Abstract
This article discusses the characteristics, dimensions and tonnages of the Mediterranean-built galleons of the Illyrian squadron, focusing on its vice-flagship, Santiago de Galicia. In 1590 Philip II signed an asiento (contract) with two Ragusan noblemen – Pedro de Ivella, and his nephew, Estefano de Oliste – for the construction of 12 galleons to serve in the Spanish Atlantic fleets. According to Ivella’s correspondence, these galleons were designed and built as ocean-going warships. Contemporary documents located in the General Archive of Simancas (Spain), however, reveal the Mediterranean influence, rather than ocean-going qualities, of the vessels’ form and construction. Their dimensions, tonnages and ratios were more like the Mediterranean navi of the Great Armada than the ocean-going galleons built in Spain, Portugal or England. Discrepancies are also present regarding the composition of the squadron and of the tonnages for the same galleons between these documents – these subtle changes could be interpreted as an attempt to swindle the Spanish Crown by increasing the ships’ tonnages for Ivella’s own benefit. Despite these discrepancies, Santiago de Galicia and other galleons of the Illyrian squadron served in Phillip II’s Atlantic fleets only to be lost, or badly damaged, due to storms in the Armadas of 1596 and 1597.
In the last years of Philip II’s reign, two large Armadas were prepared and launched as part of the Spanish offensive against England. In October 1596, an Armada departed from Lisbon to occupy the port of Brest (France), but a storm dispersed the fleet, sinking several ships off Cape Finisterre in northwest Spain. A year later in October 1597, a second Armada set sail from the port of La Coruña with orders to seize Falmouth and to destroy the English fleet upon its return from the Azores. As in the previous year, a storm prevented the fleet from reaching its destination and the ships had to return to Spain when they were only 27 leagues (171 km) from Falmouth. 1 The majority of the vessels made it back to northern Spain, but were badly damaged during the voyage. One of the ships that took part in this expedition was the Santiago de Galicia, a galleon built near Naples (Italy), which originally was part of the Illyrian squadron. The Santiago de Galicia managed to return to the port of Ribadeo on the northern coast of Spain, but sank shortly after its arrival. This article examines the characteristics, dimensions, and tonnages of this galleon based on the analysis of original documents currently located at the General Archive of Simancas (Spain).
The Illyrian squadron
The failure of the Great Armada in 1588 worsened the chronic shortage of naval vessels that the Spanish Crown had suffered for most of the sixteenth century. 2 As a result, Philip II launched an ambitious shipbuilding programme that led to the construction of 21 new galleons. 3 The first galleons built immediately after the Great Armada were the famous Twelve Apostles, a series of 12 large galleons designed as warships, built and launched in the shipyards of northern Spain between 1589 and 1591. 4
Additionally, in early 1590 the king signed an asiento (contract) with two Ragusan noblemen – Pedro de Ivella, and his nephew, Estefano de Oliste – for the construction and outfitting of 12 more galleons to serve in the permanent Spanish Atlantic fleet, the Armada del Mar Oceáno. 5 Pedro de Ivella had previously served in Philip II’s Armadas during the naval expeditions to Portugal in 1580, and the Azores in 1582 and 1583. 6 He also took part in the Great Armada in 1588 with his brothers and nephew, Estefano de Oliste, in the Levant squadron that was under the command of Martín de Bertendona. Ivella’s vessel La Regazona (1294 tons) was the flagship of the Levant squadron, and sank in the inlet of El Ferrol where it had arrived badly damaged after an eventful return journey to Spain due to foul weather. 7 Moreover, Estefano de Oliste had to scuttle his ship, La Anunciada (703 tons), in Limerick (Ireland) due its poor condition. 8 Ivella and Oliste, then, were experienced seamen very familiar with ships and the demanding sailing conditions of the Atlantic Ocean.
The new galleons of 1590 were built in the shipyards of the kingdom of Naples and of Ragusa (Dubrovnik, Croatia), and became known as the Illyrian squadron. The largest and strongest vessel of the squadron was Santiago de Galicia. According to the contract, Pedro de Ivella and Estefano de Oliste would build and outfit 12 ocean-going galleons, each of approximately 700 tons, to serve in Philip II’s Atlantic fleets for a period of five years, beginning in January 1590 and ending in December 1594. 9 In exchange for their services, they would receive a monthly payment of 552,912 maravedises per ship, or 795½ maravedises per tonelada (ton) from the Spanish Crown. 10 The galleons were launched between 1590 and 1593, except for two which were completed earlier. Nine ships were built at Naples, Castellammare di Stabia, and Vietri di Salerno, and the remaining three at Ragusa. Eight different shipwrights from Venice, Naples, and Ragusa were involved in the construction. The Neapolitan master shipwright Colea Bonifacio built Santiago de Galicia at Castellammare di Stabia near Naples. The galleon was launched in November 1590, and its owner was Jacobo Juan de Polo. San Gerónimo and San Pedro were designated the squadron’s Capitana (flagship) and Almiranta (vice-flagship) although Santiago de Galicia was made the Almiranta in 1594 (see Table 1). 11
Galleons of the Illyrian squadron as originally documented in 1593.
Sources: Archivo General de Simancas, Guerra y Marina Legajo (Leg.) 379 Documento (doc.) 243; Leg. 379 doc. 244; Leg. 380 doc. 20.
Although the vessels were completed by 1593, the king did not request their service until the following year. Meanwhile, Ivella employed them to transport wheat from Adriatic ports to Naples, and wool from Spain to Livorno and Genoa, to cover their expenses because the king had not yet provided any payment. Ivella even offered his squadron to serve as escorts for the Indies fleet at the end of 1593. 12 In June 1594, the king finally ordered Ivella to prepare the squadron to depart for Spain and sent money to outfit the vessels. However, in October of that year, a Turkish squadron under the command of Cigala captured the vice-flagship San Pedro, Santa Maria del Loreto, and Santo Spiritus near Messina. 13 Despite this significant setback, Ivella was still optimistic about getting the remaining galleons outfitted by February 1595, although his contract was due to expire in December 1594 and he had still not received any money. As such, he demanded an extension of the original contract and an advance to cover outfitting and wages, to which the Count of Miranda, Viceroy of Naples, conceded. 14
Preparations were delayed due to difficulties in recruiting the crews and casting the artillery. In the meantime, negotiations were underway with the Turks to recover the three galleons captured in Messina, though Ivella chose to replace them with other ships with identical characteristics. 15 He intended to add the captured galleons to the squadron after their return, thus increasing the total number of galleons to 15 vessels, although this never happened. 16 The squadron finally set sail from Naples on 11 May 1595 and arrived in Cartagena, Spain a month later. Ivella justified the late departure by blaming unusually bad winter weather. On 3 July the galleons entered the Bay of Cadiz, and after another month the squadron departed for Lisbon, arriving on 14 September 1595 after suffering several delays and setbacks due to contrary winds near the Cape of Saint Vincent. 17 However, the squadron that arrived at Lisbon differed considerably from the list that Ivella had sent from Naples to the king in 1593. Only five of the original Illyrian galleons, including Santiago de Galicia, now the vice-flagship, remained in the squadron. Ivella replaced not only the three galleons captured by the Turkish, but a total of seven vessels. 18
Characteristics of the Illyrian galleons
In 1593, Ivella sent Philip II a series of documents detailing the characteristics and equipment of the original 12 galleons in the Illyrian squadron, including Santiago de Galicia. According to Ivella, the galleons were designed and built as ocean-going warships to serve in the Armada del Mar Oceáno. Their design followed the pattern of English, Biscayan and Ragusan galleon measurements, and they were therefore expected to be strong but manoeuvrable vessels, especially when sailing close to the wind. They were three-decked galleons with spacious upper decks. The fore and aft castles were low and ample with a pronounced tumblehome, as was advisable for deep-sea ships. Their flush gundecks also facilitated artillery movements, and the gunports were evenly distributed along the hulls. The location of the lower gunports was well above the waterline, so they could be opened even if the ship listed when sailing close to the wind. 19
The construction materials included timber from the Neapolitan forests, Mount Gargano in Foggia, and Albania. The oak was felled during the waning moons of December and January as was indicated in contemporary shipbuilding treatises. 20 The nails were from Venice, Genoa and Catalonia. The galleons were also strongly braced having been built with seasoned thick planking and long frames. The planking thickness also required caulking with five and even seven layers of oakum sealed with Albanian mineral pitch. The masts and yards were made with timbers from Calabria in the south of Italy, and Istria in the Adriatic. The hemp and sail canvas came from Savona, while the cables were from Venice and Genoa. The ships were also equipped, depending on their size, with 20, 30 or 40 sweeps or large oars a galocha. 21 The oars helped ships to tack or round a cape in a calm, although they were not mentioned again in later documents and it is therefore unclear whether they truly had a practical function. 22
The ordnance was cast in Naples and Genoa with German copper and Norwegian tin, and the personal weaponry was brought from Milan. 23 San Gerónimo and San Pedro were equipped with 30 bronze cannons each, while the rest of the squadron, including Santiago de Galicia, only carried 20 pieces, the mandatory minimum armament. The crews were provided with muskets, helmets, pikes, lances, halberds, round shields, and broadswords. Crew size ranged from 200 on the flagship, including sailors, officers and gunners, to only 90 on Santa María del Bisón. Santiago de Galicia had a crew of 160, the third largest after San Gerónimo and San Pedro (Table 1). 24 We should note Ivella’s recommendation of more artillery for the vessels and arms for the crews.
Unfortunately, there was a considerable gap between Ivella’s enthusiastic description of the squadron and the reality of what arrived in Lisbon in 1595. Captain Pedro Zubiaur, master shipwrights, and other Spanish and Portuguese officials inspected the galleons to evaluate their quality and to determine whether they were suitable to serve in the Atlantic fleets. Their inspection revealed that only six galleons, including Santiago de Galicia and San Gerónimo, were fit for the Armada del Mar Oceáno. Those deemed satisfactory included four of the five original galleons of the squadron, but only two of Ivella’s replacements. The inspectors approved the construction of these vessels and even considered Santiago de Galicia more strongly built than San Gerónimo, the squadron’s flagship. However, even these vessels required minor modifications, including lowering their upper works, shortening their masts and extending their yards. The inspection also revealed deficiencies in the ships’ outfitting because they needed spare sets of sails and anchors. 25 After visiting San Gerónimo, Antonio de Urquiola also recommended rearranging the location of the gunports so as to fully utilize the artillery. 26 Three older galleons – Santa Maria de Tremidi, La Misericordia, and Santa Cruz – were also declared suitable on condition that they had to be reinforced and have their upper works flattened. They too needed spare sails, cables, and rigging, and replacement masts and yards. The inspectors rejected the remaining three vessels, Santísima Trinidad, Andrés de Baldi, and San Juan Bautista due to their weak construction and old age – 20 years in the case the San Andrés de Baldi. 27 Santísima Trinidad appeared in the inspection as a nine-year-old vessel, but in the document that Miranda sent to the king in 1593 it was recorded that she was launched in 1592. However, it is clear that both references are to the same vessel as they name the same captain and owner, Matteo Lettiela, and there is a difference in size of only 42 toneladas. It is unclear whether this discrepancy about the ship’s age arose from a transcription error or an attempt to deceive. The inspection of the Illyrian galleons also revealed variations in the total numbers of cannons and crew. When it arrived at Cartagena in 1595, the squadron carried more pieces of artillery than in 1593, although the quantity varied from one ship to another, ranging from the 37 pieces on San Gerónimo to the 17 on Santa María de Tremidi, to 28 on the Santiago de Galicia (Table 2). However, the inspection in Lisbon recorded a smaller number of cannons for each vessel. In fact, Santiago de Galicia carried only 16 bronze pieces this time, including demi-cannons, sakers, perriers, and one esmeril. 28
Composition of the Illyrian squadron in 1595 and results of the inspection conducted in Lisbon.
Sources: Archivo General de Simancas, Guerra y Marina Legajo (Leg.) 428 Documento (doc.) 69; Leg. 431 doc. 123; Leg. 440 doc. 107; Leg. 440 doc. 104.
Dimensions and tonnages of Santiago de Galicia
In addition to the galleons’ characteristics, Ivella’s documents also provided their main dimensions and tonnages conveniently converted from an unspecified unit into Spanish codos (cubits) and toneladas (tons). 29 These cubits were codos de ribera (shipyard cubits), used in the shipyards of northern Spain, and each codo equaled two thirds of a Castilian varas plus one dedo (finger), or a total of 33 dedos (0.575 metres). In 1590 the codo de ribera became the standard linear unit used to measure and gauge ships’ volumes that were calculated in toneladas (tons) using an arithmetic formula. When the Spanish Crown hired private vessels to serve in the Armadas, their tonnages determined payment for service. In some cases the ships’ owners claimed larger tonnages for their vessels and, therefore, Philip II decreed in 1590 the unification of all the naval measurements to prevent fraud. Each tonelada equaled one tonel macho, or eight cubic codos, plus 20% of that volume. The additional 20% included the spaces above the vessels’ main decks and upper works, and was a bonus for the owners on top of the basic rates of hire paid by the Crown. 30 The tonnages that Ivella provided for the Illyrian galleons were in toneladas which already included the additional 20%. 31
Analysis and calculations based on the documents reveals a conflict in the dimensions and tonnages of Santiago de Galicia. First, the documents show galleons, including Santiago de Galicia, with tonnages over 1000 tons – that is well above the average for the Atlantic galleons of the period and only comparable to the newly built Twelve Apostles. Further, the ships’ dimensions are given in Spanish codos and the tonnages in toneladas and Sicilian salmas. Then there is the problem that seven of the 12 original galleons from the Illyrian squadron in 1593 were replaced before the squadron arrived in Spain in 1595. Lastly, there are several discrepancies between the tonnages provided by the different documents for the same galleons, and strangely no correlation between the tonnages expressed in toneladas and salmas.
The documents that Ivella sent to Philip II in 1593 contained the dimensions and tonnages of the 12 original Illyrian galleons, including Santiago de Galicia. We find not only the ships’ length, breadth, and depth of hold, but also their length on the upper deck, floors, runs, and entries. In addition, the Count of Miranda sent the king another document with the ships’ volumes expressed in Sicilian salmas (Table 3). 32
Dimensions and tonnages of the Illyrian squadron in 1593.
Sources: Archivo General de Simancas, Guerra y Marina Legajo (Leg.) 379 Documento (doc.) 243; Leg. 380 doc. 107; Leg. 380 doc. 20.
According to Ivella’s account of 1593, Santiago de Galicia had a length of 60 cubits, 20½ cubits breadth, and 13½ cubits depth of hold. These dimensions were almost identical to San Gerónimo and San Pedro (Table 3). However, Santiago de Galicia was rated as the third-largest galleon of the squadron with 1050 tons, lagging behind the 1200-ton San Gerónimo and the 1060-ton San Pedro. In contrast, according to the Count of Miranda, Santiago de Galicia was the largest galleon at 5000 Sicilian salmas while San Gerónimo and San Pedro were of 4500 and 4000 salmas respectively. This may not be a mistake, however, because there was no correlation between Ivella’s volumes in toneladas and those in salmas. According to contemporary practice, the conversion rate between toneladas and salmas was one to five. 33 However, galleons of between 900 and 1000 toneladas were reckoned at 4000 or even 4300 salmas; 800 tons equalled 2300 salmas; and ships of 560 and 700 tons were listed as 2800 salmas. The only correlation between toneladas and salmas occurred in the case of the 560-ton galleon. Miranda’s tonnages are a total of 7750 salmas less than the total obtained had Ivella’s tonnages been converted into salmas using the 1:5 conversion ratio. The differences are up to 2000 salmas in the case of San Gerónimo, and 1400 salmas for Santiago de Galicia, while the differences in salmas of the other vessels range between 700 and 200 salmas more than the numbers provided by Miranda (Table 3).
Similar variations occurred when calculating the ship volumes in salmas using Crescentio’s formula after converting the Spanish codos that Ivella provides into Venetian feet. 34 The volumes obtained using this method are 6764 salmas lower than the total tonnage provided by Miranda. All ships show lower tonnages except San Gerónimo and San Pedro which, despite increasing their tonnages by 70 and 192 salmas, showed the closest volumes to the numbers provided by Miranda. However, the rest of the Illyrian galleons are 233 to 1340 salmas less than Miranda’s figures. These results, however, show a correlation between the ships’ dimensions and their tonnages. Thus, Santiago de Galicia becomes the largest ship of the squadron, as expected according to its dimensions, although with a volume reduction of 256 salmas with respect to Miranda’s figure. Nevertheless, Ivella reported a total tonnage of 10,670 toneladas for the squadron, which exceeded the expected 8400 tons by 2270 tons if the ships were truly built to be 700 tons each according to the contract (Table 3). It must be noted that the excess of tonnage increased the hiring cost of the Illyrian galleons for the Spanish Crown, and meant more income for Ivella and his relatives.
When the squadron arrived at Cartagena in 1595, Ivella sent a new report to the king with the ships’ tonnages that were gauged in Naples, although he did not include their main dimensions. The officials inspecting the squadron in Lisbon also referred to these tonnages in their report. 35 According to these documents, the tonnages of the five galleons that still remained in the squadron differed from those provided in 1593. Four of them had increased tonnages, as in the case of Santiago de Galicia, which now became the largest galleon with 1349 tons, while the flagship San Gerónimo decreased from 1200 to 1185 tons. In addition, the 1595 squadron had eight galleons of over 1000 tons compared to only five such galleons in the original 1593 specifications. Therefore, the total tonnage of the 1595 squadron grew to 12,393 tons, 1723 tons more than in 1593, and 3993 tons more than outlined in the original contract (Table 4).
Tonnages of the Illyrian squadron 1593–1595.
Sources: Archivo General de Simancas, Guerra y Marina Legajo (Leg.) 379 Documento (doc.) 243; Leg. 428 doc. 69; Leg. 440 doc. 104; Leg. 513 doc. 204.
Antonio de Urquiola surveyed the galleons when they arrived at Lisbon in 1595 while Cristóbal de Barros was in charge of calculating the ships’ tonnages based on Urquiola’s measurements. 36 However, Barros died that year before he was able to gauge the tonnages. 37 Urquiola’s survey of the five original galleons’ dimensions showed minor variations with respect to Ivella’s report in 1593. In Urquiola’s survey, the lengths of San Mateo y San Francisco, La Anunciada and La Trinidad were 5, 4¼, and 3½ cubits shorter while the depths of hold of San Mateo y San Francisco and La Anunciada appeared 2.30 and 2.17 cubits deeper (Table 5). Variations greater than two cubits (1.15 m) are more likely due to the use of different survey methods, such as different reference points, rather than measuring errors.
Analysis of the dimensions and ratios of the Illyrian squadron.
Sources: Archivo General de Simancas, Guerra y Marina Legajo (Leg.) 379 Documento (doc.) 243; Leg. 513 doc. 204; Leg. 245 doc. 11; Frederic C. Lane, Venetian Ships and Shipbuilders of the Renaissance (Baltimore, 1992), 235; Bartolomeo Crescentio, Nautica Mediterranea (Roma, 1607), 63–5; Juan de Escalante de Mendoza, Itinerario de navegación de los mares y tierras occidentales 1575 (Madrid, 1985), 39–42; Diego García de Palacio, Instrucción náutica para navegar, 1587 (Madrid, 1944), 90–2; José Luis Casado-Soto, Los barcos españoles del siglo XVI y la Gran Armada de 1588 (Madrid, 1988), 193 and 199; Carla Rahn Phillips, ‘The Galleon’, in Robert Gardiner and Richard W. Unger, eds., Cogs, Caravels and Galleons: The Sailing Ship 1000–1650 (London, 1994), 106.
Besides establishing the codo de ribera as the standard linear unit to survey vessels, Philip II also appointed Cristobal de Barros as official surveyor in 1590. Barros had been gauging ships’ volumes on the Cantabrian coast on behalf of Philip II since 1563. In 1574, he also became the first superintendent of forests and plantations to look after the conservation and management of timber resources for shipbuilding. Moreover, Philip II declared Barros’ method of survey and his arithmetic formula as the standard system, and Barros was placed in charge of revising all surveys and tonnage calculations. The resulting tonnages had to be adjusted taking into account several factors such as the type of the ship, and the shape of the hull above and below the waterline. 38
Calculations of the Illyrian galleons’ tonnages using Urquiola’s measurements and Barros’ formula, results in a total tonnage of 10,220 tons, only 450 tons less than that provided by Ivella in 1593 despite the variations in the squadron’s composition. Santiago de Galicia appears as the largest galleon of the squadron at 1174 tons, an increase of 124 tons with respect to Ivella’s report, while San Mateo y San Francisco also increases its volume to 952 tons. In contrast, San Gerónimo (1087 tons), Santísima Trinidad (558 tons), and La Anunciada (877 tons), show reductions of 113, 142, and 23 tons respectively. When applying Barros’ formula to Ivella’s dimensions of 1593, Santiago de Galicia still remains the largest galleon with 1206 tons. However the squadron’s total tonnage decreases to 9800 tons, only 1400 tons more than the tonnage based on the contract, but 2593 tons less than the tonnages provided by Ivella in 1595 after the replacement of seven galleons. On the other hand, the squadron tonnage based on Urquiola’s measurements is 2173 tons lower than the one provided by Ivella in 1595 in spite of the fact that both documents include the same 12 galleons. In fact, Urquiola’s calculated tonnages are consistently lower for each galleon in comparison to Ivella’s with variations ranging between 95 and 300 tons per vessel. In the case of Santiago de Galicia the variation is 175 tons while for San Gerónimo it is only 98 tons (Table 4).
Variations in the ships’ measurements, and even the use of different formulas, do not justify the discrepancies between the tonnages that Ivella provided in 1595 and those calculated using Urquiola’s measurements and Barros’ formula. The fact that tonnages of the galleons determined the payments by the Spanish Crown to Ivella may explain the disparity. The capture of three galleons by the Turks in 1594, including San Pedro, the original squadron’s vice-flagship and one of its largest vessels, was a huge financial blow for Ivella. Moreover, Philip II did not request the squadron’s services until 1594, forcing Ivella to employ them for shipping wheat to Naples to cover their expenses. Therefore, it is possible that Ivella increased the ships’ tonnages knowingly, and added larger and older vessels to the squadron in 1595 in an attempt to recover from his financial loss and still fulfil his contractual commitments. However, the Spanish Crown had its own system to survey the vessels and calculate their tonnages to prevent this type of fraud. Urquiola surveyed the Illyrian galleons after their arrival to Lisbon in 1595, but Cristobal de Barros died before he was able to gauge the tonnages. Due to these circumstances, in 1598 the Spanish Crown endorsed Urquiola’s measurements to calculate ships’ tonnages and, by extension, determine the amount owed to the owners of the Illyrian galleons for their services. 39 In 1599, however, they still had not received any money despite the loss of Santiago de Galicia, San Gerónimo, and La Anunciada during the ill-fated naval expeditions of 1596 and 1597.
Ocean-going warships or armed merchantmen?
In his letters to the king, Ivella claimed that the galleons were designed as ocean-going warships, which meant stronger, sleeker, and shallower vessels to favour speed and manoeuvrability. In contrast, the design of merchant ships advocated deeper holds and wider breadths to maximize cargo capacity and stability. The proportions of the Illyrian galleons reveal more similarities with previous Mediterranean, and even Cantabrian merchant vessels, compared to the ocean-going galleons built in the Atlantic shipyards of Spain, Portugal, and England. In fact, the ratios of the Illyrian galleons in 1593 and 1595 followed closely the traditional sixteenth-century proportions of as-dos-tres (1:2:3) for merchant ships, in which one cubit of breadth equalled two cubits of keel, and three cubits of length. 40
According to Ivella’s measurements of 1593, the squadron’s average length to beam ratio was 3.05; keel to beam ratio was 2.25; depth to beam ratio was 0.60; and a floor to beam ratio was 0.34. In other words, the galleons were about three times longer than they were wide, the keel was two and a quarter times the ship’s breadth, the depth of hold was equal to two thirds of the breadth, and the floor was one third of the breadth. These ratios varied within the Illyrian squadron, however. For example, Santiago de Galicia’s length to beam ratio was 2.93, and the depth-of-hold to beam ratio was 0.66. On the other hand, Urquiola’s dimensions provided an average length to beam ratio of 2.88 for the entire squadron, and a depth-of-hold to beam of 0.64. Basically, the 1595 survey revealed shorter, wider, and deeper ships than in 1593 although the Santiago de Galicia ratios of 2.91 and 0.65 were almost identical (Table 5).
The average proportions of the Illyrian galleons were also similar to the ideal ratios that Italian and Spanish authors of shipbuilding treatises recommended for merchant vessels during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Pre Theodoro proposed in his Instructione (c.1550) a length to beam ratio of 3.1 and depth to beam of 0.5 for merchant galleons, but 3.6 and 0.45 for warships. 41 In his Nautica Mediterranea (1607), Crescentio also mentioned similar ratios with a length to beam of 3.0 and a depth to beam of 0.5. 42 In Spain, Escalante (1575) and Palacio (1587) suggested longer, narrower and deeper vessels than the Italians with length to beam ratios of 3.18 and 3.21, and in the case of Palacio a depth of hold to beam ratio of 0.69. 43 These ratios were valid for both merchant vessels and warships. Despite Ivella’s claims about the design of his galleons, they were in fact shorter than the Italian and Spanish recommendations for merchant ships, and almost as deep as the ideal Spanish proportions for ocean-going merchant ships (Table 5).
The comparison of the ratios of the Illyrian galleons and the various types of ships that composed the Spanish Armada of 1588 also provides similar ratios. The Mediterranean navi (ships) that composed the Levant squadron of the Armada had a length to beam ratio of 2.87 and depth to beam of 0.60, comparable to Urquiola’s ratio averages for the Illyrian galleons, and to Santiago de Galicia in particular. On the other hand, there are greater differences between the ratios of the Illyrian galleons and the Portuguese and Spanish ocean-going warships. Portuguese galleons were longer and shallower than the Illyrian vessels with length to beam ratios of 3.35 and depth to beam ratios of 0.53.The galleons of the squadron of Castile built by Cristóbal de Barros were also longer than the Illyrian ships although not shallower. The larger Castilian galleons had a length to beam ratio of 3.5, and the smaller ones 3.6, with depth to beam ratio averages of 0.65 and 0.63, which are very similar to the Illyrian galleons, especially in the case of the larger vessels such as Santiago de Galicia. In other words, Ivella’s ships were proportionally shorter than the Castilian galleons but not much shallower. A similar pattern is observed when comparing the ratios of the Illyrian galleons to the French and Florentine galleons of the Armada that show length to beam ratios of 3.75 and 3.58. The French vessel also had a slightly shallower depth of hold of 0.58 in comparison to the 0.62 ratio of the Florentine ship. However, the major differences are observable between the ratios of Illyrian and English ships which show length to beam ratios ranging from 3.77 to 4.25, and depth to beam ratios anywhere from of 0.39 to 0.54 (Table 5). 44
The 21 Cantabrian armed naos (merchant vessels) of the Spanish Armada also had similar ratios to the Illyrian galleons. They had an average length to beam ratio of 3.07 and a depth to beam ratio of 0.67. Although they were slightly longer and deeper than Ivella’s ships, the ratios were almost identical to the largest Illyrian ships based on his dimensions, including Santiago de Galicia. Regardless of size, they were within the range expected for merchant ships (Table 5). 45
Finally, the differences between the ratios of the Illyrian galleons and the contemporary Twelve Apostles are not as evident as would be expected taking into account that the Apostles were designed specifically as ocean-going warships. According to the Apostles’ design proposal, their length to beam ratios ranged from 3.12 to 3.19, while their depths to beam ranged from 0.62 to 0.68. 46 This meant that they were slightly longer than the Illyrian vessels, but as deep as the largest units such as Santiago de Galicia, San Gerónimo, and San Pedro that were over 1000 tons. In other words, their ratios were closer to the large Illyrian galleons than to the Portuguese and Castilian ocean-going galleons. In fact, the Apostles’ ratios seemed to follow closely the designs proposed by Escalante and Palacio for both merchantmen and warships (Table 5). 47
Conclusions
Close examination of the characteristics and dimensions of Santiago de Galicia and the rest of the Illyrian squadron reveals very clearly the Mediterranean character of their design and construction. Moreover, the Illyrian galleons were conceived as merchant vessels rather than ocean-going warships as Ivella claimed in his letters to Philip II. In fact, the ratios of these galleons, especially the largest vessels including Santiago de Galicia, San Gerónimo, San Pedro, La Anunciada, and La Misericordia, had more in common with the Mediterranean navi of the Great Armada than with the ocean-going galleons built in Spain, Portugal or England. The only closely comparable Atlantic ships were the armed Cantabrian naos of the Armada, which were merchantmen adapted to the demanding sailing conditions. In contrast, the less robust and large Mediterranean merchant ships were designed for calmer waters. It is revealing that the Illyrian galleons also required modifications to their upper works, and masts and yards, before they were allowed to serve in the Atlantic fleet. Moreover, three of them had to reinforce their hulls as they were not braced properly to sail in the Atlantic Ocean.
The Mediterranean character of the Illyrian galleons’ design and construction had implications for their performance, as the losses suffered by the Levant squadron in 1588 proved. Only three of the 11 Mediterranean vessels of that squadron retuned to Spain – nine were lost due to the bad weather. Only one Portuguese galleon succumbed in this way, while all eight Atlantic galleons of the Castile squadron made it back safely to Spanish ports. 48 Ivella and Oliste knew of these losses when they signed the contract to build the Illyrian squadron because both took part in the 1588 expedition with their own vessels. However, the new galleons still followed traditional Mediterranean design as the inspection proved in 1595. Several of them were lost or badly damaged due to storms during the ill-fated expeditions of 1596 and 1597. Spanish officials and naval commanders were also aware of the deficiencies of Mediterranean galleons for Atlantic navigation; however, the chronic shortage of naval vessels faced by the Spanish Crown worked in favour of this type of asiento. This was a cheaper solution for the acquisition of ocean-going warships that also complemented the shipbuilding programme launched by Phillip II after the failure of 1588. In addition, this preference would continue into the seventeenth century when the Spanish Crown signed more contracts with foreigners, especially Ragusans, to serve the king’s Atlantic fleets. 49
The Crown’s slowness to pay Ivella and his fellow investors may have forced him to increase the tonnages to recover the costs of building, outfitting and manning. The replacement of seven galleons with larger and older vessels could also be interpreted as a fraudulent attempt to swindle the Spanish Crown. Unfortunately for Estefano de Oliste, who became the commander of the squadron after the death of Pedro de Ivella in Lisbon in 1596, the authorities had their own mechanisms to prevent this type of fraud, and by 1599 no payments had yet been made. 50
Martin de Padilla, the commander of both the Armadas of 1596 and 1597, probably provided the most personal but accurate evaluation of the Atlantic sailing capabilities of the Illyrian galleons immediately after the failure to reach Falmouth. In a letter written to Phillip II, the Adelantado de Castilla recommended the king to dismiss the remaining Illyrian galleons because those vessels were not even suited for ocean sailing during the summer and, therefore, even less could expected from them if they had to sail in foul winter weather. 51 It has to be noted that San Gerónimo and La Anunciada foundered near Cape Finisterre in 1596 due to a storm, and Oliste’s flagship, La Misericordia, almost sank during the ill-fated expedition of 1597. Meanwhile, Santiago de Galicia arrived miraculously at the inlet of Ribadeo, only to sink shortly after. Interestingly, its owner, Juan Jacobo de Polo, blamed its demise on the poor governance of the ship’s officers, but neglected to mention the damage sustained because of the storm or the fight against three enemy vessels on the return journey. 52
Footnotes
1.
The nautical league used by the Spanish during the sixteenth century was the league of 17.5 per latitudinal degree, which was equal to 7558.57 Spanish varas (6349.2 metres). See Fernando Serrano-Mangas, Los tres credos de Don Andrés de Aristizábal: Ensayo sobre los enigmas de los naufragios de la Capitana y la Almiranta de la Flota de Nueva España de 1631 (Veracruz, 2012), 109–11.
2.
Only eight of the 20 galleons that took part in this naval expedition were designed and built in Spain specifically as ocean-going warships. The rest of the galleons comprised nine Portuguese, one French, one Italian, and a privately built vessel initially destined for the fleet of New Spain. The rest of the Armada was composed of armed merchant vessels (naos) built in the shipyards of northern Spain, Mediterranean navi (ships), Northern European hulks (urcas), Neapolitan galleasses, a reduced number of galleys, and various types of auxiliary vessels such as pataxes, pinnaces, caravels, and zabras. José Luis Casado-Soto, Los barcos españoles del siglo XVI y la Gran Armada de 1588 (Madrid, 1988), 187–202. The most powerful vessels of the Armada were the nine Portuguese galleons integrated into the Spanish fleets after the annexation of Portugal in 1580. David C. Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 1589–1665: Reconstruction and Defeat (New York, 1997), 6.
3.
Six galleons in Portugal, 12 in the Cantabrian coast (the Twelve Apostles), two in Gibraltar and one in Vinaroz (Mediterranean coast). Casado, Barcos, 256.
4.
Archivo General de Simancas (hereafter AGS), Guerra y Marina (GYM) Legajo (Leg.) 244 Documento (doc.) 267 (22 November 1588).
5.
AGS, GYM Leg. 299 doc. 137 (1 August 1590); Leg. 299 doc. 166 (5 September 1590), Luis Fonseca, ‘A Escuadra Ilírica no Mar Oceano (1595–1598)’ (Unpublished MA thesis, University of Lisbon, 2006), 23, 38 and 59–60.
6.
AGS, GYM Leg. 299 doc. 15 (20 February 1590); Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 37.
7.
Enrique Herrera Oria, La Armada Invencible, 1587–1589: Documentos procedentes del Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid, 1929), 348–435, cited in Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 38. Cesáreo Fernández Duro, La Armada Invencible (2 vols., Madrid, 1895), II, 63, 182, 326–7, 333 and 418.
8.
AGS, GYM Leg. 465 doc. 326 (13 November 1596); AGS, Estado (E) Leg. 165 doc. 251 (4 October 1588), AGS, GYM Leg. 513 doc. 100 (12 March 1598), Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 39; Fernández Duro, Invencible, I, 125; Fernández Duro, Invencible, II, 182, 197 and 331.
9.
In a letter to the king, the Count of Miranda wrote that Ivella informed him that the asiento would expire at the end of that year (1594). AGS, GYM Leg. 406 doc. 200 (22 October 1594). Ivella wrote to the king saying that the contract he signed had a duration of five years, from 1 January 1590 until 31 December 1594: AGS, GYM Leg. 406 doc. 249 (27 October 1594).
10.
AGS, GYM Leg. 414 doc. 23 (26 November 1594); Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 61. Conditions of the ‘asiento’ signed by Pedro de Ivella and Estefano de Oliste in early 1590. This document corresponds to the extension of the asiento agreed in 1594.
11.
AGS, GYM Leg. 380 doc. 20 (1 December 1593); Leg. 379 doc. 243 (20 November 1593).
12.
AGS, GYM Leg. 324 doc. 213 (3 August 1591); Leg. 379 doc. 244 (20 November 1593); Leg. 380 doc. 105 (17 December 1593).
13.
AGS, GYM Leg. 406 doc. 200 (22 October 1594); Leg. 406 doc. 249 (27 October 1594); Leg. 423 doc. 134 (20 November 1594).
14.
AGS, GYM Leg. 406 doc. 249 (27 October 1594); Leg. 406 doc. 250 (27 October 1594); Leg. 406 doc. 256 (28 October 1594).
15.
AGS, GYM Leg. 423 doc. 134 (20 November 1594); Leg. 424 doc. 80 (12 February 1595), Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 66 and 70.
16.
AGS, GYM Leg. 423 doc. 135 (28 January 1595).
17.
AGS, GYM Leg. 428 doc. 68 (11 June 1595), Leg. 430 doc. 148 (19 August 1595), Leg. 430 doc. 178 (25 August 1595), Leg. 430 doc. 179, Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 90, 92–3 and 95; Leg. 431 doc. 14 (2 September 1595).
18.
AGS, GYM Leg. 428 doc. 69 (11 June 1595).
19.
AGS, GYM Leg. 379 doc. 243 (20 November 1593); Leg. 380 doc. 107 (17 December 1593).
20.
Juan de Escalante de Mendoza, Itinerario de navegación de los mares y tierras occidentales 1575 (Madrid, 1985), 64; Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 109–11.
21.
This expression refers to a type of rowing in which a several rowers pull one large sweep instead of individual oars.
22.
AGS, GYM Leg. 379 doc. 243 (20 November 1593). In Spain there were several attempts to incorporate oars into large sailing ships to improve their manoeuvrability and speed; however, they failed and oars were abandoned. This was true of the two large galleons that Alonso de Bazán built in 1550 to be rowed from the main deck if unloaded or from the upper deck when carrying cargo. Moreover, the 12 galleons built in 1568 by Pero Menéndez de Avilés were intended to be rowed from the main deck: this was not possible because the main deck was too close to the water. An illustration of 1565 shows the French galleon La Roberge equipped with oars. See Casado, Barcos, 138, 140 and 192; and Carla Rahn Phillips, ‘The Galleon’, in Robert Gardiner and Richard W. Unger, eds., Cogs, Caravels and Galleons: The Sailing Ship 1000–1650 (London, 1994), 98–114 (at 104). Later Spanish designs such as the galleons built by Barros or the Twelve Apostles were not equipped with oars. In Italy, Pre Theodoro described large oared galleons in his Instructione sul modo di fabricare galere. See Frederic C. Lane, ‘Venetian Naval Architecture About 1550’, Mariner’s Mirror, 20, No. 1 (1934), 24–49 (at 38–9).
23.
AGS, GYM Leg. 379 doc. 243 (20 November 1593).
24.
AGS, GYM Leg. 379 doc. 244 (20 November 1593).
25.
AGS, GYM Leg. 440 doc. 104 (28 September 1595); AGS, GYM Leg. 431 doc. 123 (28 September 1595), Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 97 and 139.
26.
AGS, GYM Leg. 432 doc. 47 (7 October 1595).
27.
AGS, GYM Leg. 440 doc. 104 (28 September 1595); AGS, GYM Leg. 428 doc. 69 (11 June 1595); AGS, GYM Leg. 431 doc. 123 (28 September 1595); Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 97, 138–9 and 159.
28.
AGS, GYM Leg. 428 doc. 69 (11 June 1595); Leg. 440 doc. 107 (28 September 1595); Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 162–74.
29.
AGS, GYM Leg. 379 doc. 243 (20 November 1593); Leg. 379 doc. 244 (20 November 1593); Leg. 380 doc. 107 (17 December 1593); Leg. 380 doc. 108 (17 December 1593).
30.
AGS, GYM Leg. 372 doc. 184 (9 April 1593); Leg. 373 doc. 37 (7 May 1593); Jose Luis Casado-Soto, ‘Atlantic Shipping in Sixteenth-Century Spain and the 1588 Armada’, in María J. Rodríguez-Salgado and Simon Adam, eds., England, Spain and the Gran Armada 1585–1604: Essays from Anglo-Spanish Conferences, London and Madrid, 1988 (Edinburgh, 1991), 95–133 (at 102–4).
31.
AGS, GYM Leg. 380 doc. 105 (17 December 1593).
32.
AGS, GYM Leg. 380 doc. 20 (1 December 1593).
33.
Fernández Duro, Invencible, II, 242, in Casado, Barcos, 71.
34.
35.
AGS, GYM Leg. 428 doc. 69 (11 June 1595); AGS, GYM Leg. 440 doc. 104 (28 September 1595); AGS, GYM Leg. 431 doc. 123 (28 September 1595).
36.
AGS, GYM Leg. 513 doc. 204 (12 March 1598); Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 140.
37.
AGS, GYM Leg. 513 doc. 203 (14 March 1598).
38.
Casado, Barcos, 87–90, 113. Barros’ formula:
39.
AGS, GYM Leg. 513 doc. 203 (14 March 1598).
40.
Thomé Cano, Arte para fabricar y aparejar naos 1611 (La Laguna, 1964), 62.
41.
Frederic C. Lane, Venetian Ships and Shipbuilders of the Renaissance (Baltimore, 1992), 235.
42.
Crescentio, Nautica, 63–5.
43.
Escalante, Itinerario, 39–42. In his proposal, Escalante does not provide the depth of hold for his vessel; Diego García de Palacio, Instrucción náutica para navegar, 1587 (Madrid, 1944), 90–2.
44.
Casado, Barcos, 193 and 199; Phillips, ‘The Galleon’, 106.
45.
Casado, Barcos, 199.
46.
For the dimensions of the Twelve Apostles see AGS, GYM Leg. 245 doc. 11 (24 February 1589).
47.
AGS, GYM Leg. 245 doc. 11 (24 February 1589).
48.
Casado, Barcos, 248–9.
49.
Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 30 and 208.
50.
Pedro de Ivella died in Lisbon on 10 September 1596 of natural causes. Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon. Corpo Cronológico, Parte II, Maço 279, doc. 18 in Fonseca, ‘Ilírica’, 100. In relation to Ivella’s death, see also AGS, GYM Leg. 465 doc. 326 (13 November 1596); Leg. 484 doc. 157 (24 April 1597); Leg. 487 doc. 262 (26 July 1597). For the payments, see Leg. 513 doc. 203 (14 March 1598); and Leg. 552 doc. 183 (6 February 1599).
51.
AGS, GYM Leg. 490 doc. 80 (28 October 1597).
52.
AGS, GYM Leg. 481 doc. 3 (1 January 1597); Leg. 491 doc. 74 (2 November 1597); Leg. 491 doc. 139 (16 November 1597); Leg. 491 doc. 190 (16 November 1597); Leg. 530 doc. 59 (7 February 1598).