“I’ve seen my friend get chopped”: The Influence of Peer Networks on Exposure to Violence Among Homeless Young Adults

Defining Homelessness and Exposure to Violence

Young adults experiencing homelessness include those without accommodation (suitable and permanent), who may be unsheltered (living directly on the streets or in other spaces not intended for habitation), or in temporary or emergency accommodation that is reserved for homeless persons (Busch-Geertsema et al., 2016). This global definition aligns with the Australian statistical definition of homelessness (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018). Exposure to violence is defined in accordance with the World Health Organization’s (2002) definition of violence. Perpetration of physical violence is the intentional and unwanted physical handling or threat of physical harm performed by an individual(s) against another person without consent (e.g., hitting, punching, mugging and robbery, assault, use of weapons against another person, threats to harm) (Heerde & Hemphill, 2019; Heerde et al., 2014). Physical violence victimization includes the physical handling or threat of physical harm experienced by an individual at the hands of another person (e.g., assault, being threatened with harm with or without the use of weapons, being physically harmed, and being mugged or robbed) (Heerde & Hemphill, 2019; Heerde et al., 2014). Herein, unless otherwise specified, exposure to physical violence includes both perpetration and victimization.

Ethics Approval

Approval for this study was provided by the Australian Catholic University Human Research Ethics Committee (2013 258V), the institution the lead author was affiliated with at the time of data collection.

Participants

Eighteen young adults, 18 to 24 years of age and at risk of or experiencing homelessness, participated in this study. At the time of interviewing, all young adults were receiving assistance with housing and/or case management from one of two youth organizations. These organizations provided a range of specialized services to at-risk adolescents and young adults (up to 25 years of age) including outreach support, addiction services, housing assistance and crisis accommodation, support for young adults transitioning from the justice system, and intensive case management for those with complex treatment needs, on statutory orders, and for whom other services had been ineffective. Chief Executive Officers of these organizations provided permission to conduct the research at their service.

All but one participant, who was born in South Asia, identified as White and Australian-born. All participants were proficient in speaking and understanding the English language. Ten young adults identified as female. Eleven participants had disengaged from school at or prior to Grade 10. Young adults reported their first experience of homelessness occurred between the ages of 12 and 18 years (13 participants at or before the age of 16 years). Twelve participants reported experiencing homelessness on at least three separate occasions. During these periods, they reported living directly on the streets, in abandoned buildings, temporary accommodation reserved for adolescents and young adults at risk of homelessness, or staying with a friend, boyfriend/girlfriend, or other known/unknown acquaintances. Seven participants reported having no fixed address in the past 4 to 12 months, while 10 described feeling unlikely they would have a safe place to stay for the next month.

Research Design and Practices

Few extant studies of young adult homelessness have drawn upon decolonizing research methodologies (Heerde & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2019), despite the use of these approaches with other marginalized groups (Moreton-Robinson, 2013; Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2016b, 2018; Smith, 2013; Zavala, 2013). Decolonizing practices (Moreton-Robinson, 2013; Smith, 2013) draw on standpoint theory to bring attention to the concerns, perspectives, and recommendations of participants (Moreton-Robinson, 2013). Thus, the adoption of a decolonizing lens in this study is appropriate given its central focus on the lived experience of participants. Like other qualitative collaborative and participatory methods, adopting a decolonizing lens positions the researcher as an active listener, building rapport, earning trust, and establishing credibility with the participant. Participants drive the research, in both its content and direction, and engage in a relationship with the researcher that is free from exploitation and appropriation (Smith, 2013).

The safety and anonymity of participants is paramount in empowering them to openly share their lived experience and raise and discuss issues of importance to the research even where these issues have not been prompted through the interview questions (Liamputtong, 2010). The use of participants’ words, their feelings and understandings, and the processes by which understandings are formulated through language and demonstrated through behavior can be gained through applying a decolonizing lens. Respecting and accurately presenting the words, perceptions, perspectives, and thought processes of participants is integral to the writing and recommendations of the research (Smith, 2013).

Participant Recruitment

To be eligible to take part in the study, participants were required to be between 16 and 24 years of age, at risk of or experiencing homelessness, and be receiving support from youth homelessness services. There were no stipulations placed on the type of homelessness young adults had/were experiencing; rather, young adults navigating the definition of homelessness provided earlier in this section were eligible to participate. This included young adults without accommodation (e.g., couch surfing, temporarily living with peers), who were unsheltered (e.g., living directly on the streets), or who were currently in temporary, emergency, or supported accommodation that is reserved for adolescents and young adults experiencing homelessness. Eligibility requirements were not placed on participant’s ethnicity or their history of exposure to physical violence. Prior to the commencement of data collection, the lead author spent time attending both organizations described in this section, to establish rapport with site staff and young adults. This resulted in the development of trust, mutual understanding and rapport between the lead author, site staff, and young adults; features imperative in qualitative research with vulnerable and marginalized population groups (Liamputtong, 2009, 2010).

Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants to the study to ensure they held insights and perspectives most relevant to the research questions (Minichiello et al., 2004). Recruitment occurred in two stages. First, young adults were approached by their case manager, who provided a verbal introduction to the research and assessed their interest in the project and capacity to participate. Case managers then facilitated an appropriate time for the researchers and the participant to meet at the site of the organization. During this meeting, the researcher presented the study in detail and young adults were provided with the opportunity to make an informed decision about their participation. As described earlier, the recruitment strategies resulted in 18 young adults agreeing to participate in the study. Details on the number of young adults that were available at the two organizations or the number of young adult’s case managers approached to participate are unavailable. Of those young adults who expressed interest in participating, only two participants did not attend at the scheduled interview time. Both young adults were contacted by their case manager and invited to reschedule an interview time, however declined to participate.

Interview Administration

A standardized open-ended interview, with a semi-structured interview guide (Patton, 2002), was used in conducting all interviews. The study was explained within an advocacy framework of using participants’ interview responses to understand their lived experiences of homelessness and exposure to violence, including their peer relationships. Participants were informed that their interview data would be used to produce a summary report and other publications for individuals working with young adults experiencing homelessness.

Young adults were provided with written information about the project and a consent form. As participants were at an age where they possessed the cognitive capacity to provide informed consent (at least 16 years of age; Sanci et al., 2004), parental consent was not required. Allowing for the fact that literacy skills may have been limited in some participants, the project information and consent form were read aloud to each young person. The researchers explained that involvement in the interview was voluntary, and that participants were able to leave the interview and withdraw their participation at any point, without consequence. Consent was obtained in writing from all young adults prior to commencement of the interview and assurances of confidentiality were provided.

Interviews were conducted over the period of July 2014 to November 2015 and lasted 45 to 60 minutes. Interviews focused on participants’ exposure to violence while experiencing homelessness, including their relationships and interactions with peers. The interview schedule was developed by the lead author and was designed to qualitatively explore behaviors examined within established quantitative measures including the Exposure to Violence and Criminal Behavior on the Streets Questionnaire (Kipke et al., 1997) and the Violence Involvement Scale (Brady et al., 2008). “How many of your friends have gotten into physical fights?” “How many of your friends have been assaulted?” and “Have your friends been injured in any of these situations?” are example questions. Given the dialogic and interactive format of the interviews, these questions were followed by questioning and probing phrases such as “Can you tell me about . . .,” “If you feel comfortable can we talk about . . .” and “Can you say a bit more about . . ..” Some demographic data (i.e., gender [male/female], age, country of birth) was also collected as permitted by the participant.

At the completion of the interview, participants were asked if there was anything further, they wished to raise, discuss, convey, or share with others. All young adults received a $10AUD groceries voucher as reimbursement for their time, which was given prior to beginning the interview. At this point, the researchers reiterated that participants were able to leave the interview and/or withdraw their participation at any point without consequence. Given the structurally vulnerable position of participants, this process was important in ensuring they did not feel pressured or coerced into taking part in the interview in exchange for the voucher. All interviews were recorded on a digital recorder and transcribed verbatim by a professional transcription service.

The safety and anonymity of young adults was paramount. Considering the potentially triggering nature of asking participants to talk about their peer relationships and peers’ exposure to violence, ensuring participants had access to debriefing and support services during and/or following the interview was paramount. The conduct of each interview was supported by a distress protocol, developed to effectively respond to emotional distress expressed by participants (Draucker et al., 2009). A staff member at each of the participating organizations was also available in the event a participant became distressed during the interview and needed support. Project information provided to participants also contained the contact details for two external homelessness support services.

All identifying information contained in the interview transcripts was removed. Names of people, agencies, or specific locations (e.g., suburbs, train stations) were replaced with pseudonyms or fictitious names. Interview transcripts (including language used by participants) were deliberately not edited or “cleaned.” Speech habits (e.g., “um”) were edited; however, participant’s narratives, ideas, and wording were not rephrased. The words, phrases, and vernacular of young adults provide a linguistic insight into their lived experiences, vulnerabilities, and the ways in which understandings are formulated through language and acted upon.

Consistent with adopting a decolonizing lens (Moreton-Robinson, 2013; Smith, 2013), young people were provided with the opportunity to listen to the audio recording of their interview, and to review and edit their interview transcript. All participants appeared appreciative of the opportunity to take part in the interview and appeared content with the interview process and their responses. Although young adults’ review and editing of their transcripts may have resulted in additional data, the lead author received no requests from participants to undertake this process. Participants were provided with the contact details for the lead author in the event they wished to do so in the future.

Data Coding and Analysis

Data coding and categorization was supported by NVivo 11 software (QSR International, 2016). As a method of qualitative analysis, and complementing the use of a decolonizing lens, narrative inquiry was used to understand participants’ lived experiences in their own words, and the social, cultural, and environmental contexts in which these experiences occurred (Brown, 2012; Clandinin, 2006; Haydon et al., 2018).

Each interview transcript was thoroughly read multiple times using a categorial narrative approach to elucidate patterns, themes, and categories in the participants’ narratives (Earthy & Cronin, 2008). The lead author individually completed the coding and categorization of these patterns which involved several processes to ensure rigorous data analysis (Morse, 2015). First, after reading the transcripts, the interview schedule was used as a framework by which to identify emergent themes that related to young adult’s peer relationships, as well as data indirectly related to the research questions (e.g., conceptualizations of social and cultural norms attributed to homelessness). Next, a list of framing codes and categories was generated, and sub-categories and sub-themes then devised. The identification of connections and patterns across the data was aided by multiple re-readings of the interview transcripts. Data for sub-categories and sub-themes were then condensed, refined, and collapsed into higher-level, more detailed themes. Given the narrative approach, the use of multiple coders as measures of reliability and validity was not essential (Corbin & Strauss, 1990). However, over the course of the analysis and writing process, the authors discussed the emergent categories and themes, patterns in the data, and each other’s interpretations of the data as well as their personal assumptions and beliefs.

The Importance of Peer Relationships

Young adults in this study spoke of the significance and value of peer relationships, and the supportive and trusting nature of these connections. Their narratives suggested the relationships they had with peers were supportive connections within which home and homelessness experiences could be shared and understood. For the young adults interviewed, relationships with peers appeared to be important personal connections within a street culture where young adults often seek invisibility from broader social contexts. In discussing their peer relationships, participants’ narratives reflected shared understandings of themselves, their struggles, and their behaviors were developed through connections with peers. The importance of friendships was framed by two main themes: first, that peers formed the “family” that young adults had not previously had; and second, young adults carefully formed supportive and trusting relationships with their peers.

Peer relationships provided important personal and social connections, where participants’ felt included and supported. Participants spoke warmly of their friends and described friendships in a way that symbolized relationships which they did not have with biological family members: “One of my mates, he’s like a brother to me . . .” (Participant 12, female). Other young adults recalled the close bonds with friends through descriptions of common experiences and understandings: “You get to know each other; you get to know the stories. It’s mostly just like family stuff, like what I’ve gone through.” (Participant 17, female) and “same problems with family, same problems with being on the streets” (Participant 18, female). In general, peer relationships for the young adults in this study appeared to be shaped not only through a shared experience of homelessness, but also through mutual experiences within other social contexts (e.g., the family).

Young people’s recollections and reflections encompassed themes of trust, respect, and support. They spoke perceptively and with a sense of empowerment about choosing who (or who not) to befriend or trust: “There’s the friends that you trust and the ones that you don’t.” (Participant 15, male) and “I choose my friends wisely” (Participant 5, female). Other young adults mentioned practical considerations in developing peer relationships. In one example, this young man described his discernment was based on peer behavior, saying “If someone does carry a weapon, I don’t want anything to do with them” (Participant 9, male). Participants recalled having a small number of close peers: “I only have a very small handful of friendship groups” (Participant 17, female) and “I only hang out with one or two people” (Participant 2, female). The themes of trust, support, and a small network of peers were commonly described as adaptive strategies, developed to increase security, safety, and protection that had not been previously experienced:

They [friends] respect me, as I respect them [my friends]. But they wouldn’t put me in a place where I would be in danger or be threatened or would do anything . . . so they’re kind of very caring and very loyal people. . . (Participant 5, female)

Peer Relationships and Exposure to Violence

Responding to Peer’ Injuries

While young adults gave detailed accounts of their peers’ perpetration of violence and victimization experiences, few spoke of injuries sustained by their peers in these incidents or resultant interactions with health professionals. Where injuries were described, these were depicted in a matter-of-fact list-like manner, where the severity of the wounds was often downplayed. For instance, Participant 16’s listing of physical wounds was conveyed with order and categorization, with his use of the word “only” minimizing the injury severity:

Black eye, bruising across the face and upper body and around the stomach where she’d been kicked, and defensive injuries on her arms and legs. It was only bruising so she just basically let it go away by itself, there’s not much you can do about bruising. (Participant 16, male)

Without prompting, other participants described injuries sustained in a controlled and emotionally regulated manner: “. . . put him in hospital” (Participant 12, male), “he [assailant] just cut straight through his bone” (Participant 15, male) and “. . . he almost died” (Participant 7, female).

Young adults showed some reluctance to engage in conversation about their peers’ help-seeking behavior. Most used the phrases “I don’t know” and “not sure” when asked about their peers’ injuries and instances of seeking assistance for these injuries. Only one participant spoke of their peer seeking help from a health professional: “Yeah [friend] not sure how it works [the medical system], how to go about getting the process going, that kind of thing” (Participant 16, male). Participant’s tone of voice and body language often signaled disengagement from conversation on these topics. For example, the following young person began to fidget, subtly moved their chair backwards, and increased the speed of their speech when asked about peers’ injuries and said: “My memory’s really bad. I don’t know. I don’t know” (Participant 9, male). In another instance, this young person said, “I don’t really keep information about my friends” (Participant 11, male) while adjusting himself to sit upright on the couch and block himself by crossing his arms across his chest.

The Importance of Peer Relationships

Navigating homelessness requires the development, adaptation, and use of coping skills beyond those which are required in broader society (Bender et al., 2007). For many young adults, navigating homelessness occurs in the context of managing the complexities and reverberations of childhood and early adolescent trauma (e.g., Bearsley-Smith et al., 2008; Coates & McKenzie-Mohr, 2010). Thus, it is not surprising that these young adults develop supportive and emotionally interdependent relationships with their homeless peers (Bender et al., 2007; De la Haye et al., 2012; Kurtz et al., 2000). The results of this study suggest peer relationships among homeless young adults move beyond superficial companionship. Rather, these are trusting interdependent relationships where peers provide important personal connections and sources of support and kinship. These shared experiences and understanding may allow young adults to address and decrease feelings of isolation commonly associated with experiencing homelessness (Rew, 2000). Our study findings mirror that of prior studies which report that relationships among peers are vital sources of instrumental, emotional, and social support for young adults experiencing homelessness (e.g., Bender et al., 2007; De la Haye et al., 2012; McCarthy et al., 2002; Smith, 2008; Tyler & Melander, 2011).

Our study findings extend that of previous research and suggest that relationships with peers provide important personal connections. These connections are symbolized by expressions of inclusion and comfort, and often expressed as “familial” relationships which had not been previously experienced with biological family members (e.g., brothers or sisters; Bender et al., 2007; Greenblatt & Robertson, 1993; McCarthy et al., 2002; H. Smith, 2008; Whitbeck & Simons, 1990). Young adults’ perceptions of “family-type” peer relationships suggest that bonds and relationships between these young adults may imitate the rapport and functions of sibling-kinship that typically exists in supportive family environments (Ennett et al., 1999; Smith, 2008). This perception resonates with the term “family of choice” often used in LGBTIQ studies to distinguish the deep bonds of support, loyalty, and commitment within queer friendships that may have been absent in heterosexual “families of origin” (e.g., Bertone & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2015).

The importance of relationships with non-familial peers has been noted by many scholars regarding homeless young people’s disconnection from their family of origin, friendships developed prior to homelessness and other community-based supports (e.g., Bender et al., 2007; De la Haye et al., 2012; H. Smith, 2008). In this study, young adults referred to having agency in choosing which peers to befriend and trust. It is possible that the importance of this agency stems from both having experienced family-based harms and the constantly changing conditions and demands of homelessness. This agency enabled young adults to feel no longer trapped by or vulnerable to others (e.g., Bender et al., 2007; Greenblatt & Robertson, 1993). These harms and demands are consistently identified as posing considerable risk to homeless young people’s sense of safety and feelings of self-control (e.g., Bender et al., 2007; Goodman et al., 1991; H. Smith, 2008; Unger et al., 1998). The trust, support, and protection provided by connections with peers, as described in this study, may mitigate the disorder and demands associated with experiencing homelessness.

Peer Relationships and Exposure to Violence

Experiencing homelessness requires young people to develop relationships with peers who are experiencing similar social circumstances (Heerde & Hemphill, 2019). These relationships are a necessary resource for survival (Heerde & Hemphill, 2019; McCarthy et al., 2002; Rice et al., 2005; H. Smith, 2008). Despite this, our study findings suggest that there is a propensity for peer relationships to increase young adults’ exposure to violence, as they bear witness to their peers’ perpetration of violence (e.g., assault) and/or their being victimized (e.g., being assaulted with weapons). Our findings are consistent with previous studies that report homeless young people’s exposure to physical violence may be associated with peer connections and affiliations (De la Haye et al., 2012; Ennett et al., 1999; Gaetz, 2004; Kipke et al., 1997; McCarthy & Hagan, 1991; Rice et al., 2005; H. Smith, 2008). The young adults in our study described their peers’ use of physical violence in ways that suggested these behaviors were intended to protect against vulnerability, or as a means by which to obtain a commodity.

Few studies have examined victimization among homeless young people’s peers (e.g., Huey & Berndt, 2008; McCarthy et al., 2002; Whitbeck & Simons, 1990) or the witnessing of peers’ exposure to violence (Baron, 2003; Kipke et al., 1997). Our study contributes to addressing this research gap; however, there is little comparative research with which to compare our findings. Our findings suggest witnessing violence, whether this be peers’ perpetration of violence or their being victimized, is an additional form of trauma to which homeless young adults are exposed. For these young adults, prior experiences of childhood maltreatment and abuse (e.g., Bearsley-Smith et al., 2008; Embleton et al., 2016; Heffron et al., 1995; Shelton et al., 2009; van den Bree et al., 2009) are likely to be compounded by their own experiences of violence while homeless (e.g., Baron, 2003; Baron & Hartnagel, 1998; Gaetz, 2004; Gwadz et al., 2009; Heerde et al., 2014; Kennedy & Baron, 1993; McCarthy & Hagan, 1991) and, as suggested here, that of their peers (e.g., Huey & Berndt, 2008). The unprompted emotionality of some young adults during the interviews suggested vulnerability and discomfort in having witnessed their peers’ experiences of violence. Other young adults appeared to minimize and subvert the effects of what they had seen by describing their peers’ injuries in a regimented, list-like order. An important direction for future studies of peer relationships among homeless young adults will be to include detailed information on peers’ exposure to violence to provide a stronger basis on which to examine the impact of witnessing this violence and potential mechanisms to target in applied programming and intervention approaches.

Implications Arising From the Study Findings

This study offers a contemporary insight into peer relationships among homeless young adults, once again emphasizing these relationships are important sources of protection and support (e.g., Milburn et al., 2007; Rice et al., 2005; Thompson et al., 2007; Unger et al., 1998). Our findings illustrate homeless young adults form strong social bonds with their homeless peers, constructing these relationships as kin or families of choice. While the shielding and helpful capacities of these peer relationships must be acknowledged, it is imperative to recognize that these relationships can also be sources of harm. This is particularly important in considering applied approaches to working with young people experiencing homelessness and that exposure to violence is considered a normative occurrence in their daily lives (Heerde & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2019).

The relationships young people form with their peers are considerable influences on exposure to violence; young people are bonded with peers who are also engaging in, or being victimized by, violence. Young adult’s accounts of their own experiences of violence (Heerde & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2019) were similar to the descriptions of peers’ exposure to violence depicted in this study. The normalcy and ordinariness with which participants described their own and their peers’ exposure to violence is consistent with suggestions that violence is common within homelessness contexts (Kipke et al., 1997; McCarthy & Hagan, 1991). This is despite wider community and social norms which prohibit and reprimand violence perpetration and support those who have been victimized.

How do we use the findings of this study to inform programming and intervention efforts in youth homelessness support settings? First, the agency young adults expressed in choosing the peers they befriended and trusted, the value placed on these social bonds, and the support gained from these relationships must be acknowledged and integrated into programming and intervention approaches. Next, as described by Rice et al. (2005), approaches targeting homeless young people as individuals (e.g., case management) do not take into account the social environment and social influences within which young people reside in and are embedded. Thus, it is recommended approaches drawing upon young people’s agency and collaborating with young adults within their social networks occur alongside established case management approaches. As described here, and in our previous study (Heerde & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2019), young adults are entrenched within a social network and culture where exposure to violence is commonplace and related to ensuring survival. Working within young adult’s social networks and recognizing the reasons for and grounds upon which violence occurs within these networks may help in reducing risk for further violence exposure (Heerde & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2019) and supporting those who have been victimized (including those who have witnessed violence and victimization).

The study findings have important implications for addressing the range of health morbidities experienced by homeless young adults (e.g., depression, post-traumatic stress disorder; Ensign, 1998; Ensign & Bell, 2004; Farrow et al., 1992; Hwang et al., 2005). The violence described by participants presented significant risk to their lives and that of their peers; these experiences are commonly referred to as traumatic experiences (Herman, 1992). The demeanor of young adults in this study was often melancholic despite their perceived acceptance of the normality of the violence they witnessed. This acceptance of normalcy may be reflective of participants detaching from their emotional thoughts and reactions to the exchange of violence being witnessed (Heerde & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2019). This detachment is likely to be a trauma-based coping response (Coates & McKenzie-Mohr, 2010; Goodman et al., 1991; Herman, 1992; Wong et al., 2016). In applied settings, programming and intervention approaches already recognize homeless young adults have childhood and adolescent histories of violence and victimization (Coates & McKenzie-Mohr, 2010; Heerde & Halliday, 2020) and that these experiences are compounded by exposure to violence experienced while homeless (Heerde & Halliday, 2020; Heerde & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2019). However, young people themselves may not perceive or acknowledge their experiences are abnormal or irregular, despite the feelings of shame, vulnerability, and disempowerment that arise from their exposure to violence. In line with these considerations, and the findings of our work, it is important for practitioners working with homeless young adults to understand the cumulative effects of multiple forms of trauma.

Research Limitations

Several limitations to this study are acknowledged. First, there exists social stigma in reporting experiences of homelessness, including behaviors and events which occur during this time (Kidd, 2007). All participants were provided with assurances of confidentiality and anonymity and expressed comfort that their experiences would be treated accurately and respectfully. However, it is possible that sensitivity to this perceived stigma may be intensified in a one-one interview where participants’ identity details were known to the researcher. Relatedly, although participants were provided the opportunity to read and edit their interview transcript, they all declined this offer. Further data relating to the research questions may have been gained following participants’ reflections and editing.

It could be contended that assurances of confidentiality and anonymity may have led to exaggeration and embellishment in young adults’ recollections of their lived experiences. As researchers, we were attuned to this possibility but do not believe it eventuated for several reasons. First, the interview protocol and procedures allowed for detailed conversation with participants about their experiences, thereby leading to several opportunities in each interview to cross-check, re-tell, and reflect upon their stories to confirm consistency. Second, participants were referred by their case managers at the specialized homelessness services. To safeguard participants’ well-being, case managers informed the researchers of a young person’s context and experience before the interview or, in open discussion with the young person and the researcher after the interview, thereby corroborating their narratives. Finally, data saturation was achieved, and there was similarity in participants’ emotional responses, confirming the reality and validity of their accounts.

Further limitations are the lack of heterogeneity among research participants and the subsequent absence of an intersectional lens in the analysis (Crenshaw, 1989). This resulted in “exclusion by inclusion” into homogenizing categories of gender- and hetero-normativity (Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2016a). Constraints imposed during the initial institutional review of the project meant interview questions did not ask participants about their gender identity nor their sexual identity or orientation. It has been suggested that gendered experiences of homelessness are associated with behaviors in which young adults may engage (O’Grady & Gaetz, 2009; Watson, 2017); however, few studies on this issue exist (Huey & Berndt, 2008). Examining differences in young women’s and men’s exposure to violence is beyond the scope of this study; however, it is a critical area of investigation for future studies. Likewise, further research could examine how ethnicity, geographical location (urban/rural), identifying as LGBTIQ, and living with a disability may affect young adults’ peer relationships and exposure to violence. Research of this nature will inform strategies for service provision and programming to these groups. It is possible that exposure to violence, and the responses of health providers, differs among participants of varying personal, family, and social histories and identities. Thus, an intersectional approach in future studies is recommended (Crenshaw, 1989; see also Durso & Gates, 2012). It is acknowledged that the study participants are not representative of all young adults experiencing homelessness, and further research which explores the intersections of various demographics is recommended.