g., Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2008; King and Vidourek, 2010), and only a few studies have focused on rural Latinx populations (e.g., Kam & Middleton, 2013). As such, a limitation of the existing literature is the lack of emphasis on what content, if any, related to alcohol and tobacco use is conveyed between LMFW parents and their children. This lack of research is unfortunate, considering that LMFW families remain one of the most vulnerable subpopulation of Latinx families, whose exposure to numerous contextual stressors make LMFW youth especially susceptible to alcohol and tobacco use. Furthermore, knowledge of possible resources that can potentially contribute to LMFW youth avoiding or overcoming risk of substance use initiation remains limited. Given these gaps in the literature, our qualitative study used LMFW youth-reported narratives to understand LMFW parent-adolescent communication related to alcohol and tobacco use. We sought to uncover insights on (a) topics and messages LMFW parents relay and the ways youth respond to these communications; (b) whether discussions promote resilience among LMFW youth against drinking and smoking; and (c) whether exploring parental communication about alcohol and tobacco use differed by age.

Method

Participants

Participants in the present qualitative study (N = 24) were part of a larger mixed-method study on risk and resilience in children of LMFW families (N = 80, 54% male, M_age = 11.71, 63.6% born in the United States, 69.7% preferred English, 69.7% lived in two-parent households). Eligibility for this larger study required participants be 6 to 18 years of age, self-identify as Latinx, and be enrolled in a summer Migrant Education Program (MEP) at one of two locations in Northern Indiana. Children were eligible for the MEP if they, or their parents or guardians, were migratory workers, and if they had moved from one school district to another with their parent/guardian to obtain seasonal employment in agriculture or fishing in the preceding 36 months. A subsample of youth aged 10 to 18 years from the larger study participated in the semi-structured interviews used in the present study (N = 24, 67% boys, 33% girls, M_age = 13.88).

Youth represented two developmental stages including early adolescents aged 10 to 14 (n = 14, 58%) and older adolescents aged 15 to 18 (n = 10, 42%). The interviewed youth were mostly born in the United States (79%), preferred to speak English (79%), and lived in two-parent households (67%). Almost half (46%) of the youth participants were working during the summer as agricultural workers.

Procedures

After securing Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval, families were recruited on a rolling basis with the assistance of MEP educators who had close contact with children and their families. Prior to participation, participants provided informed consent or assent (if under 18 years of age). Prior to data collection, research assistants (RAs), who were not affiliated with MEP, participated in a half-day training session on qualitative recruitment procedures, IRB procedures, interview protocols, open and judgment-free interviewing techniques, and use of appropriate follow-up questions to elicit participant responses or greater details when conducting interviews. RAs involved in data analysis participated in a separate training session dedicated to data management, codebook development, procedures for data validity and reliability, as well as thematic coding and analysis. MEP staff members who helped with recruitment also received training on research protocols and IRB procedures with a focus on proper recruitment procedures and emphasizing to clients that refusal or withdrawal of consent would not affect access to MEP-related services.

Interviews were conducted by the principal investigators (PIs; first and second authors) and two RAs who were not affiliated with MEP. Interviewers included two native Spanish speakers (including an RA who grew up with LMFW parents) and one fluent Spanish speaker. One RA was monolingual and only interviewed participants who preferred to speak English. Interviews lasted 30 to 60 minutes, were audio-recorded, and youth were given the choice of being interviewed in either Spanish or English, with 21% (n- = 5) completing the interview in Spanish. Interviews took place in private adjacent rooms on-site at MEP locations or in private areas in motels where youth and their families lodged (typically older youth). Participants received US$15 for participating in the qualitative interview.

Analytic Strategy

The present study emerged from a broader study of LMFW youths’ perspectives on migration, health and well-being, resilience, and academic experiences. Specifically, using open-ended interview questions (see Table 1), we aimed to capture LMFW youth-reported narratives on the following: (a) What parents say, if anything, when they talk about alcohol and tobacco use? (b) In what ways, if any, these discussions influence youth’s perspectives toward alcohol and tobacco use? (c) What are youths’ feelings toward these discussions? Furthermore, participants were asked to respond to questions about their alcohol and tobacco use and among nonusers their future intentions to use these substances.

Table 1.

Interview Guide for LMFW Parent-Adolescent Communication About Alcohol and Tobacco.

Alcohol use (general)
1. Have you ever tried to drink alcohol?
2. Do you drink alcohol?
a. If yes, how much?
b. If no, do you plan to try alcohol when you are older? How old (when you are a teenage/when you are an adult)?
Parent-adolescent Communication about Alcohol
3. Have your parents ever talked to you about not drinking alcohol? If yes, what types of things did they say?
4. How did it make you feel when your parent talked to you [about this topic]?
5. Do your parents share with you their opinions, expectations, and rules about drinking alcohol?
6. Are their differences in how your mom and dad talk to you about alcohol? If yes, please explain.
Tobacco use (general)
7. Have you ever tried smoking cigarettes?
8. Do you smoke cigarettes?
a. If yes, how much?
b. If no, do you plan to try smoking when you are older? How old (when you are a teenage/when you are an adult)?
Parent-adolescent Communication about Tobacco
9. Have your parents ever talked to you about not smoking cigarettes? If yes, what types of things do they say?
10. How did it make you feel when your parents talked to you about smoking?
11. Do your parents share their opinions, expectations, and rules about smoking cigarettes?
12. Are their differences in how your mom and dad talk to you about cigarettes? If yes, please explain

Analytic Procedures

Interviews were deidentified and each participant was assigned a pseudonym to protect their confidentiality. Audio-recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim. Spanish interviews were transcribed in Spanish and translated into English by native Spanish speakers trained in transcribing qualitative data by author one, who also reviewed the transcribed data for accuracy. Two independent RAs who were not involved in data collection, first, read the transcripts in their entirety, then coded and analyzed the transcripts using NVivo11, a qualitative software (QSR International, 2015). Following recommendations by Auerbach and Silverstein (2003), a codebook was developed that initially incorporated key words from the interview protocol, but was later updated to reflect nuances that emerged during the coding process.

Next, using thematic analysis procedures, text describing ideas relevant to the research questions were inductively identified, similar concepts were coded and organized into related themes, which were further scrutinized and updated as necessary to ensure that they were internally consistent and addressed a coherent, unique concept (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003; Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). To ensure high inter-rater reliability, the team met regularly throughout the coding and analysis process to allow for conceptualized codes and data patterns to be thoroughly reviewed and discussed and interpretations to be critically questioned (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003). When disagreements emerged, team discussions would continue until the group reached consensus.

Results

Qualitative Themes

Five themes were identified from youth reported narratives that related to parent-adolescent discussions about drinking and smoking: (1) mostly older participants used substances, but nearly all youth stated that parents disapproved of underage drinking and smoking; (2) parent-adolescent discussions left youth feeling positive and confident (3) parents used consejos, a Latinx cultural communication strategy to communicate about alcohol and tobacco; (4) parents were lenient toward alcohol and tobacco use among older male teens; and (5) youth reported that some parents did not offer reasons for why they should avoid drinking and smoking or rules pertaining to alcohol and tobacco use. Results also indicate when differences were identified among younger (10–14 years) and older (15–18 years) adolescents. Table 2 provides the total number of youth participants that discussed each theme based on developmental age and alcohol versus tobacco communication.

Table 2.

Themes (N = 24): The Number (%) of LMFW Youth Participants Who Discussed Each Theme and Subtheme Based on Developmental Age^a and Alcohol Versus Tobacco Communication.

Themes	Alcohol			Tobacco
	Younger (n = 14)	Older (n = 10)	Total (N = 24)	Younger (n = 14)	Older (n = 10)	Total (N = 24)
	n (%)	n (%)	N (%)	n (%)	n (%)	N (%)
Theme 1: Participants (mostly older) used substances, but nearly all stated that parents disapproved of underage substance use
Substance use	—	8 (80)	8 (80)	—	5 (50)	5 (50)
Youth report parental disapproval	12 (86)	10 (100)	22 (92)	9 (64)	7 (70)	16 (67)
Theme 2: Parent-adolescent discussions left youth feeling positive and more confident
Happy/Good	6 (43)	1 (10)	7 (29)	6 (43)	—	6 (25)
Confident	4 (29)	3 (30)	7 (29)	2 (14)	2 (20)	4 (17)
Theme 3: Parents used consejos, a Latinx cultural communication strategy
Consejos related to consequences	—	—	—	—	—	—
Future aspirations	4 (29)	1 (10)	5 (21)	—	—	—
Health and well-being	9 (64)	6 (60)	15 (63)	9 (64)	3 (30)	12 (50)
Consejos through storytelling	6 (43)	5 (50)	11 (46)	2 (14)	4 (40)	6 (25)
Theme 4: Parents were lenient toward alcohol and tobacco use (particularly among older male teens)
Leniency	1 (7)	5 (50)	6 (25)	—	4 (40)	4 (17)
Theme 5: Some parent-adolescent discussions did not offer reasons for why youth should avoid using substances nor rules related to alcohol and tobacco
No reasons given by parents	—	1 (10)	1 (4)	1 (6)	2 (20)	3 (13)
Rules given pertaining to substance use	1 (7)	3 (30)	4 (17)	2 (14)	1 (10)	3 (13)

Younger reflects participants aged 10 to 14 years and older reflects participants aged 15 to 18 years.

Theme 1: Participants (mostly older) used substances, but nearly all stated that parents disapproved of underage substance use

Both younger and older adolescents shared their history of alcohol and tobacco use and their intentions to use these substances in the future. In regard to alcohol, none of the younger adolescents reported using alcohol, but almost half reported intending to drink as an adult. In contrast, older adolescents reported drinking alcohol and the earliest age of initiation was 15 years. The most common reasons for using alcohol were during celebrations and for relaxation. Of the two older non-alcohol users, only one reported intending to drink in the future. Similarly, in regard to tobacco, no younger adolescents reported smoking or reported having future intentions to smoke. Health was given as the primary reason for not smoking or intending to smoke. However, older adolescents did report smoking and, once again, 15 years of age was reported as earliest age of initiation. Relaxation was given as the most common reason for smoking. Among the five older nonsmoking adolescents, all reported no future intentions to smoke and shared that health concerns and not liking the smell of tobacco were their primary reasons for not smoking.

All youth reported that their parents had talked to them about drinking and smoking. Nearly all youth indicated that their parents disapproved of them using alcohol, while most said that their parents disapproved of them smoking cigarettes. Only one participant reported not talking with their parents about drinking or smoking stating, “No, we never talk about alcohol or drugs or anything like that” (Santiago, 13 years old). Younger and older youth did not report any differences between the ways their mothers and fathers discussed these topics. These findings support the notion that LMFW parents disapprove of underage drinking and smoking. Given that parental disapproval of substance use has been found to be influential in decreasing substance use risk among adolescents, particularly younger youth (King & Vidourek, 2010) study findings suggest that LMFW parents can play an active role in discouraging use.

Theme 2: Parent-adolescent discussions left youth feeling positive and confident

Younger and older adolescents differed in how they described their feelings related to the conversations they had with their parents about drinking and smoking. Younger LMFW youth responded positively toward the conversations they had with their parents about alcohol. For instance, when asked “how does it make you feel when [your parents] talk to you about [drinking]?” Daniela (12 years old) responded, “I feel happy cuz, like, they actually care like for me not to do it,” and Christian (13 years old) shared, “a little bit uncomfortable but then at the end I felt happy cause my parents are teaching me these things.” Similarly, when asked how they felt about their parents talking to them about tobacco, Luis (13 years old) shared, “well [when they talk] it makes me feel good . . . like I’ve seen people smoke and like their lungs, and how they talk, and they get tired so fast. I’ve seen them, so it made me feel good,” Diego (12 years old) summed it up by saying, “Good, because I don’t want to die,” and Camilla (10 years old) shared, “I felt good, because that way I could be safe.”

In addition, both younger and older youth described their parents as being credible sources for alcohol and tobacco information and revealed feeling that discussions strengthened their confidence to reject or quit using substances. For example, younger adolescents such as Yareli (11 years old) stated, “It makes me feel like they’re telling me something that is true, that like I can actually um, I can actually learn . . . to not do that [drink],” and Luis (13 years old) shared that the talks “made me feel like I don’t wanna [drink] like never.” These sentiments were shared by older adolescents like Dominic (16 years old) who remarked that his mother “knows what she is talking about because she has never done drugs or even drank. She did tell me that she has smoked cigarettes. But she doesn’t do drugs or drink,” as well as Elena (17 years old) who said, “I felt, comfortable talking about it with my mother because I know that she’s giving me good reasons for why I should not consume alcohol,” and Jorge (17 years old) who told us that the discussions “make me not want to drink anymore.”

Similar views were expressed by younger youth when they discussed how they felt about their parents talking to them about tobacco. For instance, Jaime (14 years old) bluntly stated that the talks made him feel “that they are right” to tell him not to smoke. Yareli (11 years old) described her parents as “very trustworthy” later adding “they are telling me something that is true, that I should actually learn” and spoke of feeling “confident because, if someone asked me [to smoke], I would feel nervous [before], but now that my parents talked to me, I feel confident I can say no.” This heightened sense of confidence was also illustrated by older adolescents such as Jorge (17 years old) who shared, “well it makes me not wanna smoke cigarettes.” In addition, youth from both developmental age groups indicated being receptive to more parent-adolescent conversations about substance use or other sensitive topics. These results echo findings from past research that found that perceived emotional closeness, supportive parenting, parental expertise, and parental trustworthiness can be sources of resilience and protection against drinking and smoking for Latinx youth (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2006; Mogro-Wilson, 2008; Pokhrel et al., 2008).

Theme 3: Parents used consejos, a culturally specific communication strategy, to communicate and transmit cultural values, attitudes, and expectations about drinking and smoking

Youth reported that their parents expressed their beliefs through the practice of giving consejos, specifically through warning messages that relayed consequences related to drinking and smoking and by sharing stories about their own or others’ negative experiences with substance use.

Consejos as warning messages

The type of warnings that youth received related to alcohol use seemed to differ by age. Younger adolescents whose parents talked to them about alcohol reported receiving cautionary statements about the effects of drinking on their future, health, and well-being. Diego (12 years old) illustrated this when he shared that his mom would say, “[You] shouldn’t drink because then [you] won’t be able to become a lawyer,” and Yareli (11 years old) told us, “they want my future to be big and they say that [drinking will] take my mind off everything that I [have planned] for my life.” Luis (13 years old) told us that his parents stress the health effects, by warning, “you won’t be able to run like you like too and stuff [because drinking makes] you get tired really easy.” Younger youth also shared that parents would warn them that drinking can negatively affect their well-being by introducing strife. As Camilla (10 years old) explained, “they say to like not drink because it’s bad for you, it makes you like crazy . . . Like you would do very, very, very bad things. You would like hit a lot of people.” Likewise, Francisco (10 years old) told us that his parents warn him “not to drink or [you]’ll go crazy and try and hurt your family.” In contrast, older adolescents shared that parental warnings primarily focused on the health effects of drinking, for example, Esperanza (16 years old) shared her mom’s advice, “to never do that to my body because it’s unhealthy.”

In contrast, both younger and older youth reported that their LMFW parents warned them against smoking by providing cautionary messages that emphasized negative health consequences. For instance, Francisco (10 years old) commented that his parents “say don’t smoke or your lungs will get super dry and you might not have enough oxygen to live,” and Dominic (16 years old) shared that his mom discouraged regular smoking by saying, “one cigarette doesn’t have anything to do with death, [but] if you’re smoking three boxes a week, you’re preparing for cancer because cigarettes are bad for your lungs.”

Consejos through storytelling

Additionally, as a way to guide their children away from using alcohol and tobacco, both younger and older youth reported that their parents’ offered consejos; presented as storytelling about their own or others’ experiences with alcohol, and to a lesser degree, tobacco (Delgado-Gaitan, 1994). For instance, Zariyah (10 years old) said, “both of my parents drink so they say to me, ‘you shouldn’t drink because you will end up like us’,” and Bianca (16 years old) captured the phenomena of consejos particularly well when she recounted the story her father shared with her about drinking, specifically that he “went to jail when he was young” because his “friend was carrying drugs and when [this friend] got caught” the authorities arrested them both and “because of this he tells us, ‘don’t do drugs it will mess up a lot of things for you’.” She then went on to say that she thinks about how this lived experience continues to affect her dad by sharing, “now he can’t really get a job because he has a record.”

Similarly, both younger and older youth reported that parents shared their experiences with smoking. Some parents spoke of their experiences with addiction, as Jorge’s (17 years old) story illustrates: “[My mom] used to smoke every day . . . she got kind of addicted to it. She said ‘every day she had to have a cigarette cause she couldn’t control it. It got so that she couldn’t relax [without a smoke].” He went on, “after that she stopped. She said, ‘no, that’s not for me’.” Thus, his mother’s consejo not only warned Jorge of the dangers of smoking but also impressed on him that it is possible to quit.

Apart from disclosing their own lived experiences, both younger and older youth reported that parents would tell them stories of others’ negative experiences to counsel them against drinking and smoking. For instance, Jaime (14 years old) told us that his parents tell him “drinking is bad” and also go on to remind him that his “grandfather died from drinking alcohol.” Likewise, Jorge (17 years old) recounted, “my brother, he’s 22 . . . [My parents] took him to a hospital and there [the doctor] told him to stop drinking because if he kept drinking, he was gonna lose his liver,” and Eduardo (17 years old) shared that his mom “doesn’t want me to” drink because she is afraid, “I’ll end up like my dad. My dad is really messed up.” These findings demonstrate parents’ use of consejos to influence their children to abstain or alter their behavior (Delgado-Gaitan, 1994). Results also suggest that LMFW parental advice for younger youth included cautionary messages that convey consequences on their aspirations, health, and well-being, while older youth primarily received warning messages that focused on health consequences. Findings also demonstrated that LMFW parents communicate concerns related to drinking and smoking through storytelling and used these narratives to highlight the message that quitting is possible. In addition, parental narratives underscored adult LMFW vulnerability to substance use (Hiott et al., 2008; Hovey, 2001).

Theme 4: Particularly among older male teens and under specific conditions, parents were lenient toward alcohol and tobacco use

Mostly older male youth shared conditions under which their parents expressed being lenient toward their use of alcohol or tobacco. One condition was when the parents knew their child used a substance that they considered more harmful. For example, in regard to alcohol, Eduardo (17 years old) told us that his mom “prefers [him] to drink alcohol than smoke weed.” In addition, Dominic (16 years old), Juan (18 years old), and Nestor (18 years old) stated that their parents allowed them to drink at family events and with family but disapproved of them drinking “with other people.” Likewise, Dominic (16 years old) shared that his mother told him, “Tobacco isn’t anything bad but if you’re doing marijuana, well that’s different.”

In some cases, older youth reported that parents were more lenient when they themselves drank or smoked. For instance, Juan (18 years old) shared, “my dad [smokes] and [while he] doesn’t want me to smoke, he’s okay with me smoking cigarettes but he doesn’t want me to do anything else.” Moreover, participants who reported that their parents did not communicate disapproval of smoking, such as Eduardo (17 years old), Dominic (16 years old), and Elena (17 years old) shared that their parent’s leniency was “because all our family smokes cigarettes.” These statements suggest a common sentiment found in the literature, specifically that parents may have difficulty communicating disapproval when they themselves drink or smoke (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2007). Our interviews also highlighted differences in the ways parents approach boys and girls; specifically, we found that LMFW parents appeared to be more lenient with older boys. This may be due to parental held cultural values about gender-specific behaviors, known as machismo and marianismo (Strait, 1999), as current research asserts that Latinx parents who endorse machismo and marianismo are more likely to practice leniency toward substance use with sons but not with daughters (Lac et al., 2011).

Theme 5: Youth reported that some parents did not offer reasons for why they should avoid substance use or rules pertaining to alcohol and tobacco use

While parents brought up the topic of alcohol and tobacco, some youth shared that their parents did not elaborate upon reasons why their children should avoid drinking and smoking. This was illustrated by Angel (16 years old) who reported that his parents would simply say, “that it is bad,” and Anthony (10 years old) who recounted, “I don’t know, they just say don’t smoke, I don’t know why.” This is of import as current research has demonstrated that providing messages without meaningful information can weaken the impact that parental discussions may have on youth’s decision-making related to avoiding alcohol or tobacco (King & Vidourek, 2010). Also of interest, is that only two participants described rules related to alcohol or tobacco use and in both instances these referred to parental expectations related to their child’s behavior with peers. For instance, Luis (13 years old) reported, “when I go out with my friends [my parents tell me] not to do stuff like smoke cigarettes,” and Juan (17 years old) shared that his parents’ rule is to “not to drink and drive” when he goes out with friends. Again this is notable, as the absence of parental rules, specifically rules that explicitly articulate parental substance use expectations, is of import as this parental behavior has been found to play a critical role in protecting Latinx youth against substance use (King & Vidourek, 2010; Mogro-Wilson, 2008; West et al., 2013).

Discussion

The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand, from the perspectives of both younger and older adolescents, the messages LMFW parents convey when talking to their children about drinking and smoking. Overall, our findings were consistent with the broader literature which has found that open parent-adolescent communication about alcohol and tobacco use is beneficial for teenagers especially when conveyed in an open, honest, and caring manner (e.g., Bray et al., 2000; Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2010; Marsiglia et al., 2014). We also found that youth reported that their parents use of alcohol and tobacco may complicate these messages, in that although health concerns were accurately communicated to youth; there was also a leniency toward substance use (especially for older boys). This is consistent with research reporting that exposure to substance use modeling by adult family members can increase the risk of use for LMFW youth (Hiott et al., 2008; Hovey, 2001).

Our study however, also built on this prior literature though exploring parent-adolescent communication in more depth through the use of qualitative interviews. Through thematic analysis, we found that (1) participants (mostly older) used substances, but nearly all reported that parents expressed disapproval toward underage use; (2) younger and older adolescents felt positive about the alcohol and tobacco conversations they had with their parents; (3) parents used consejos, a Latinx cultural communication strategy to communicate with their children about alcohol and tobacco use; (4) parents were lenient toward alcohol and tobacco use in mostly older male teens; and (5) youth reported that some parents did not offer reasons for why they should avoid drinking and smoking or rules pertaining to alcohol and tobacco use.

In our study, only older LMFW adolescents reported drinking and smoking and most reported initiation of both substances at age 15. These findings are in accord with previous studies reporting that risk-taking behaviors are more common among older Latinx adolescents (e.g., Atherton et al., 2015). However, the results are not consistent with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2017) findings that Latinx youth initiate use at age 13, indicating perhaps that LMFW youths’ substance use trajectories may differ from that of Latinx youth, in general. This study’s participants also reported receiving messages that convey parental disapproval toward underage drinking and smoking, thus suggesting that LMFW parents take it upon themselves to talk with their children about alcohol and tobacco. This is consistent with the broader literature on parent communication among Latinx families, which suggests Latinx parents are actively involved in discussing substance use behaviors with their teenage children (e.g., Guilamo-Ramos, 2010; Kam & Middleton, 2013; King & Vidourek, 2010; Marsiglia et al., 2014). Given that previous research has linked parental disapproval to lower substance use and intentions, enhanced anti-substance use norms, and higher sense of confidence to counter pro-substance use messages aimed at adolescents (Atherton et al., 2015; Kam & Middleton, 2013; Ladapo et al., 2014), these findings provide support for research that explores influence of parental disapproval on LMFW youth’s alcohol and tobacco use and intentions.

Findings also revealed that younger LMFW participants felt cared for when their parents communicated with them about drinking and smoking, and both younger and older LMFW youth attributed parental communication with feeling more confident to reject or quit these substances. In addition, youth shared being receptive to more alcohol and tobacco parent-adolescent conversations as well as other sensitive topics. These results are consistent with prior work in the areas of parental monitoring and parental control which suggest that Latinx adolescents respond positively if they perceive their parents’ behaviors as evidence of concern or caring (Mogro-Wilson, 2008; Pokhrel et al., 2008). Results also support evidence that when Latinx adolescents feel satisfied with the quality of parent-adolescent communication, they are less likely to use substances (Clark et al., 2016). Similarly, feelings of emotional closeness coupled with viewing parents as sources of trustworthy information has been found to be protective against substance use by strengthening youth’s sense of confidence to refuse or quit using substances (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2006). Thus, findings point to the utility of engaging LMFW adolescents, particularly younger non-substance-using youth, in parent-adolescent discussions about alcohol and tobacco.

A substantial portion of LMFW youth reported that their parents conveyed anti-drinking and smoking messages indirectly through consejos (Delgado-Gaitan, 1994). Specifically, LMFW parents provided consejos through cautionary statements related to the consequences of drinking and smoking and storytelling about own or others’ negative substance use experiences. In our interviews, younger adolescents were more likely to receive parental warning messages that emphasized consequences of drinking and smoking on their future, health, and well-being, while older adolescents primarily received cautionary messages that emphasized health consequences. Because past research has shown that the combination of parental disapproval and cautionary statements is effective in discouraging Latinx adolescent substance use, particularly among younger youth (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2007; Kam & Cleveland, 2011), further research is necessary to determine whether these protective factors reduce drinking and smoking among LMFW youth, and whether messaging differs for younger versus older youth. Additional research is also needed to investigate how consejos packaged as health warnings resonate with older LMFW youth, particularly parental advice that highlights health risks as this may prove ineffective among older youth who do not perceive themselves at risk of negative health outcomes (Sussman, 2013). Alternatively, older youth may find these warnings irrelevant, not because they lack the ability to comprehend their risk but because they may consider drinking and smoking expressions of appealing traits. For example, research examining the influence of gender-linked cultural values on substance use has found that Latinx adolescent males who endorse machismo values are at greater risk of substance use because they are more likely to perceive these behaviors as demonstrating rebelliousness, a trait that is consistent with machismo values (Unger et al., 2004). More research is thus needed to better understand how consejos given as cautionary messages affect alcohol and tobacco use among LMFW youth and whether effects differ by age. Future research should also explore how consejos might differ by gender and if ascribing to gender-linked cultural values such as machismo and marianismo could predict risk of alcohol and tobacco use among LMFW youth.

Furthermore, results revealed that parental consejos delivered through storytelling exposed children to narratives related to alcohol and tobacco use and addiction, death and misfortune experienced by persistent users, and stories of those who successfully quit or recovered from addiction. Studies emphasize the power of giving consejos through storytelling; indeed, research among youth who internalize this parental advice has found that this cultural practice can nurture resilience, perseverance, and determination (Azmitia & Brown, 2002; Delgado-Gaitan, 1994). In addition, research examining parental disclosure among Latinx youth suggests that this practice can foster perceptions of parents being honest and trustworthy sources of information, which lowers substance use among youth by helping adolescents develop their own anti-substance use beliefs (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2010; Kam & Middleton, 2013). The parental practice of sharing important experiences with children has also been found to strengthen parent-adolescent bonds (Delgado-Gaitan, 1994), which can also buffer youth against substance use (Martin et al., 2019). Thus, subsequent research should explore how consejos through storytelling might contribute to LMFW adolescents’ alcohol and tobacco use decision-making. Furthermore, future investigations are needed to explore if parental disclosure of their own drinking and smoking can dissuade early usage and play a protective role, or if it might exert an opposite effect since research has found that children who wish to emulate their parent’s behaviors are more likely to drink or smoke when parents use these substances (Unger et al., 2004; Yu, 2003).

Notably, some youth with substance-using families reported that parent-adolescent communications lacked disapproval toward drinking or smoking. Past research has found that parental substance use and parental permissive attitudes toward substances can influence underage substance use (Yu, 2003). This is particularly concerning given that migrant farmworkers, especially men, are at high risk for alcohol abuse (Hiott et al., 2008; Hovey, 2001). Our study revealed that older male teens, in particular, reported that parents allowed substance use around family members and at special events. Some youth also recounted discussions where parents offered leniency toward drinking and smoking if the youth agreed to abstain from substances that the parent deemed to be more harmful, such as marijuana. While research has shown that negotiating conditions for drinking and smoking may divert teens from progressing to illicit drug use, this strategy can however expose youth to greater access and experimentation with alcohol and tobacco which can have implications in young adulthood related to alcohol and tobacco addiction (van der Vorst et al., 2005).

Results also suggest that LMFW families may ascribe to differing gender-specific parenting practices which are consistent with previous research examining gender-linked cultural values among Latinx families in general (e.g., Kulis et al., 2007; Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). Cultural values that promote conventional attitudes toward gender-specific and appropriate behaviors, known as machismo and marianismo, and these have been found to predict substance use among Latinx youth (Soto et al., 2011; Unger et al., 2004). Thus, further research is needed to determine whether these cultural values influence alcohol and tobacco use among LMFW youth.

Also of import were youth reports of parents who neither offered rationale for why they should avoid substances nor provided substance-use related rules beyond simply asking them to not to use substances with peers. These results are valuable as evidence has revealed that lack of parental guidance related to substance use and poor access to correct, clear, and age appropriate information can weaken youths’ capacity to counteract pro-substance use messages; pervasive in adolescence through substance-using peers and mass media (King & Vidourek, 2010; Mogro-Wilson, 2008; Scull et al., 2010; West et al., 2013). Also, absence of rules may result in youth being unaware of their parents’ expectations toward substances or may lead some youth to conflate absence of rules with parental permissiveness toward alcohol and tobacco use, both of which can contribute to substance risk behaviors (Yu, 2003). Current research indicates that clear rule-setting, especially when coupled with consistent discipline and parental monitoring that enforce substance use rules, can serve to protect Latinx adolescents against drinking and smoking (Atherton et al., 2015; Clark et al., 2015; King & Vidourek, 2010; Marsiglia et al., 2012; Pokhrel et al., 2008; Schofield et al., 2015; West et al., 2013).

These findings suggest a need for prevention efforts that enhance skills among LMFW parents to provide meaningful and accurate substance prevention information and to encourage parents to establish and engage in deliberate discussions related to substance use rules. Moreover, Henry and colleagues (2018) found that paternal and maternal monitoring influence adolescent males differently; specifically, paternal monitoring lowered substance use rates while maternal monitoring resulted in no significant changes; it is thus important for future research to explore the influence of fathers versus mothers.

Although the present study importantly represents an exploration of parent-adolescent communication about drinking and smoking in an under-studied and highly vulnerable Latinx subpopulation, there are some limitations. The methodological focus on adolescents’ narratives on parent communications about alcohol and tobacco centers study findings around youths’ perspectives. It would be advantageous for future research to explore additional sources of data such as mothers and fathers, so data can be triangulated and understanding of parent-adolescent communication can be broadened. In addition, while interviews were conducted with both younger and older adolescents, which allowed for similarities and differences between two developmental ages to be examined, study participants were interviewed at one time point which does not allow changes over time of substance use trajectories and parent-adolescent communications to be explored; thus, future research would benefit from employing a longitudinal design. Last, as fewer females than males were recruited, views held by females may have been under-represented. Therefore, future work should be conducted to provide further clarity on the role of gender differences related to the topic of parent-adolescent communication about drinking and smoking.

Despite these limitations, this study offers valuable insights that can inform intervention development and future research efforts aimed at enhancing and understanding alcohol and tobacco parent-adolescent communication among LMFW families. Youth-reported narratives showed that like many parents from other Latinx populations, LMFW parents discouraged their children from using and abusing alcohol and tobacco, especially among younger participants. Study findings also indicated that LMFW youth, particularly younger youth, were receptive to these discussions. Future research should continue to examine the frequency and conditions in which these discussions take place, their impact across developmental stages, ways parent-adolescent communication may be a source of resilience and protection against alcohol and tobacco use for LMFW youth, and areas where LMFW parents can more effectively communicate with their children about these substances. In addition, findings point to LMFW parents’ use of cultural communication practices to transmit cultural values and beliefs toward underage substance use, thus highlighting a need to examine in greater depth the role of these cultural practices on underage substance use, how these are practiced when LMFW families migrant or when family members are absent for prolonged periods and communication with children occurs from afar. It is also important to explore how to best apply these cultural practices when developing substance use prevention efforts that target LMFW households. Moreover, future research should continue to study the impact on LMFW youths’ substance use behaviors of substance-using parents and parental attitudes that may be perceived as being permissive toward drinking and smoking such as offered leniency under particular conditions.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

We gratefully acknowledge the Migrant Education Program, Region 2: Wabash Valley Education Center, Indiana, for their assistance with recruitment efforts. A special thanks to our research assistants. Most importantly, we thank all the participants for their time and effort.

Authors’ Note

Any underlying research materials related to this paper can be accessed by contacting the first author.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by the Spencer Foundation (#201700032) and Purdue University’s Agricultural Science and Extension for Economic Development (AgSEED).

ORCID iDs

Yumary Ruiz

Zoe E. Taylor

Author Biographies

Yumary Ruiz is an assistant professor of Public Health at Purdue University in the Department of Public Health. Her research program examines how individual decision-making processes interact with societal factors to affect the health and well-being of vulnerable youth. Specifically, her work explores how population mobility and family life influence risk and protective behaviors among at-risk Latinx youth. She has expertise in migration research, qualitative methodology, and applied public health research.

Zoe E. Taylor is an associate professor in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at Purdue University. She earned her PhD in Human Development and Family Studies from the University of California, Davis. Her research program broadly examines risk and resilience processes in vulnerable youth and their families. In particular, her research is focused on how Latinx youth cope with stress, and the effects of stress on mental health and well-being. Broadly, she is interested in how individuals and families succeed, stay healthy, and do well despite hardships, transitions, and challenge.

Rebecca Cavin received her Bachelor of Science degree in public health from Purdue University. She is currently pursuing a master’s degree in Public Health at Purdue University in the Department of Public Health. Her research interests focus on health disparities among youth.

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