Parenting,Cultural Capital,and COVID-19: The Role of Parental Support for Latiné First-generation College Students

Abstract

Caregivers and families play a pivotal role in students’ college decision-making and ability to develop cultural capital (Carey, 2016). Although the deleterious effects of the COVID-19 pandemic required shifts and adjustments to parenting strategies, it is less clear how COVID-19 impacted parental support for emerging adults, particularly Latiné first-generation college students (FGCS). The current study used a qualitative, longitudinal method to examine how parental support informs cultural capital (Yosso, 2005) and whether it changed due to the pandemic for six (6) Latiné FGCS attending a medium-sized private university in the Midwest region of the United States. Interpretative phenomenological analysis revealed that Latiné FGCS caregivers fostered college-going familial capital, which facilitated the development of forms of cultural capital (aspirational and navigational capital) both before and after the transition to remote learning. Post pandemic, caregivers provided additional logistical and practical support related to students navigating physical space. Findings provide novel insight on the role caregivers provided Latiné FGCS at the onset of the pandemic. Strategies for how universities can engage caregivers and families in order to support Latiné FGCS is discussed.

Keywords

Latiné COVID-19 parenting emerging adulthood cultural capital

The COVID-19 pandemic had significant impacts on the health and well-being of young adults (i.e., 18-24-year-olds; Hanna-Walker et al., 2023; Marzana et al., 2023; Pearcey et al., 2023; Raposa et al., 2024). Research has demonstrated an increase in psychological distress (e.g., anxiety, depression), strain on relationships, and social disconnection related to the pandemic for young adults (Raposa et al., 2024). Existing research on the impact of abrupt stay-at-home orders and the shift to e-learning suggests increased strain in familial relationships (Hanna-Walker et al., 2023). Caregivers and families, especially for students of minoritized and underrepresented backgrounds, have historically played a complex role in the academic success and well-being of youth and young adults (Capannola & Johnson, 2022; Chang, 2015; Langenkamp & Shifrer, 2018). Notably, a gap exists in understanding how parental support for young adult college students—particularly those with marginalized backgrounds—shifted during the pandemic.

COVID-19 disproportionately impacted the health and well-being of Latiné communities, including students and caregivers (Carrión-Martínez et al., 2021; Enriquez et al., 2023). The Latiné population experienced significantly higher rates of contracting (Magesh et al., 2021), hospitalization from, and death by COVID-19 compared to the general U.S. population (Mude et al., 2021). Unsurprisingly, Latiné families also experienced high psychological distress due to the high risk COVID-19 presented for their basic health and well-being (e.g., food, housing, job security; Baxter et al., 2023; Isasi et al., 2023; Thomeer et al., 2023). While there is research demonstrating the impact of chronic stress on parenting and family functioning (Scully et al., 2019; Yoon et al., 2015), little work has explored how COVID-19 stressors impacted family functioning for Latiné undergraduates and their caregivers. Equally important, it is unclear whether adaptive parenting strategies for Latiné emerging adults pre-pandemic continued to function well during the acute phase of the pandemic.

With the changing nature of educational systems during COVID-19, parental support likely also needed to adjust. First-generation college students (FGCS; i.e., students who neither parent completed a 4-year college or university degree) are already more likely to drop out of college after their first year (LeBouef & Dworkin, 2021), and disruptions from COVID-19 during their first year may have impacted the types of support received. It is possible that for Latiné FGCS who strongly value familial ties (Covarrubias et al., 2019), parental support may be critical to educational persistence during COVID-19. In this study, we used interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) to explore how COVID-19 may impact how Latiné FGCS describe parental support throughout their first year of college. Our research contributes to the literature by (1) highlighting protective and adaptive supports caregivers and parents provide Latiné FGCS and (2) providing institutional direction on effectively supporting this student population upon entering college.

Literature Review

Traditional age Latiné FGCS who began college the year COVID-19 started confronted a unique set of factors in navigating higher education. Ages 18 to 24 are a period of developmental transition where young people both desire and seek autonomy, but continue to need familial support (Arnett, 2003). For Latiné FGCS, a juxtaposition exists between traditional U.S. college values around autonomy and collectivist cultural values they hold related to providing and receiving support from family. Considering the adverse effect of COVID-19 on Latiné people, understanding the pandemic’s impact on Latiné FGCS parental support can inform systems conducive to college retention and graduation and allow educational institutions to effectively leverage parental support.

Emerging Adulthood and Parenting

Emerging adulthood (age 18 to late 20s) describes the developmental period when young people undergo frequent “change and exploration” (Arnett, 2000, p. 469). This time is distinguished by one’s gradual progression toward self-sufficiency, including making independent decisions, obtaining financial independence, and taking responsibility for oneself. Emerging adults experience an “in-between” state where they neither view themselves as adolescents nor full-fledged adults until they reach subjective self-sufficiency (Arnett, 2000, 2003). Notably, the period of emerging adulthood is specific to industrialized nations and is not a universal cultural experience. Emerging adulthood can feel turbulent, as it is marked by identity exploration and (re)/negotiation of relationships.

During emerging adulthood, critical shifts occur in familial relationships. In their systematic review, Oliveira et al. (2020) highlight that as emerging adults attempt to become more independent, their relationships change dramatically. Some researchers suggest these shifts inherently occur with caregivers who, up until now, have directed and “regulated” the individual (Oliveira et al., 2020). In emerging adulthood, caregivers and their children may develop warmer, less conflicted relationships, and children may express more appreciation for caregivers (Parra et al., 2015). Familial relationships can help guide emerging adults and enable a sense of identity and belonging (Fingerman et al., 2016; Oliveira et al., 2020). Emerging adults learn about themselves from their familial contexts and the forms of support they receive (e.g., emotional, practical, and financial; Fingerman et al., 2016). Overall, parental and familial relationships appear to gradually become more positive and, in some ways, reciprocal during emerging adulthood. For Latiné FGCS, their relationship with their parents in emerging adulthood may provide an important source of strength, particularly in relation to cultural identity as FGCS navigate higher education.

Parenting Latiné Emerging Adults

Latiné emerging adult experiences appear to be nuanced as they navigate/negotiate autonomy and agency with familial and cultural expectations. Although Latinés aged 18 to 24 view emerging adulthood similarly to other racial/ethnic groups, they emphasize family obligation and acknowledge the impact of their decisions on others in “becoming an adult” more than other ethnic groups (Arnett, 2003). Latiné emerging adults’ understanding of adulthood is predicated on familial and collectivist cultural values that align with collectivist understandings of the self (Marín & Marín, 1991). For Latiné emerging adults, particularly FGCS, the negotiation of relationships is exacerbated by the cultural mismatch between home and university values (Covarrubias et al., 2019).

Despite cultural and familial tensions Latiné emerging adults experience, they regard caregivers and family as key players in their successes (Covarrubias et al., 2019; Rodriguez et al., 2021; Vasquez-Salgado et al., 2015). Not only do Latiné emerging adults support family (e.g., language brokering, financial, emotional), but they also identify family as a source of encouragement, resilience, and motivation for remaining in college (Campos et al., 2014; Covarrubias et al., 2019; Marrun, 2018). Similarly, parents of Latiné emerging adults in college endorse faith in their children’s determination and ganas to get to and through school, despite being unfamiliar with higher education systems (Witkowsky et al., 2020). Parents and caregivers likely instill optimism and hope in their children as they embark on their academic endeavors, despite their limited experience with higher education. Given Latiné emerging adults develop their sense of self with the support of their parents, exploring this aspect of parental support for Latiné FGCS is critical as they encounter barriers that may cause additional turbulence during emerging adulthood.

Parenting Latiné FGCS

Family is a particularly salient source of support for Latiné FGCS (Covarrubias et al., 2019; Nichols & Islas, 2016). In line with other immigrant groups, Latiné communities hold strong collectivist values that often emphasize familial ties (Chang, 2015; Vasquez-Salgado et al., 2015). For Latiné FGCS, caregivers and family are a motivating factor for pursuing college (Clayton et al., 2017; Langenkamp & Shifrer, 2018; Marrun, 2018). Latiné FGCS rely on family for social connection, encouragement, emotional, and practical support (Clayton et al., 2017; Rodriguez et al., 2021). Research also suggests family support significantly predicts Latiné FGCS psychological well-being (Corona et al., 2017; Rodriguez et al., 2021). Thus, family can play a huge role in students’ well-being, and in turn, their ability to advance through school. Yet, there is little systematic effort at either secondary or postsecondary levels to help Latiné caregivers understand university norms and realities or integrate collectivist values and familial social support as assets within higher education. By providing a better understanding as to how Latiné FGCS describe parental support during COVID-19, this study would provide higher education institutions with guidelines for implementing more culturally competent and effective programming and interventions for prospective and current Latiné FGCS and their families.

Parenting Amidst the Pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic presented families—particularly parents/caregivers—with unique challenges and opportunities. COVID-19 significantly disrupted family routines, work-life balance, and leisure time (Adams et al., 2021; Campione-Barr et al., 2024; Shum et al., 2023). Both parents and children alike experienced increased psychological distress (e.g., anxiety, stress, depression; Adams et al., 2021). Not only did parents/caregivers need to now attempt to manage their own concerns regarding the pandemic and the uncertainties/worries their children had (Adams et al., 2021; Shum et al., 2023; Xiao, 2024), parents were now tasked with ensuring their child completed their school work while managing other job and household responsibilities, and serve as primary sources of social enrichment for their children (Adams et al., 2021; Briesch et al., 2021; Shum et al., 2023; Xiao, 2024).

Despite, or perhaps in response to, parents/caregivers feeling concerned about the disruptions in their child’s daily routine and well-being (Adams et al., 2021; Briesch et al., 2021; Campione-Barr et al., 2024) many parents/caregivers of K-12 children engaged in intentional parenting strategies as means to buffer children against COVID-related stressors (Campione-Barr et al., 2024; Xiao, 2024). Some parents became more involved in their child’s schooling, created a daily routine for their children, and facilitated social enrichment like doing family activities together and staying connected to extended family and friends virtually (Adams et al., 2021; Briesch et al., 2021; Shum et al., 2023, Xiao, 2024).

Although most work has focused on K-12 parent/caregiver relationships, there is research to suggest that young adults who moved back in with their parents early in the pandemic experienced parental encouragement and support (Goldstein et al., 2023; Lassiter et al., 2024). Young adults reported that even though the pandemic introduced impediments to their development (Goldstein et al., 2023), it had a positive effect on relationships with their parents/caregivers (Lassiter et al., 2024) further highlighting the positive trajectory of young adults relationship with their parents even prior to the pandemic (Parra et al., 2015). Young adults who felt strongly supported by their parents also reported lower anxiety, stress, and depressive symptoms (Worley et al., 2021). To date, research on the impact of the pandemic has highlighted the active role parents had in establishing a sense of normalcy for their children. It remains unclear how the pandemic impacted parenting strategies of young, minoritized adults like Latiné FGCS.

Theoretical Framework

Community Cultural Wealth and College-Going Familial Capital

Yosso (2005) directly challenges the traditional use of cultural capital (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977) and suggests marginalized groups have and utilize, overlooked and undervalued forms of cultural capital for educational success. Grounded in critical race theory praxis, the community cultural wealth (CCW) framework argues communities of color establish their own forms of capital in response to oppression and marginalization; they use their cultural or ethnic knowledge, skills, and abilities as assets to sustain themselves within hostile environments. CCW also challenges dominant ideas about what counts as cultural capital by highlighting unique and specific resources that different marginalized groups leverage as capital (Garriott, 2020; Yosso, 2005). CCW describes the use and creation of six forms of capital that people of color use in educational settings: aspirational, navigational, social, linguistic, familial, and resistant (Yosso, 2005). For example, research suggests Latiné college students rely primarily on cultural wealth for support before seeking institutional assistance (Kouyoumdjian et al., 2017).

Familial capital is “cultural knowledge nurtured among familia (kin) that carry a sense of community history, memory, and cultural intuition” (Yosso, 2005, p. 79). Carey (2016) asserts familial capital is key in developing and utilizing other forms of capital. Carey (2016)’s college-going familial capital isolates the concept of familial capital and integrates and underscores it with theories such as funds of knowledge (Moll et al., 1992), familismo (Campos et al., 2014; Marín & Marín, 1991; Sabogal et al., 1987), and fictive kinship (Tierney & Venegas, 2006). College-going familial capital describes “the rich knowledge, information, inspiration and resources students of color gain from their families (nuclear, extended, and fictive kin), transferred through lesson, values, practices, and beliefs that serve as rationale, motivation, and support for securing postsecondary educational attainment” (p. 720). The value families place on college attendance, comparing relatives’ experiences, and making sense of the relevance of college are salient to students of color and reinforce that college-going processes are not just an individual concern; they also involve responding to family needs, responsibilities, and concerns (Carey, 2016). While familismo is discussed further below, in the context of college-going familial capital, Carey (2016) posits funds of knowledge as the resources students acquire from home and their approaches to interests and education. Fictive kinship expands the notion of family, reflecting familial bonds with individuals outside the nuclear family, and often includes individuals who are not blood relatives.

Familismo

Familismo (i.e., familism or familialism) is broadly characterized by a strong identification and attachment to immediate and extended family (Campos et al., 2014; Marín & Marín, 1991; Sabogal et al., 1987). Scholars have also conceptualized familismo to include three types of value orientations: (a) familial obligation to provide support, (b) utilizing relatives as front-line sources of support and guidance, and (c) perceiving relatives as behavioral and attitudinal role models (Marín & Marín, 1991; Sabogal et al., 1987). While not fundamentally exclusive to Latinés, familismo has been considered a critically significant cultural value for them (Marín & Marín, 1991). Familismo is positively related to psychological well-being and physical health (Corona et al., 2017), school motivation and aspirational success (Witkow et al., 2015), cultural pride and resilience (Morgan Consoli et al., 2015), and is used by Latiné emerging adults to enact resistance as they engage in institutional spaces (Liou et al., 2021). Thus, familismo is an asset for Latiné emerging adults (Kouyoumdjian et al., 2017; Marrun, 2018). CCW and college-going family capital provide valuable guideposts for understanding how Latiné FGCS adaptively navigate higher education settings that are both unfamiliar and in the case of predominantly white institutions (PWI) historically designed to exclude this student population.

Current Study

Emerging adulthood can be understood as a tumultuous and exciting developmental period in which individuals attempt to create a sense of self. For Latiné emerging adults who are the first in their families to attend college, this development may look different, particularly amid a pandemic. Very little is known about potential implications of parenting Latiné emerging adults during the onset of COVID-19. We asked the following research questions: How does parental support translate into cultural capital for Latiné FGCS in their first year? How is this discussed during the initial onset of COVID-19?

Method

Current study data comes from a multisite, mixed-method, longitudinal study examining FGCS retention and graduation across three U.S. institutions (Salusky et al., 2022). The larger project followed two student cohorts throughout their college experience, consisting of students who began attending college/university in either Fall 2018 or 2019. After participants completed the first of seven Qualtrics surveys, they were invited to participate in the qualitative arm of the study which included a total of seven interviews, or until they left their institution. The present study examines a Latiné FGCS subsample that began college in the 2019 to 2020 academic year and experienced the shelter-in-place order during their first year. Interviews from three time points were coded and analyzed.

Study Site and Participants

Current study data includes Latiné participants from a large, private, Catholic university in a large city in the Midwestern region of the U.S. (Midwestern University). Based on the university’s 2019 enrollment report, it is considered a PWI with half of the student population identifying as White (52.2%). Latinés made up 21.5% of the 2019 admitted undergraduate freshmen. A third of this class were FGCS. Of the FGCS, 39.5% were Hispanic/Latiné, 59% identified as women, and 33% lived in the Midwestern city. The sample consists of six Latiné FGCS who began college in Fall 2019 (see Table 1). Three participants were excluded from analysis because they did not complete all three interviews. All participants were 18 at the first interview. Participants identified as Chicano/Mexican-American (n = 3), biracial (White and Mexican; n = 2), and Guatemalan (n = 1). Unlike most studies on FGCS, most participants identified as male (n = 4). Participants were most likely to have at least one foreign-born parent (n = 4) and speak Spanish at home (n = 4). Participants’ self-reported family income ranges between less than $24,120 and over $100,000. At the time of our initial interview in Fall 2019, most participants endorsed living off campus or with family (n = 4). However, by the third interview in Spring 2020, all participants lived with their parents.

Table 1.

Participant Demographics.

Participant	Sex	Ethnicity	Generational status	Household income	Living situation
Vanessa	Female	Chicano/Mexican American	2.5	$57,560–$65,920	Living with parents
Gloria	Female	Guatemalan	2	$24,120–$32,480	Living with parents
Marco	Male	Biracial (White and Mexican)	2.5	>$100,000	Campus housing
Jorge	Male	Chicano/Mexican American	1	<$24,120	Off campus
Pablo	Male	Chicano/Mexican American	2	$65,920–$74,280	Off campus
Gabriel	Male	Biracial (White and Mexican)	4	$40,840–$49,200	Campus housing

Note. Pseudonyms are used to protect participant identities. Generational status is defined as family immigration history. 1 indicates the participant was not born in the U.S. and is a recent immigrant; 1.5 indicates participant was not born in the U.S. but immigrated before the age of 13; 2 indicates that both parents were born outside the U.S.; 2.5 indicate one parent was not born in the U.S.; 3 indicates no grandparents were born in the U.S.; 3.5 indicates two grandparents were born in the U.S.; 4 indicates all grandparents were born in the U.S.

Interview Protocol

We administered distinct semi-structured interviews at each of the three time points. Our research team developed interview protocols under the guidance of the third author. Literature on FGCS retention informed our interview protocols. We specifically took a strengths-based approach to understand assets FGCS bring to their educational journey in line with Yosso’s (2005) work. We then workshopped and revised multiple iterations of the initial and follow-up interview protocols based on feedback from FGCS. The current study used data from interview sections covering family support/obligations and decision-making about chosen institutions. Example questions included the following: Can you talk about how you made the decision to apply to college? Are there ways in which you think [family members listed] are able to help with your educational pursuits?

Procedure

The institutional review board at Midwestern University approved the larger mixed-method study. After receiving IRB approval, the research team advertised the study to admitted students attending summer orientation and emailed flyers to incoming first-year college students. We invited participants to partake in the larger study if they met study criteria (i.e., FGCS status and incoming, non-transfer freshmen). Next, we engaged in purposive sampling; recruiting Latiné, Black, low-income, first-generation, immigrant, and/or male participants. We contacted participants via phone, text, and email with a brief description of the qualitative arm and follow-up information if they wanted to be interviewed. We sent a digital consent form and letter to those interested and contacted participants to complete their baseline interview.

The current study analyzes semi-structured interviews occurring at three time points throughout the 2019 to 2020 academic year: (1) prior to their first college term (baseline; Fall 2019); (2) after the end of the first term (Winter 2019); and (3) at the end of the students’ first year of college (Spring 2020). Baseline and Winter 2019 interviews were conducted face-to-face in private classrooms on campus, while all Spring 2020 interviews were held via video conference due to COVID-19. Before beginning baseline interviews, we informed students of the longitudinal nature of the study. Baseline and follow-up interviews ranged between 60 and 90 minutes. Participants were allowed to skip any questions and terminate the interview at any point and still be compensated with a $20 gift card for each completed interview. All interviews were audio-recorded. After each interview, we uploaded audio recordings and memos onto a secure server, transcribed audio recordings, and de-identified transcripts.

Participants were generally interviewed by the same person over time, which helped develop an ongoing rapport. This allowed interviewers to revisit experiences and lines of inquiry with participants over time to understand how experiences previously discussed unfolded overtime, and follow up with loose threads from previous interviews. This facilitated a deep contextual understanding of participants’ lives (Small & Calarco, 2022).

Analysis

Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) was used as the methodological framework to guide the analysis (Smith et al., 2013). According to Smith et al. (2013):

IPA is concerned with the detailed examination of human lived experience. And it aims to conduct this examination in a way which as far as possible enables that experience to be expressed in its own terms, rather than according to predefined categories. (p. 32)

IPA investigates how individuals make sense and meaning of experiences or significant life events. IPA draws upon the principles of phenomenology (what the human lived experience is like), hermeneutics (how separate elements and a holistic perspective influence each other in the context of the human experience), and idiography (a commitment to detail during analysis) to analyze individuals’ interpretations of experiences. IPA heavily relies on situating the individual within their context and allows their experiences to guide findings, which aligns with our strengths-based approach and orientation to qualitative methods (Guba & Lincoln, 1994).

Data analysis required three processes: making sense of, contextualizing, and specifying the individualized nature of experiences (Smith et al., 2013). The first phase of data analysis, open coding, entailed reading each transcript line by line and noting anything of potential interest. The primary analytic focus was to establish descriptive (e.g., phrases, keywords), linguistic (e.g., pauses, repetition, metaphors), and conceptual comments (i.e., more reflective and abstract thinking) for each respective interview to generate themes. We annotated transcripts while listening to audio recordings, noted important relationships, and paid attention to tone and specific use of language to derive ordinate and superordinate themes (Smith et al., 2013).

All six participants completed all time points, resulting in 18 interviews that we analyzed. Once we acquired notes for each class of comments, we developed themes for each individual interview (Smith et al., 2013). After curating a list of emerging themes, we clustered them according to conceptual similarities. This occurred within each transcript and across participants. We condensed and collapsed themes and individually annotated all three interviews for each participant following IPA procedures, before moving on to the next participant (Smith et al., 2013) for continuity and posterity among participants. After establishing initial emergent themes, we revisited interview memos across all three timepoints and condensed them into a throughline for each participant, which helped elucidate and summarize how discussion of parental support evolved, and the role COVID-19 could have played in these changes. During this step, we also noted differences in participant experiences.

To ensure credibility, we engaged in specific checks. Our intersectional identities as FGCS and/or Latiné allowed for an emic perspective during analysis (Smith et al., 2013). We simultaneously read and annotated the transcripts, and after each read-through, met to discuss impressions and any discrepancies in our respective analyses and notes. Together, we identified emergent super- and subordinate themes (Smith et al., 2013).

Positionality

Collectively, our team’s epistemological stance is grounded in constructivism and the need to situate individuals’ experiences and narratives within sociopolitical, cultural, and historical contexts (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). The team consisted of two graduate students and a licensed clinical psychologist who was a faculty member at the study site. Although we ranged in class and economic background, we all identified as women, BIPOC and/or FGCS, and had first hand experience with educational disruptions from COVID-19. We reflected on our intersecting identities throughout all components of this research study. The first author is an Afro-Latina FGCS who conceptualized the current study, participated in data collection and analysis, and drafted components of the manuscript. Her approach to this study is through an emic lens; in addition to being Latiné and FGCS, in parallel to participants, she was in her first year of her doctoral training during the initial onset of the pandemic. Her interpretation of the data was influenced by her personal experience as an emerging adult who moved back in with her parents during this time. The second author is Mexican-American who participated in data analysis and drafted sections of the manuscript. At the onset of COVID-19, she also moved back in with her parents and finished her undergraduate studies online. Her lived experience as a bicultural emerging adult during the pandemic influenced her interpretation of the data. The third author identifies as a biracial woman and has worked as an educator and researcher with FGCS and Latiné college students for over a decade. As a professor who provided classroom instruction throughout the lockdown period of the pandemic, she comes to this work from a position of power. The third author’s interpretation of the data was filtered through the experience of mentoring and teaching students during this period as well as her experience supporting a household member who had to shift to remote university learning. The third author provided mentorship and guidance throughout the study conceptualization, data analysis, and manuscript drafts. She and the first author interviewed participants for the larger study.

Findings

Several themes were developed from participants’ narratives on how they received parental support before and after the initial disruption of COVID-19 during their first year of college. To address our research questions, we discuss Fall and Winter 2019 data together and Spring 2020 findings separately. The first theme discusses ways college-going familial capital serves as a foundation, or proxy, for participants to develop and enact other forms of capital crucial for postsecondary success. Participant experiences particularly highlighted ways their parents help them curate aspirational and navigational capital. The second theme describes participants’ experiences with college-going familial capital during the heightened uncertainty of the initial COVID-19 onset. Participants’ experiences illuminated a continued dynamic use of college-going familial capital; they remained motivated while also developing agency through setting explicit boundaries with family to navigate e-learning. Based on our interpretation of participant experiences, if participants had differing experiences they are discussed. Otherwise, participants’ similar experiences are discussed.

Proxies for Cultural Capital

Latiné FGCS’ discussion of parental support illustrated ways caregivers attempt to nurture and facilitate various forms of cultural capital for them. Participants defined parental support as how caregivers assist them as they matriculate through college. All participants endorsed receiving or feeling they could receive support from one or both parents anytime during their first year in college. Participants identified three types of support: emotional, motivational, and instrumental. These forms of support map onto college-going familial capital, which fostered aspirational and navigational capital.

College-Going Familial Cultural Capital

Participants discussed their parents’ ability to provide emotional support that assisted them in getting to and through their first year of college. Emotional support involves demonstrating compassion, encouragement, motivation, and understanding. At one or more time points, all participants endorsed receiving emotional parental support. In addition to encouragement and empathy, students described how parents created environments where they knew they were being cheered on from the sidelines, and they understood their parents were available and willing to take on a more active role if desired or needed.

When she started college, Vanessa was a commuter student who lived at home with her parents and older brother. She described a motivation and pressure to excel, particularly because her brother had Down Syndrome. As an additional caretaker for her brother, Vanessa perceived that her parents thought she was smart, responsible, and capable of attending college. Despite enduring several hardships prior to the pandemic (surgery, car theft, death in the family), Vanessa’s parents wanted to mitigate the impact of these adversities so they would not impact her academically. After her first term of college, when asked about parental support, Vanessa noted she did not need “direct” parental encouragement to know that her parents are proud of her:

It’s not really like, “oh keep going [Vanessa]” type of thing, it’s more like “look at her studying, so proud of you” and then they leave the room type of thing. I know they like, I’ve heard them talk about me with other family members saying “oh I’m so proud of my daughter” this and that. They don’t say it to me. And that’s okay.

Vanessa and most of our participants valued acknowledgment from their parents and were adamant they knew their parents were proud of them. While parents’ demonstration of this pride varied, as Vanessa highlights, participants are well-attuned to parental expressions of encouragement and support. This is a testament to parent-child relationships and familial cultural capital caregivers foster within their children.

Most participants also described the importance of parents supporting their independence as a critical form of emotional support. All students endorsed feeling excited to begin college, which they discussed as a first step toward adulthood, and appreciated when parents recognized their agency as young adults. Most participants discussed preferring a “hands off” approach by parents, where they were allowed to make their own decisions and parental involvement only occurred at their request. In this way, caregivers supported their children’s individuality. Gloria’s parents are from Guatemala, and as the eldest child, she described developing a strong sense of independence and preference for “figuring it out” on her own. From a young age, Gloria learned to navigate educational spaces and collaborate with her parents to ensure they can be prepared to support her siblings in the future. Gloria provided an example of parent-supported agency in choosing which college to attend: “It was mostly my choice because they [parents] told me, ‘It’s your school, your career, and we really can’t have as much of a say.’ When it came to choosing, [. . .] It was my say.” By providing consultation rather than intervention, Gloria’s parents supported her autonomy in decision-making, an important developmental process in emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000). In allowing Gloria to make her own decisions, her parents promoted college-going familial capital to help her develop a critical life skill.

College-Going Familial Capital as Proxy for Aspirational Cultural Capital

According to CCW, aspirational capital is an individual’s ability to be hopeful for the future, even in the face of adversity (Yosso, 2005). Parents appeared to facilitate participants’ development of aspirational capital through college-going familial capital. Most participants attributed some of their motivation and persistence around college admissions to parents and family. Participants acknowledged sacrifices their parents made to give them access to opportunities that their parents might not have had. Participants expressed that their parents promoted getting an education because they believed it would improve their children’s quality of life. Marco is a biracial student who feels deeply connected to his parents, particularly his mother, who he notes has been an advocate on his behalf throughout his educational journey. Marco’s mother handles his accommodations through the university’s center for students with disabilities. Marco shared that throughout his upbringing, his parents believed education was the key to avoiding future hardship. “My parents would always tell me that they regretted not going to college and that their lives would be easier if they went to college. So yeah, I wanted to go to college.” Marco’s parents’ belief that life would have been better had they attended college motivated Marco’s decision to do so himself.

Similarly, Vanessa discussed the relationship between higher education and income: “My parents push me to be in school even though they didn’t get a chance. They wanted me to start off my life having higher pay than they took ten years to get.” Participants shared aspirational ideals their parents instilled in them, not because their parents could speak firsthand about the benefits of a 4-year degree, but by highlighting difficulties parents endured because they lacked one. All participants expressed deep gratitude and respect for the sacrifices their parents made for them.

Navigational Capital through Instrumental Support

Participants described parents’ instrumental support as critical to navigating college. This kind of support included helping participants with finding college resources, queuing them to external resources, and providing food, housing, transportation, and financial assistance. Most of the participants discussed their parents doing “small things” to lessen their load and help them focus on schoolwork. Participants particularly highlighted (in)/direct financial support.

Parents contributed to their children’s education by providing free room and board or assisting in paying tuition. Although Vanessa’s parents were unable to assist with tuition costs, they provided other forms of instrumental support:

My mom [is helping] me with the things that she could easily do for me so I have more time to focus on other stuff, so like giving me food when I’m busy working she’ll bring me something, taking care of laundry so that way I can keep working at my job.

Vanessa could more fully dedicate herself to both school and work to pay for school, because she did not have to worry about paying for her basic needs. In this way, Vanessa’s parents assisted her financially so she could effectively navigate academic responsibilities. In addition to food and housing, participants highlighted ways parents helped locate informational support. Participants’ parents were aware their limited knowledge of the education system could limit their ability to assist their children directly. To address this, parents often “referred their children out” to others with different knowledge sets. This could mean encouraging participants to reach out to kin who attended college or seeking other resources to further assist them.

College-Going Familial Capital During the Pandemic

Spring 2020 findings highlight meaningful shifts between how participants discussed parental support before and during initial COVID-19 disruptions. The continuation of college-going familial capital was reflected through participants’ discussion of motivational support; despite e-learning, participants still felt encouraged to complete school. Within the context of COVID-19, participants still attempted to seek agency. This was particularly salient as participants highlighted the importance of negotiating space and setting boundaries.

Sustained College-Going Familial Capital

Despite the global uncertainty and haphazard shift to e-learning, parents continued to motivate participants to persist. No participant expressed a desire to stop their educational journey. Rather, they felt increasingly compelled to stay in school and attributed this to their families. Jorge initially held out hope for “things to go back to normal” after a few weeks, but when that did not happen, he found e-learning tough due to the blur between his bedroom and classroom. While he was unenthusiastic about e-learning, Jorge still felt encouraged by his family. When asked if familial support had changed, he responded: “Nothing’s changed, I mean, they, inspire me I guess, to work. I feel like I can’t let them down I guess. It’s not pressure but like it’s like ‘damn like I don’t want to let you down’ type thing.” Like all participants, Jorge struggled with the shift to e-learning. However, his deep appreciation for his family buffered and motivated him to persist through school, even if e-learning was not ideal.

Similarly, participants still described parent-supported agency as critical to their success in college. Most described the initial shift to e-learning as a time to reflect on their needs and wants as young adults. For example, Gabriel questioned whether to change his major and/or transfer schools altogether. He did not take this decision lightly, but also felt immense relief when he shared his concerns with his parents. Gabriel appreciated that his parents did not attempt to force him into a decision:

I mean, they’re being extremely supportive in my decision to maybe change my decision. They’re definitely [. . .] they’re here to support me, and they’ve made that clear. But as far as specifics go, it’s hard because neither of them really went through it. They don’t really know specifically how to help, but they’re here to support me and I do see that. That’s helpful.

The unrelenting support Gabriel is receiving from his parents assures him any decision he makes will be his. For some participants, parent-supported agency developed through trial and error. At this time point, participants felt they needed to establish boundaries to balance school and be at home full time. Before COVID-19, Vanessa had taken up several responsibilities at home. Her grandmother had suddenly passed which resulted in her mother leaving for Mexico for an extended period of time. This meant that in addition to school, Vanessa helped care for her brother. After the pandemic, Vanessa noticed she struggled with prioritizing herself and coursework and eventually felt she needed to put her foot down:

I usually, at first I wasn’t comfortable saying no to them, but now at this point it’s like “I can’t right now” after a certain number of times they ask I just kind of put my foot down saying I can’t do that right now.

Through Vanessa’s learned ability to say “no, not right now” to her family, she was better able to balance her duties. Like most participant experiences, Vanessa’s family was eventually receptive and willing to discuss how to best respect their boundaries.

Asserting Boundaries and Negotiating Space

Regardless of whether they lived at home before COVID-19, participants reported explicit conversations with family around needing space and quiet for e-learning. Participants actively attempted to avoid conflict between home life and school tasks while sharing space. Before COVID-19, Jorge felt like his mother would repeatedly ask if he had completed his homework. From his perspective, his mother’s check-ins made him doubt if he indeed had done his homework. During the shift to e-learning, Jorge attempted to create boundaries with his parents to reduce anxiety. He discussed requests he made to his mother while e-learning at home: “I’ll be like ‘hey I’m in a meeting, don’t barge in my room please’, or ‘don’t be screaming’, when she hears me, or not turn on the blender, not do like super loud things.” All participants requested that their families respect class time by minimizing intrusions and distractions. Prior to COVID-19, participants did not discuss needing quiet and privacy regardless of whether they lived at home. Due to the pandemic, participants valued and perceived conscientiousness from parents as a crucial form of instrumental support allowing them to prioritize school.

Asserting boundaries with family not only required negotiating physical space, but also extending compassion when family members “didn’t get it right.” Pablo, an out-of-state Mexican-American student, lived off campus prior to the pandemic. After March 2020, Pablo tried to stay in his apartment since living alone afforded privacy. However, Pablo began to experience mental health issues related to feeling homesick and isolated. Pablo’s parents quickly traveled to him, helped put his belongings in storage, and brought him back home. Although Pablo was happy to be home with family, he noticed challenges of e-learning:

I feel like [his parents] don’t understand when I’m in class or not, but they know that it’s been difficult for me to adjust to online school [. . .] But they try to understand whenever I’m in classes not to interrupt me, but again I say try because there are some times where they actually interrupt me while I’m speaking in class, but they really try their best, and I really appreciate that.

Pablo’s experience highlights how both participants and parents struggled with the reality of e-learning. Both Jorge and Pablo point out the need to explicitly tell parents when they were going to be in class, something participants did not need to do prior to e-learning. While parents did not always give participants privacy, participants forgave their intrusions and appreciated their parents’ effort. Participants viewed parents’ efforts, even failed ones, as examples of how much parents valued and supported their decision to get through college.

Discussion

We conducted a longitudinal, qualitative study with six Latiné FGCS across their first year of college, which was disrupted by the pandemic. IPA revealed the dynamic use of college-going familial capital that existed prior to March 2020, and persisted through the rest of the year. Parents provided Latiné FGCS with forms of support that translated into capital, facilitating their ability to prioritize and remain motivated about school, which was consistent across all time points, despite disruptions from COVID-19. Notably, this sentiment was more explicit post-pandemic as participants required more logistical/practical support. In addition to natural developmental processes occurring within the first year of college, COVID-19 disrupted social networks and caused all participants to learn from home. This created new conditions to understand parental support. Participants highlighted challenges of e-learning and the simultaneous process of caregivers and participants renegotiating familial roles.

This study’s findings support previous literature describing family as an important and complex factor for Latiné FGCS academic persistence (Jabbar et al., 2019; Kouyoumdjian et al., 2017). Participants emphasized caregiver support is nuanced and influenced not only by parents’ willingness, understanding, and ability to provide support, but participants’ willingness to ask for or receive it. Regardless of parents’ lack of knowledge of higher education, participants felt emotionally supported throughout their first year (Capannola & Johnson, 2022). Aligned with the view that family members are references for behavior (Carey, 2016; Sabogal et al., 1987) parents were primary sources of emotional support for participants (Sáenz et al., 2020). Latiné parents’ endorsement of orgullo (pride) and recompensa (reward) toward their child’s transition to higher education (Cuevas, 2020) is likely to encourage parents to support their children. Familismo, then, as a basis for college-going familial capital, provided participants with the assurance that their family would attempt to support them.

Our findings challenge research that found a negative relationship between COVID-19 campus closures and academic motivation and sense of belonging for undergraduates (Mucci-Ferris et al., 2021). Participants in our study endorsed sustained, if not increased, academic motivation through the transition to e-learning. This is likely due to cultural values like familismo buffering against adversity (Liou et al., 2021). Using college-going familial capital provided motivation to persist toward a degree, which is consistent with previous literature suggesting students who feel connected to their families feel more optimistic about college success (Campione-Barr et al., 2024; Liou et al., 2021).

This work highlights the value Latiné FGCS place on practical caregiver support. Beyond aspects traditionally thought to fall under instrumental support, Latiné students were grateful to and appreciative of their parents when they decreased their psychological loads and facilitated basic needs. When accumulated, “little things” such as picking participants up from the train station, doing their laundry, or ensuring they had lunch money, scaffold navigational cultural capital, supporting previous findings on family support for Latiné college students (e.g., direct assistance, in-kind support; Jabbar et al., 2019). This was particularly salient during the initial transition to e-learning when parents actively attempted to provide participants with appropriate learning conditions at home. Concurrently, Latiné FGCS explicitly advocated for their needs, allowing parents to best support them.

Previous findings note a gradual decline in the importance of familial support across the first year for FGCS (Azpeitia et al., 2023), aligning with developmental expectations in emerging adulthood (Hill et al., 2016). In contrast, parental support remained consistent and equally important for our participants across time. By the end of the first year, FGCS generally endorse familial strain and disconnection, often related to home- and school-value conflict (Azpeitia et al., 2023; Covarrubias et al., 2019; Kiyama & Harper, 2018), and increasingly rely on peer and social support (Azpeitia et al., 2023). However, because COVID-19 limited other social ties and forced students to cohabitate with family, parental and familial relationships may have remained relevant (Marzana et al., 2023).

Our findings also support research that suggests parenting strategies are subject to change during high-impact events (Xiao, 2024) or “social jolts.” Latiné parents were able to listen and adjust to the needs of their young adults during the onset of the pandemic. Despite their likely own uncertainties and worries related to the pandemic, parents made conscious efforts to continue to promote a space of compassion and encouragement. It is possible that parents did so to establish a sense of normalcy or “homeostasis” (Xiao, 2024) for their children during a time of significant turbulence. Thus it is likely that during social jolts beyond that of a pandemic, parenting strategies that attempt to establish stability of some kind can prove to be a buffer against deleterious effects. As universities prepare and continue to develop infrastructure to continue educating young people during social jolts, university stakeholders should invest in training staff and faculty on how to engage and emotionally support young adults.

Implications and Future Directions

While institutions of higher learning have integrated and admitted students of diverse backgrounds, disparities in who has access persist. Colleges and universities must shift focus from admitting diverse students to implementing structures that retain them (Garcia, 2019). One way to do this is through integrating and accepting cultural capital that diverse students bring and use throughout their educational journeys (Yosso, 2005). In doing so, colleges and universities can implement policy changes drawing on cultural wealth, rather than expecting students of color to assimilate into systems not created for them (Kiyama & Harper, 2018). This is not only a concern for PWIs, but also for minority serving institutions (MSIs; Garcia, 2019). If the sole emphasis is on enrolling Latiné students, institutions must construct approaches truly serving and tending to Latiné students’ needs (Garcia, 2019). Our findings elucidate the pivotal role caregivers have in supporting Latiné FGCS to which institutions should have a vested interest.

We encourage colleges and universities to consider the possibility of establishing a dedicated office intended to provide resources to caregivers. The “caregivers resource office” could take the required interdisciplinary approach to ensure that caregivers are well-informed and institutionally supported, as they support their children through higher education. This office could include financial aid personnel with adequate training and resources to walk families through financial aid packages and employ individuals that are bilingual. Via this office, student affairs and university administrators could collaborate with student-led organizations on campus to develop webinars for families on topics facilitating support and communication. Examples of webinar topics could include, “How to understand my child’s financial aid award letter,” and “How do I talk about majors with my child?” Offering these webinars on topics related to financial aid, campus resources, and identifying early signs that a student needs academic support, in non-English languages, like Spanish, could eliminate barriers to access. We also recommend that colleges and universities facilitate ongoing workshops for parents and family of FGCS. These workshops would provide them with institution-specific information and foster informal support groups among caregivers of FGCS. Emphasizing community could bridge gaps for caregivers who may not know how to best support their children as they navigate college.

While COVID-19 restrictions have eased and students have returned to in-person learning, future shutdowns could occur. Assessing psychosocial implications of the pandemic on emerging adults should continue to be a priority. Given differences based on year in college, future studies should examine second- through fourth-year FGCS during the initial transition to e-learning. Doing so can provide a more nuanced understanding of emerging adulthood during high-impact events. Future studies should consider examining college-going familial capital among FGCS graduate students who experienced COVID-related disruptions. While our study highlights college-going familial capital regarding parental support, future studies should examine the role of siblings, fictive kin, and extended family as additional forms of support during and post-pandemic. As campuses prepare for possible future shutdowns, cultural capital and the role families can play in facilitating it should be considered.

Limitations

Since our study sample included majority commuter students, it does not provide insight on parental support for Latiné FGCS living on campus. It is possible that because the sample interacted more with their parents, they may have been able to describe parental support in a specific way. We also acknowledge Latinés likely have distinct and nuanced experiences based on class identities, which are not well-represented in this sample. The study sample was skewed toward male participants, although female Latiné students may have unique experiences with parental support. Latiné households often have different expectations based on gender, as daughters are often expected to support their families more (Gutierrez et al., 2022). Scholars have highlighted that most research on family dynamics during emerging adulthood primarily focuses on parent-child dyads (Oliveira et al., 2020). While the current study falls in this category, it limits what can be said about Latiné experiences. Latiné families often do not conform to the Western nuclear family model (Kiyama & Harper, 2018). We encourage future studies to consider the role of fictive kin.

Conclusion

Caregivers are valuable sources of support for Latiné FGCS. COVID-19 dramatically altered how individuals relate to one another. Our study findings emphasize the dynamic role parental support plays for Latiné FGCS during times of transition and adversity. This support played a key role in enabling students to exercise cultural capital. While study findings describe Latiné FGCS being supported by their parents, higher education institutions must do the same; begin to embrace different forms of cultural capital and offer services to students and families facilitating more equitable degree attainment.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge and thank the participants in our study who graciously shared their lived experiences as first-generation college students with our research team. We would also like to acknowledge the larger research team for their hard work and care throughout the entire study process. Lastly, we would like to acknowledge Dr. Antonio Polo who sat on the first author’s master’s thesis committee from which this manuscript was derived.

Author note

In recognition of the evolving use of inclusive language, we opt to use the term Latiné rather than Latinx. The term Latinx has been criticized as difficult to pronounce for Spanish speakers and designed for English speakers. Latiné honors the traditional flow of the Spanish language and a preferred term for individuals of Latin American ancestry (Salinas, 2020).

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Grevelin Ulerio

Author Biographies

Grevelin Ulerio is a clinical-community psychology doctoral student. Her work broadly focuses on individual and community responses to structural violence as well as its impact on mental health outcomes. Specifically, her main research focuses on understanding how students of marginalized and/or underrepresented backgrounds engage with institutions of higher learning. The research presented is from her master’s thesis work with Dr. Ida Salusky.

Mariana Bednarek is a clinical mental health counselor student at the Master’s level. She also has a research psychology background. Her previous work broadly centered on Latiné youth mental health and school-based interventions for youth at risk for depression. She plans to provide clinical mental health counseling services for historically marginalized populations, including Latiné individuals, families, and communities.

Dr. Salusky is a clinical-community psychologist, educator, and interdisciplinary researcher focused on increasing equity within higher education and healthcare settings. Her work broadly focuses on system level interventions to address issues of structural inequality and oppression, through an intersectional lens.

References

Adams

E. L.

Smith

Caccavale

L. J.

Bean

M. K.

(2021). Parents are stressed! Patterns of parent stress across COVID-19. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 12, 626456–626456. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2021.626456

Arnett

J. J.

(2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55(5), 469–480. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.55.5.469

Arnett

J. J.

(2003). Conceptions of the transition to adulthood among emerging adults in American ethnic groups. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 2003(100), 63–76. https://doi.org/10.1002/cd.75

Azpeitia

Meza Lazaro

Ruvalcaba

S. A.

Bacio

G. A.

(2023). “It’s easy to feel alone, but when you have community, it makes [college] a lot easier”: First-generation students’ academic and psychosocial adjustment over the first year of college. Journal of Adolescent Research, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584231170040

Baxter

Shenoy

Lee

H. S.

Griffith

Rivas-Baxter

Park

(2023). Unequal outcomes: The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on mental health and wellbeing among Hispanic/Latinos with varying degrees of ‘Belonging’. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 69(4), 853–864. https://doi.org/10.1177/00207640221140285

Bourdieu

Passeron

(1977). Reproduction in education, society and culture. Sage.

Briesch

A. M.

Codding

R. S.

Hoffman

J. A.

Rizzo

C. J.

Volpe

R. J.

(2021). Caregiver perspectives on schooling from home during the spring 2020 COVID-19 closures. School Psycholog y Review, 50(4), 546–559. https://doi.org/10.1080/2372966X.2021.1908091

Campione-Barr

Skinner

Moeller

Cui

Kealy

Cookston

(2024). The role of family relationships on adolescents’ development and adjustment during the COVID-19 pandemic: A systematic review. Journal of Research on Adolescence. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1111/jora.12969

Campos

Ullman

J. B.

Aguilera

Dunkel Schetter

(2014). Familism and psychological health: The intervening role of closeness and social support. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 20(2), 191–201. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0034094

10.

Capannola

A. L.

Johnson

E. I.

(2022). On being the first: The role of family in the experiences of first-generation college students. Journal of Adolescent Research, 37(1), 29–58. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558420979144

11.

Carey

R. L.

(2016). “Keep that in mind. . .You’re gonna go to college”: Family influence on the college going processes of Black and Latino high school boys. Urban Review, 48, 718–742. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11256-016-0375-8

12.

Carrión-Martínez

J. J.

Pinel-Martínez

Pérez-Esteban

M. D.

Román-Sánchez

I. M.

(2021). Family and school relationship during COVID-19 pandemic: A systematic review. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(21), 11710. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182111710

13.

Chang

(2015). The interplay between collectivism and social support processes among Asian and Latino American college students. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 6(1), 4–14. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0035820

14.

Clayton

A. B.

Medina

M. C.

Wiseman

A. M.

(2017). Perspectives from first-year, first-generation-in-college Latino students. Journal of Latinos and Education, 18(2), 134–150. https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2017.1386101

15.

Corona

Campos

Chen

(2017). Familism is associated with psychological well-being and physical health: Main effects and stress-buffering effects. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 39(1), 46–65. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739986316671297

16.

Covarrubias

Valle

Laiduc

Azmitia

(2019). “You never become fully independent”: Family roles and independence in first-generation college students. Journal of Adolescent Research, 34(4), 381–410. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558418788402

17.

Cuevas

(2020). Ley de la vida: Latina/o immigrant parents experience of their children’s transition to higher education. The Journal of Higher Education, 91(4), 565–587. https://doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2019.1647585

18.

Enriquez

L. E.

Morales

A. E.

Rodríguez

V. E.

Chavarria

(2023). Mental health and COVID-19 pandemic stressors among Latina/o/x college students with varying self and parental immigration status. Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities, 10(1), 282–295. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40615-021-01218-x

19.

Fingerman

K. L.

Cheng

Y.-P.

Kim

Fung

H. H.

Han

Lang

F. R.

Lee

Wagner

(2016). Parental involvement with college students in Germany, Hong Kong, Korea, and the United States. Journal of Family Issues, 37(10), 1384–1411. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513X14541444

20.

Garcia

G. A.

(2019). Defining “servingness” at Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs): Practical implications for HSI leaders. American Council on Education.

21.

Garriott

P. O.

(2020). A critical cultural wealth model of first-generation and economically marginalized college students’ academic and career development. Journal of Career Development, 47(1), 80–95. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894845319826266

22.

Goldstein

A. L.

Katz

J. L.

Shifrin

Hamza

C. A.

Molnar

D. S.

Scharfe

(2023). Challenges and coping with COVID-19: Perspectives of emerging adults and their mothers. Journal of Youth Studies, 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2023.2277760

23.

Guba

E. G.

Lincoln

Y. S.

(1994). Competing paradigms in qualitative research. In Denzin

N. K.

Lincoln

Y. S.

(Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 105–117). Sage.

24.

Gutierrez

Gonzalez

Seshadri

(2022). We are the unicorns: Exploring experiences of Latina graduate women utilizing an intersectional Latino/a critical theory framework. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 28(1), 130–139. https://doi.org/10.1037/pac0000595

25.

Hanna-Walker

Lawrence

S. E.

Clark

A. N.

Walters

T. L.

Lefkowitz

E. S.

(2023). “It’s like an elephant in the room with my family”: LGBTQ+ college students’ identity expression during the COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of Adolescent Research, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584221149372

26.

Hill

P. L.

Burrow

A. L.

Sumner

(2016). Sense of purpose and parent–child relationships in emerging adulthood. Emerging Adulthood, 4(6), 436–439. https://doi.org/10.1177/2167696816640134

27.

Isasi

C. R.

Gallo

L. C.

Cai

Gellman

M. D.

Xie

Heiss

Kaplan

R. C.

Talavera

G. A.

Daviglus

M. L.

Prizada

Wassertheil-Smoller

Llabre

M. M.

Youngblood

M. E.

Schneiderman

Pérez-Stable Napoles

A. M.

Perreira

K. M.

(2023). Economic and psychosocial impact of COVID-19 in the Hispanic community health study/study of Latinos. Health Equity, 7(1), 206–215. http://doi.org/10.1089/heq.2022.0211

28.

Jabbar

Serrata

Epstein

Sánchez

(2019). “Echale ganas”: Family support of Latino/a community college students’ transfer to four-year universities. Journal of Latinos and Education, 18(3), 258–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2017.1390462

29.

Kiyama

J. M.

Harper

C. E.

(2018). Beyond hovering: A conceptual argument for an inclusive model of family engagement in higher education. Review of Higher Education: Journal of the Association for the Study of Higher Education, 41(3), 365–385. https://doi.org/10.1353/rhe.2018.0012

30.

Kouyoumdjian

Guzmán

B. L.

Garcia

N. M.

Talavera-Bustillos

(2017). A community cultural wealth examination of sources of support and challenges among Latino first- and second-generation college students at a Hispanic serving institution. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 16(1), 61–76. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192715619995

31.

Langenkamp

A. G.

Shifrer

(2018). Family legacy or family pioneer? Social class differences in the way adolescents construct college-going. Journal of Adolescent Research, 33(1), 58–89. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558416684951

32.

Lassiter

R. A.

Kiang

Buchanan

C. M.

Lopez Alvarez

Alexanian

(2024). COVID-19 and family and peer dynamics in emerging adults. Youth, 4(1), 124–134. https://doi.org/10.3390/youth4010009

33.

LeBouef

Dworkin

(2021). First-generation college students and family support: A critical review of empirical research literature. Education Sciences, 11(6), Article 294. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci11060294

34.

Liou

D. D.

Martinez

J. A. L.

Rotheram-Fuller

(2021). Latinas at a Hispanic-serving institution: Resilient resistance affirming race–gender expectancies for college attainment. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 16(3), 333–345. https://doi.org/10.1037/DHE0000340

35.

Magesh

John

W. T.

Mattingly-App

Jain

Chang

E. Y.

Ongkeko

W. M.

(2021). Disparities in COVID-19 outcomes by race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status: A systematic review and meta-analysis. The Journal of the American Medical Association Network Open, 4(11), e2134147–e2134147. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2021.34147

36.

Marín

B. V.

(1991). Research with Hispanic populations (Vol. 23). Sage.

37.

Marrun

N. A.

(2018). “My mom seems to have a dicho for everything!”: Family engagement in the college success of Latina/o students. Journal of Latinos and Education, 19(2), 164–180. https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2018.1489811

38.

Marzana

Rochira

Di Napoli

Albanesi

Mannarini

Fedi

Procentese

Aresi

Barbieri

Calandri

Compare

Gatti

Guarino

Tzankova

Marta

(2023). The relational domains of adolescence: Changes and possibilities during Covid era. Journal of Adolescent Research, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584231199425

39.

Moll

L. C.

Amanti

Neff

Gonzalez

(1992). Funds of knowledge for teaching: Using a qualitative approach to connect homes and classrooms. Theory into Practice, 31(2), 132–141. https://doi.org/10.1080/00405849209543534

40.

Morgan Consoli

M. L.

Delucio

Noriega

Llamas

. (2015). Predictors of resilience and thriving among Latina/o undergraduate students. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 37(3), 304–318. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739986315589141

41.

Mucci-Ferris

Grabsch

D. K.

Bobo

(2021). Positives, negatives, and opportunities arising in the undergraduate experience during the COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of College Student Development, 62(2), 203–218. https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.2021.0017

42.

Mude

Oguoma

V. M.

Nyanhanda

Mwanri

Njue

(2021). Racial disparities in COVID-19 pandemic cases, hospitalisations, and deaths: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Journal of Global Health, 11, Article 05015. https://doi.org/10.7189/jogh.11.05015

43.

Nichols

Islas

. (2016). Pushing and pulling emerging adults through college: College generational status and the influence of parents and others in the first year. Journal of Adolescent Research, 31(1), 59–95. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558415586255

44.

Oliveira

Fonseca

Sotero

Crespo

Relvas

A. P.

(2020). Family dynamics during emerging adulthood: Reviewing, integrating, and challenging the field. Journal of Family Theory and Review, 12(3), 350–367. https://doi.org/10.1111/jftr.12386

45.

Parra

Oliva

del Carmen Reina

(2015). Family relationships from adolescence to emerging adulthood: A longitudinal study. Journal of Family Issues, 36(14), 2002–2020. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513X13507570

46.

Pearcey

Burgess

Shum

Sajid

Sargent

Klampe

M.-L.

Lawrence

P. J.

Waite

(2023). How the COVID-19 pandemic affected young people’s mental health and wellbeing in the UK: A qualitative study. Journal of Adolescent Research, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584231151902

47.

Raposa

E. B.

Bartolotta

Forbes

Monjaras-Gaytan

L. Y.

Garcia

Ulerio

Perron

Salusky

(2024). Emotional distress and access to mental healthcare among first-generation college students during the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Journal of Higher Education, 1–29. https://doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2024.2378641

48.

Rodriguez

S. L.

Garbee

Martínez-Podolsky

(2021). Coping with college obstacles: The complicated role of familia for first-generation Mexican American college students. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 20(1), 75–90. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192719835683

49.

Sabogal

Marín

Otero-Sabogal

Marín

B. V.

Perez-Stable

E. J.

(1987). Hispanic familism and acculturation: What changes and what doesn’t? Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 9(4), 397–412. https://doi.org/10.1177/07399863870094003

50.

Sáenz

V. B.

García-Louis

de las Mercédez

Rodríguez

S. L.

(2020). Mujeres supporting: How female family members influence the educational success of Latino males in postsecondary education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 19(2), 169–194. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192718787291

51.

Salinas

(2020). The complexity of the “x” in Latinx: How Latinx/a/o students relate to, identify with, and understand the term Latinx. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 19(2), 149–168. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192719900382

52.

Salusky

Monjaras-Gaytan

Ulerio

Forbes

Perron

Raposa

(2022). The formation and role of social belonging in on-campus integration of diverse first-generation college students. Journal of College Student Retention: Research, Theory & Practice, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/15210251221092709

53.

Scully

McLaughlin

Fitzgerald

(2019). The relationship between adverse childhood experiences, family functioning, and mental health problems among children and adolescents: A systematic review. Journal of Family Therapy, 42(2), 291–316. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-6427.12263

54.

Shum

Klampe

M. L.

Pearcey

Cattel

Burgess

Lawrence

P. J.

Waite

(2023). Parenting in a pandemic: A qualitative exploration of parents’ experiences of supporting their children during the COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of Family Studies, 29(5), 2335–2355. https://doi.org/10.1080/13229400.2023.2168561

55.

Small

M. L.

Calarco

J. M.

(2022). Qualitative literacy: A guide to evaluating ethnographic and interview research. University of California Press.

56.

Smith

J. A.

Flowers

Larkin

(2013). Interpretative phenomenological analysis: Theory, method and research. Sage.

57.

Thomeer

M. B.

Moody

M. D.

Yahirun

(2023). Racial and ethnic disparities in mental health and mental health care during the COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities, 10(2), 961–976. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40615-022-01284-9

58.

Tierney

W. G.

Venegas

K. M.

(2006). Fictive kin and social capital: The role of peer groups in applying and paying for college. American Behavioral Scientist, 49(12), 1687–1702. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764206289145

59.

Vasquez-Salgado

Greenfield

P. M.

Burgos-Cienfuegos

(2015). Exploring home-school value conflicts: Implications for academic achievement and well-being among Latino first-generation college students. Journal of Adolescent Research, 30(3), 271–305. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558414561297

60.

Witkow

M. R.

Huynh

Fuligni

A. J.

(2015). Understanding differences in college persistence: A longitudinal examination of financial circumstances, family obligations, and discrimination in an ethnically diverse sample. Applied Developmental Science, 19(1), 4–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/10888691.2014.946030

61.

Witkowsky

Obregon

Bruner

Alanis

(2020). Connecting familismo and higher education: Influence of Spanish language PFMO programs on Latinx family involvement and sense of belonging. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 19(4), 354–368. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538192718810429

62.

Worley

T. R.

Mucci-Ferris

(2021). Parent–student relational turbulence, support processes, and mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 38(10), 3010–3032. https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075211041658

63.

Xiao

(2024). Did the COVID-19 pandemic make better parents? A qualitative exploration of parents’ experiences during a historic period. Family Relations, 73(1), 133–153. https://doi.org/10.1111/fare.12961

64.

Yosso

T. J.

(2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91. https://doi.org/10.1080/1361332052000341006

65.

Yoon

Newkirk

Perry-Jenkins

(2015). Parenting stress, dinnertime rituals, and child well-being in working-class families. Family Relations, 64(1), 93–107. https://doi.org/10.1111/fare.12107