Integration Experiences of Francophone Newcomer Students in English Provinces: A Literature Review

Newcomer

The most common definition of a newcomer is an individual who has been in Canada for less than 5 years (IRCC, 2018). Of note, some studies pertaining to newcomer youth integration vary in the time frames used (Chuang, 2010; Li et al., 2017) while others allowed the participants to self-identify as newcomers in their recruitment processes (Deckers & Zinga, 2012). Despite the inclusion of studies pertaining to immigrants, refugees, and newcomers in this review, it was geared to understand and assist francophone newcomers (i.e., recently arrived individuals) in schools.

Francophone

The most frequently used definition of francophone is “those whose mother tongue is French” (Statistics Canada, 2015). This definition has been criticized for being too narrow and has recently been expanded by provincial and federal governments to include those whose first official language is French or those who commonly speak French (IRCC, 2021b; Prasad, 2012).

Successful Integration

According to studies conducted with newcomer, immigrant, and refugee participants, successful integration has various meanings, but two common goals: (1) the maintenance of one’s culture of origin, and (2) the development of knowledge and skills that are useful within a Canadian environment (Newton, 2019). Additionally, immigrants’ conceptualization of successful integration includes “achieving pre-arrival aspirations – dreams and goals set prior to the arrival in the host country” (Kyeremeh et al., 2021, p. 650). Researchers in the field of francophone minority education in BC defined school integration as “a sense of social, cultural, psychological, and academic well-being that helps young immigrant students achieve their full potential in school” (Jacquet & Masinda, 2014, p. 288).

Educational and Cultural Gaps

One pre-migration factor that has a considerable impact on schools is the different educational levels of newcomer and Canadian students. Immigrants with traumatic backgrounds are particularly affected by this, as they experience interruptions to their schooling (Benimmas et al., 2017). For instance, immigrant students and parents in one Saskatchewan French school considered the differences in pre- and post-migration educational environments as major barriers to integration (L. D. Carlson Berg, 2010). This includes differences in the classroom such as rules, expectations, teaching methods, and the school systems themselves such as school values and evaluation criteria (Benimmas et al., 2017; L. D. Carlson Berg, 2010). Newcomer parents found such differences in culture to be a difficult adjustment (Benimmas et al., 2017).

This adjustment serves as a barrier for the broader newcomer population as there is often a “hidden curriculum” of accepted norms that are difficult for them to learn (Chuang, 2010, pp. 18–19). Francophone newcomers in Ontario between the ages of 15 and 18 listed more freedom, empathetic teachers, multiculturalism, lower difficulty of school curriculum, and educational resources as positive experiences of school integration (L.-A. A. Brown, 2014). According to newcomer students, different educational and cultural backgrounds play a large role in their school performance and community engagement (L.-A. A. Brown, 2014; Deckers & Zinga, 2012).

Language Diversity, Plurilingualism, and Identity

A rich area of discussion in francophone minority contexts is how newcomer students’ fluency in multiple languages shapes their identity. Language proficiency is one of the most common barriers to economic and social integration reported by immigrant students and school personnel (Jacquet, 2009; Jacquet et al., 2008). In a minority language context, proficiency in the dominant language is necessary to participate in everyday tasks. A series of studies on immigrant youth across six Ontario organizations found that proficiency in English was a significant barrier to youth integration (Anisef & Kilbride, 2003). This applied to francophone immigrants in anglophone provinces. French-speaking youth encountered difficulties in accessing services, obtaining employment, integrating into school, and building social networks (Anisef & Kilbride, 2003; Madibbo, 2008; Piquemal & Bolivar, 2009).

Immigrant students often possess writing and speaking skills in multiple languages. Recent studies in francophone schools in BC have highlighted such plurilingualism. Brisson (2018) used an ethnographic case study of one Grade 6 plurilingual student in a CSF school. The student, born in BC, lived in Poland for several years and then moved back to BC. Transnationalism was common in the classroom, with almost half of the students speaking non-official languages at home. Through observation of classroom interactions, Brisson concluded that speaking only French—monolingualism was recognized as the most valid francophone identity among students. Students who spoke French but not as a first language were often not considered francophones.

Similarly, an ethnographic study by Levasseur (2016) found that the participants, students from a CSF school between the ages of 6 and 11 enrolled in a francization program, had a stereotypical conceptualization of what being a francophone meant. The study found that the students identified francophones as people from Quebec or France who spoke French as their first language, spoke it well, and frequently. Levasseur also observed that through the school policy that barred other languages from being spoken in the school and the organization of events related to Quebecois culture, students learned that “Francophone must be monolingual” (p. 54). Because they spoke English and, in many cases, a third language, some students were unable to identify with either a francophone or anglophone identity. This characterization of francophones as monolingual or as having French as the first language leaves no room for multilingual francophone immigrants who have been a large contributor to the increase in the French-speaking population (Statistics Canada, 2011). Thus, there is a need for immigrants to increase the francophone population of Canada, but at the same time francophones want to ensure the preservation of their culture (Bouchamma, 2008). It may be difficult for established francophones in English provinces to notice this contradiction because their identity as minorities who prioritize survival does not connect with the idea that the same identity will in turn assimilate other cultures (Bouchamma, 2008). Consequently, some newcomer francophone students may feel alienated from the established francophone community (L. D. Carlson Berg, 2010; Farmer, 2008; Gérin-Lajoie, 2020; Piquemal et al., 2009). L. D. Carlson Berg (2010) notes that in the past, Saskatchewan’s francophone community relied on its “close knit nature” for longevity, but “when its survival depends on opening to others, this characteristic may be working against the community” (p. 296).

Difficulties with identification with a francophone identity were also found among older students from the general francophone student population. Group interviews with Vancouver CSF secondary school students from different backgrounds (including newcomers), discovered that only a small number of them identified with francophone identity (Lai-Tran, 2020). Most students were bilingual, and they noted the variety of vocabularies, dialects, and accents being spoken in the schools. Additionally, there was a sense among students that there is no French-Columbian identity, especially compared to francophones from Quebec (Lai-Tran, 2020). Instead, there was variation in identity definition and formation in different contexts. Essentially, “students express their affiliation with the Francophonie through their bilingualism or their plurilingualism” but at the same time, “bilingual or plurilingual self-definition is not necessarily incompatible with the commitment to Francophone identity” (Lai-Tran, 2020, p. 87). There were also different views on what the Canadian identity constitutes. Most students believed that the preservation of French is important to the preservation of Canadian culture, but others view plurilingualism and multiculturalism as equally important to Canadian identity (Lai-Tran, 2020).

A comparison of how school employees understood ethnic diversity in French and English schools in BC found that there was a greater focus on language in French schools because of their position as the minority language group in the larger provincial structure (Jacquet, 2009). These views are shared by teachers and principals in other provinces, where French elementary schools heavily advocated for students to acquire francophone linguistic and cultural skills, often disregarding the diverse backgrounds of multilingual students (Bangou et al., 2021; Fleuret et al., 2013).

Limited understandings of diversity also exist in French school policies, which greatly influences the experiences of racialized students (Gérin-Lajoie & Jacquet, 2008). Emphasis on monolingualism in francophone minority schools fails to account for the increasing cultural diversity in classrooms (Brisson, 2018; Levasseur, 2016; Prasad, 2012). In some cases, students were rewarded if they participated in monolingualism, indirectly punishing those who did not (Bangou et al., 2021). As one elementary school principal phrased it, the two options for French-school students were “French or silence” (Bangou et al., 2021, p. 12). This can serve as a barrier to integration because the discourses surrounding francophone identity overemphasize the links between language and identity (Jacquet, 2009).

The integration process requires the adaptation of recent immigrants and francophone communities to different backgrounds, cultures, and languages (Laghzaoui, 2011). French schools have not sufficiently adjusted to account for that diversity, as transnational and plurilingual students feel left out of the anglophone-francophone dichotomy. Prasad (2012) argued that there is a need for plurilingualism and multiculturalism to be viewed “as resources for learning rather than limitations to their academic integration and success” (p. 6).

Multiple Marginalization of Newcomers

In general, racialized immigrant students in Canada have described negative experiences based on social categorizations like race, religion, class, and immigration status. Recently, particular attention has been paid to the integration experiences of francophone African students because they make up a considerable portion of recent francophone immigrants. Scholars have been interested in their “triple minoritization” experiences, which refer to students’ status as immigrants as well as members of racial and language minorities (L. D. Carlson Berg, 2010; Jacquet et al., 2008, p. 28). In one study, Schroeter and James (2015) explored the perspectives of African Canadian French-speaking students on the Professional Development Programme (PFP; Programme de formation professionelle) in one major Western Canadian city (name of the city was not revealed to protect the confidentiality of participants). PFP was offered to students who were unlikely to pass their courses, graduate, or go to post-secondary school. This was meant to address the aforementioned educational gaps that served as a barrier to academic success. However, from the students’ view, they did not choose to participate in the program, and they did not believe it was helping their situation. Most students in the program were Black, and one student indicated that she believed that this was the reason for their placement in the program (Schroeter & James, 2015, pp. 31–33).

Prasad (2012) argued that instead of being classified as having multiple minority statuses, immigrant students should be perceived as culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD). Prasad observed and documented classroom practices and interviewed teachers and administrators in an Ontario French school. She found that through a CLD lens, teachers can use inclusive pedagogical practices to empower the students and aid in their integration.

Integration Experiences of Parents

Interviews with young newcomers from Alberta, BC, Nova Scotia, and Ontario illustrated how integration takes place beyond school and into family life (Chuang, 2010). When asked to describe perceived barriers to integration for their family, the most common answers included financial and linguistic challenges (Chuang, 2010). The tension between immigrant parental values and those of Canadian parents has also been noted by scholars (Benimmas et al., 2017; Kassan et al., 2019). On top of such challenges, francophone immigrants in anglophone provinces find it difficult to fully relate to French and English-speaking communities and integration services are more available to all immigrants (Anisef & Kilbride, 2003; Jacquet et al., 2008; Schroeter, 2013). This has been improving and in 2019, 51% of francophone newcomers reported using services offered by Francophone organizations outside of Quebec compared to 44% in 2018 (IRCC, 2021b).

Racism Out of School

In Ontario and Manitoba, newcomer, immigrant, and refugee young adults have expressed their concerns regarding the racism they noticed in francophone institutions (Madibbo, 2008; Piquemal & Bolivar, 2009). This included school-related concerns such as the lack of representation of Black history and culture and discriminatory practices by school personnel, but also instances of racism (e.g., racial profiling) that they face outside of school as a significant barrier to their integration (Madibbo, 2008). Meanwhile, in the BC francophone community, discrimination, cultural differences, and previous traumatic experiences have been cited as challenges to integration (Jacquet et al., 2008). However, it should be noted that these insights have mostly come from the perspectives of adults such as administrators, teachers, and parents. More research on integration from the perspectives of the students themselves is crucial for a better, more complete understanding of student everyday integration experiences.

Gaps in the Literature

The major gap in the literature is that studies have rarely addressed the experiences of newcomer youth specifically. Because the focus of the research was on plurilingualism and immigration, newcomers in the studies only made up a small portion of the students interviewed. More focus on positive and negative influences on integration in young francophone newcomers is needed to better understand the challenges this group faces. This would aid the development of appropriate programs to support this unique group of newcomers.

There is also a need for the use of a broader definition of francophone as the narrow definition excluded francophone students from access to educational experiences (Jacquet et al., 2008). For example, a mother whose deceased husband and children spoke French was unable to keep her children in a French school because of her difficulties in communicating with the school (Jacquet et al., 2008).

Another potential area for research is whether there are similarities and differences in the integration experiences of francophone youth in francophone and anglophone schools. A comparison between the two systems could identify whether some positive and negative integration experiences are unique to francophone schools. This would result in a comprehensive understanding of appropriate educational support for students.

In addition to the theoretical gaps identified above, there also seem to be some methodological gaps in the literature. Most of the research reviewed in this study was based on traditional qualitative methods, such as individual and group interviews, participant observation, and document analysis. These methods have several limitations including time and reliability (Alsaawi, 2014; Nurani, 2008). One recommendation is to increase the use of participatory methods in qualitative research. Scholars of qualitative inquiry have long advocated the need for more participant-centered methods that give partakers more agency and influence over the research process (A. Brown et al., 2020; Moskal, 2010). Using participatory methods in research with newcomer youth is a good tool for providing space and tools to the youth and for the researchers to accurately capture and interpret findings that were revealed by the youth themselves (Cahill & Dadvand, 2018). More importantly, there is a need for variation in the data that is being collected. We recommend that future research on francophone newcomer integration considers qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-methods approaches to gather data, to provide a breadth of knowledge on the topic.

Implications for School Psychologists

Given the critical role that school psychologists play in public school systems, they are ideally positioned to help facilitate the successful integration of francophone newcomer students. To do so, we recommended that school psychologists attain knowledge and understanding of the unique challenges newcomer francophone students face in a minority language context (Houle et al., 2014; Mc Andrew et al., 2008). In addition to differences in cultural and educational backgrounds, newcomer youth must adapt to an anglophone setting where they interact with others outside of school, and in French, which in some cases is the only language they are permitted to use in school. An awareness of how the link between speaking French and francophone identity affects the integration of multilingual students is also needed (Lai-Tran, 2020; Lupul, 2019).

As the reviewed literature has shown, programs that overrepresent racialized students can appear exclusionary and restrictive to the students they are meant to support (Schroeter & James, 2015). The Canadian Multiculturalism Act (1988) promotes both cultural and linguistic diversity provided that such diversity does not undermine the position of the two official languages. Multiculturalism in Canada can mean that programs and policies in French schools are able to shift from viewing plurilingualism as an obstacle to an asset (Prasad, 2012). Therefore, school psychologists should promote programs that account for the increasing plurilingualism and multiculturalism in French schools.

The mandate of francophone schools is to “protect, enhance and transmit the French language and culture,” including supporting newcomer youth in their French educational path (Government of Ontario, 2022). An important aspect for newcomer youth however is not only the focus on enhancing their language skills and learning about the French-Canadian culture but also on supporting their psychological needs. The fulfillment of psychological needs is a complex task that requires attention to the lived experiences of students and, as this literature has shown, the lived experiences of newcomer francophone youth are diverse and some of its aspects have been overlooked. One theory that could support schools in meeting the psychological needs of newcomer students is the Self-Determination Theory (SDT) of motivation. SDT has identified three basic psychological needs that students have: autonomy, relatedness, and competence (Deci et al., 2013).

According to Deci et al. (2013), autonomy refers to the need for having control over one’s life, in educational contexts this translates to the need for having control over one’s learning experiences. Relatedness refers to the need for belonging to a group and/or a community, when this need is unmet, the individual experiences isolation and distress. Finally, competence refers to the need for mastery, and in the educational contexts this translates to successful learning and the production of high-quality works of art and science. There has been extensive research supporting the validity of these three constructs and their predictive value: when these psychological needs are unmet in schools, problem behaviors and low motivation arose; in contrast, when these needs have been met, students’ motivation has increased (Guay, 2022). The impact goes beyond schools: students who perceived themselves as competent during elementary school attained higher educational degrees than their peers a decade later (Guay et al., 2004).

Interpreting the findings of this review from an SDT lens, we believed that school psychologists should be aware of several potential risk factors among francophone newcomer students. First, not all newcomer francophone youth feel autonomous in French school environments. That is, many of them report being dissatisfied with how schools have assessed their French language competence. Further, racial bias has been identified as a factor that affects how they are perceived by school administrators. It is important to note here that a high level of perceived racism is associated with anxiety symptoms among youth in schools across Canada (St-Pierre et al., 2022).

Second, not all francophone newcomer students feel like they belong to the francophone community and the mainstream definition of “francophone” has functioned to exclude them and consequently cause feelings of isolation (Prasad, 2012). Educators (e.g., teachers and school psychologists) can play an important role by introducing students to a more diverse history of the French language and a more diverse conception of Francophonie. For example, it is important to introduce students to the French literature that was produced as part of anti-colonialism, such as Frantz Fanon’s seminal text The Wretched of the Earth (Les Damnés de la Terre) and Kateb Yacine’s famous statement “I write in French to tell the French that I am not French” (J’écris en Français pour dire aux Français que je ne suis pas Français). Such texts can support francophone youths in understanding the French language as a mean for expressing their autonomy, these texts also allow youths from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds to connect with the language and find a place for themselves within a more inclusive concept of Francophonie.

Third, the biased assessment of francophone youth could result in them feeling less competent than their peers and consequently disrupt the development of their achievement and motivation. Biased assessment has mostly been reported by francophone youth of color, in particular Black francophone youth. It is important for school psychologists to be aware of the history of biased assessment and its harmful impact on the competence and academic achievement of Black students (Schroeter & James, 2015). It is also important to share with Black students and students of color, francophones and non-francophones, empowering texts and stories of resistance to this biased assessment.

Limitations

The literature that we draw our conclusions from is few and restricted by the methods and parameters set forth by each study. One example of this is that the papers included in our review cover only six of Canada’s ten provinces. Additionally, the papers use similar methodologies, opting for qualitative methods such as ethnographic studies, interviews, and document analyses. As previously mentioned, there is a need for more variation in data-gathering methodologies. Quantitative methods are not present in the reviewed studies, nor the mix-methods approaches. Finally, many of the papers presented in this literature review focused on the perception of adults—teachers and school administrators with limited voices given to newcomer parents. There is also an identified scarcity of newcomer youth participating in the research which certainly is a major limitation of this study and an identified gap in the scholarly work. In order to understand francophone youth school experiences and the process of integration, researchers and scholars should include newcomer youth’s perceptions.