Abstract
This article analyses the economic and political functions of port towns in Sub-Saharan Africa during the early modern age. It focuses on the relative impact of slavery on social and economic structures and the way in which it promoted the consolidation of extraction-based economic activities. In addition, this paper presents a basic typology of port towns, introducing a number of specific features for each one.
Introduction
The integration of Africa in the Atlantic world over the four centuries of the first globalization represented a diversification in its foreign trade hitherto based on the caravans that crossed the Sahara towards the Mediterranean countries, and the maritime route towards the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Numerous commercial circuits connected black Africa with Europe and America, and as a consequence the Atlantic shores of black Africa underwent profound transformations. 1 Less populated than inland areas, the coastline subsequently became a privileged interface, benefitting from the growing value of this trade. Although the traditional image of these areas as dead-ends was misleading, given the coastal activities undertaken such as fishing, salt production and intense inter-African cabotage, the changes that took place during this period were significant and far-reaching. 2
Villages dedicated to fishing and salt production, where the land-sea interface was located, became small port towns. 3 In a classic typology, they are often referred to as strongholds (villes-fortes) to distinguish them from other African towns. 4 However, this denomination can be excessively simplistic. The Anglo-Saxon expression ‘slaving port’, which stems from the significant weight of the slave trade in these ports, particularly during the 1650–1800 period, also fails fully to convey a broad concept of urban-port creation. However, the hierarchy of the major slave trade centres constitutes a necessary starting point for a proper understanding of these ports during this period and the variability of, and cooperation between, the different stakeholders in the ports, at a time when the paths of African and foreign slave trades crossed, in the midst of profound changes in African geopolitics. 5
A global perspective that takes into consideration the economic, social, cultural and political effects of the interaction between these small port towns and the hinterland is required when looking at the development or emergence of new urban realities, and all these aspects need to be linked to the quantitative growth of Atlantic trade and its internal structure. The port town, as the lynchpin of the system, undoubtedly best demonstrates the successive waves of transformation sweeping over the hinterland. These town ports had to adjust continually to the initiatives from the various types of actors operating in them, and their anticipation of future movements made them laboratories for the transformations that coastal African societies would subsequently undergo.
The Atlantic trade system and the emergence of port towns
The slave trade and the urban environment
The new port enclaves formed part of a triple scale of local, regional and international traffic that, in turn, generated three African Atlantic sub-systems: the first includes the archipelago of Cape Verde and Senegambia; 6 the second extends from the Gulf of Guinea (Gold Coast) to the island of Sao Tomé; 7 and the third stretches from the Congo to Angola. 8 Their emergence, peak and preponderance in Atlantic Africa did not form part of the same chronological period but rather can be divided into three major cycles depending on the balance between products and human beings, the amount of traffic and the corresponding commercial ups and downs, and the changing predominance of African, European and American actors. 9
Table 1 reflects the importance of the maritime routes linked to the major trade systems, distinguishing the south Atlantic and the north Atlantic currents. 10 Locally, the commercial dynamics between different partners held sway, conditioned by the variations in African geopolitics and the rivalries between different European companies and private traders. 11 The chronology of the fluctuations between European and American demand is an essential factor in reconstructing these events. The main cut-off point separates illegal people trafficking from previous phases. Rivalries between African political entities attempting to maintain or acquire the control of Atlantic foreign trade multiplied, giving rise to profound changes in the regional political hierarchy along the Gold Coast, and an ongoing displacement of power from the east (inland) towards the Slave Coast. 12
Major slave-trade embarkation centres in Africa, 1501–1867.
Source: Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 90, Table 5.
Some elements from the precolonial period stand out in the creation of larger port cities in Atlantic black Africa. Firstly, the slave trade seems to have brought about a concentration and hierarchy of ports, by comparison with trade in other products that remained dispersed, particularly in the case of gold. Along the Gold Coast, three boarding points accounted for around 83 per cent of the slaves embarked between 1662 and 1863, broken down as follows: Anomabu (36 per cent), Cape Coast (25 per cent) and Elmina (21 per cent). This distribution increased drastically in the eighteenth century, with British interests dominant in the first two ports, and Dutch interests in the third. Secondly, there were important changes in urban land use resulting from commercial transition and the beginnings of integral colonization during the second half of the nineteenth century. Only five examples of continuity in the port hierarchy can be seen in the eighteen major Atlantic black slave trade centres: Luanda, Cabinda, Benguela (Angola), Saint-Louis (Senegal), and subsequently Lagos (Nigeria). The city ports chosen as political capitals by the colonial state in question underscore this idea: Luanda (Angola), Lagos rather than Bonny and Calabar (Nigeria), Accra as opposed to Anomabu, Cape Coast and Elmina (Gold Coast) and finally Saint-Louis, which struggled to maintain its status after the creation of Dakar (Senegal).
Types of port town
Independent or confederated city-states
The best examples of these types are located in the Bight of Biafra, Bonny and Old Calabar, 13 on the Gold Coast (Anomabu), 14 and in the Bay of Benin, where a period of competition saw Lagos emerge victorious. 15 These were the most typically African type of port, both in terms of their urban fabric and way of doing business, despite the tendency towards hybrid models, as seen in the strong ties between Old Calabar and Liverpool.
A royal port with a different inland capital city
The best example of this type is Ouidah, a port in the kingdom of Hueda, and subsequently of Dahomey, 16 an example of the privileged enclaves found in the northern part of central Atlantic Africa, together with Cabinda, Malimbe and Loango. 17 The port and the political capital are two separate places. The authority and economic privileges of African royalty were enforced by royal officers. In the nineteenth century, the private sector consolidated its position. Levels of hybridity were variable, and were strong in Loango and even more so in the Bay of Benin.
The port, headquarters of a European trading company
Examples of this type of port include Cape Coast, Elmina and Accra on the Gold Coast, 18 Fort Saint-James on the Gambian coast, and, by extension, along the estuary of Sierra Leona by virtue of a network of European settlements that had very strong ties with Liverpool. The presence of an administrative and military headquarters of a company enjoying a national monopoly had a significant impact. Nonetheless, their presence was negotiated, and the African authorities remained in charge. The gradual withdrawal of mercantilist companies strengthened this process in the eighteenth century, giving rise to a very high level of hybridisation, which in turn enriched the composition of new urban elites.
The colonial port, a base for European penetration inland
This model was an exception, but it nevertheless played an essential role as a laboratory for integral colonisation at the end of the nineteenth century. Examples include Luanda and Benguela in Angola, 19 and Saint-Louis in Senegal. 20 These were hybrid African towns under foreign, essentially Portuguese and French, sovereignty and were home to the highest levels of cross-cultural relations, in all shapes and forms. These were the most Atlantic of the African port towns. The Portuguese and Brazilian colonization of Angolan towns had a stronger effect than that experienced by Saint-Louis; the latter only really became a typical colonial port at the beginning of the nineteenth century. 21
The originality of urban port societies by comparison with traditional African towns
Slave-trading enclaves developed in step with latent conflicts between regional political powers, with the losing party of fights between members of different lineages being expelled, and refugees from other areas that were undergoing similar problems taken in. Some towns were formed this way, and then went on to swell with the arrival of European immigrants and a significant floating population from the Americas in general and Brazil in particular (the latter being of either Portuguese or Afro-Brazilian origin). As the final point of transit for the slave trade, these towns also constituted the last point of contact between the local and exportation markets. The lack of physical and legal security here gave rise to a violent environment in which the capturing of free citizens as slaves was more or less offset by the sovereign’s wish to keep his subjects from slavery and the possibility of appealing to the law. Urban heterogeneousness was particularly visible in terms of ethnic origin and language, propitiating plurilingualism or the establishment of a lingua franca. 22
The bulk of trading activities took place in the traditional context of large extended families and lineages, propped up by networks of patronage and dependents. Thus, three levels of social power structured urban reality: a hybrid elite comprising African aristocrats, state officials and private traders who controlled business, an emerging group at the service of the aristocracy and the European expatriates, and finally, the free populace and slaves, with the latter outnumbering the former. Male slaves tended to be exported, while women were reserved for internal slavery, which led to a disproportionate representation of women in port society.
A wide range of dynamics helped to make this social stratification more fluid. The accumulation of wealth from Atlantic trade was strengthened by the corresponding increase in military capacity, with ensuing political responsibilities. 23 New members of the ruling elite were co-opted, while others fought for a place as the taste for wealth whetted their appetite. 24 The biological and cultural interrelations provided a fertile hotbed for social promotion, particularly for women. These interrelations essentially comprised the Africanisation of the Europeans and the Europeanisation of the Africans, 25 with the added decisive Brazilian contribution in Angola 26 and the Bight of Benin, which presents the strongest case of the specific elements that make up a port society. 27 The main opportunities for social promotion lay in participating actively in trade and transport (which offered opportunities for personal enrichment), storage and surveillance, piloting, military service or service at court. Given the strict division of social functions by gender, opportunities for women were limited to being concubines or being active in religious practices, although the latter ran the risk of being labelled as witchcraft.
The urban fabric was upheld by the important role of trade, which overshadowed administrative, military and religious functions. Thus the trade techniques on the land-sea interface and the equipment required constituted the main components of the urban landscape. The trading area grew inland from the beach, sometimes reaching the fort or warehouses built by slave traders, thereby joining together the two poles of activity. 28 The social elites directed the process: heads of families or lineages, state officials representing African sovereignty, mixed-race blacks. The towns grew as districts created by these powers were added, establishing an essential difference with the inland capital cities, as the towns were not centred around royal palaces but rather had several centres, as in the case of Ouidah, where power was based in two of the 12 districts: the Yovogan palace, on the one hand, and the real seat of power, the Zobé market, which brought together the site on which the town was originally founded and the forts. 29
The typology of slave-trade port towns reflected the growing hybridity between African and external influences, moving from an entirely African city-state, as seen in the Bay of Biafra, to a mixed colonial town as seen in Angola, following the Brazilian colonial model. The onset of European proto-urbanism came later, as the mercantilist companies were not interested in urban development. An example of this can be seen in Saint-Louis, Senegal. 30 It was not until practically the second half of the nineteenth century, under Faidherbe, that a substantial programme of urban transformation was promoted.
The impact of the emergence of slave port-towns in African development
Historiographical debates on the crumbling of socio-economic structures
African port towns are often compared to leeches feeding off the human substance of the hinterlands. The most critical standpoints consider them a marginal, harmful process of economic growth, while less dramatic interpretations consider them to be a hindrance to economic expansion. 31 The illusions of quantitative approaches have already been recorded. The numerous estimates existing in the realm of data on maritime deportation need to be aligned with the impact on inland economic development, a relatively subjective field that would double, triple or even quadruple the calculation of losses. In this sense, some authors have increased the economic impact of maritime deportation considerably, even to the extent of 50–100 per cent. 32 Quantitative approaches are accused of being Eurocentric, leading to an underestimation of the African reality of an increase in internal conflicts, the crumbling of political institutions, the spreading of uncontrolled violence and forced population movements. An interesting aspect that has been examined in some recent studies, would be to study the demographic consequences of slave-trading based on American sources, particularly in terms of the references to the geographic origin of the slaves.
We have already indicated some questions regarding the varying demand for slaves and the use of women slaves in the internal African market. Over and above the demographic effect of polygamous societies, the main interest here lies in the essential role of women’s work in the traditional economy, in agriculture, salt, street selling and domestic work. To this we should add the social importance of women in lineage relations, by means of organised marriages, which constituted the main way of balancing political organization (in stateless societies or those without a monarchy), strengthened by the transmission of goods in matrilineal societies. Moreover, this urban demographic growth was inexorably linked to predation, as it depended on trading human beings for products, which was bound to produce perverse effects in the long term, given the lack of producers or consumers, and eliminating the pressure for technical innovation. 33
Imports of American agricultural products, such as corn, increased resistance to famine. However, one of the main sources of friction lay in the impact of European manufactured imports on African craftwork. The traditional view indicates an initial destabilization, followed by a profound crisis. 34 Other authors have stated that the classic imports – textiles, metal products (iron bars, ironmongery and weapons), alcohol, jewellery and ornaments – were more closely linked to a demand for either luxury or state goods (weapons in the latter case) than to everyday consumption goods. 35 African clothes made from vegetable fibres continued to be used by most of the population. European travellers mentioned how skilled the African craft workers were at reworking European products. The evolution of forges in Africa has given rise to different types of interpretation. Essentially, the most intense slave trading took place during the very early years of the industrial revolution in Europe and there is a real risk of transposing observations from the colonial period onto a very different economic and technical context, even though the the transition between the slave trade and agricultural trade (1815–1860) undoubtedly triggered a period of deterioration. The traditional interpretation that this was a transition crisis that deeply destabilised the port towns and their hinterlands has gradually been replaced by a recognition of the adaptation of the African elites to the historical context.
By contrast to the views sustaining the idealism of abolition, the slowdown in the export of slaves and the introduction of export crops gave rise to a surge in inland slavery. In the port towns, the crux of the matter lay in their influence on the labour market: increased oppression of the weakest, opportunities for a minority of slaves and the weakening of the social boundary between free citizens and slaves at the heart of an increasingly dependent economy. 36
Dismantling of African social and political principles
The high point of the Atlantic trade led to an exacerbation of violence in the form of kidnappings, attacks and wars, offering incentives to warring states. Sales of firearms have often been seen as having triggered the vicious circle underlying the underdevelopment of Sub-Saharan Africa, and several questions have been posed concerning the firearms distributed by Europeans during that period and the military use to which they were put, viewed from an anthropological view of war in Africa. 37 Firstly, the symbolic power of firearms was second to none. Did arms imports trigger the outbreak of endemic regional war, or were these arms the technical resource needed and used to deal with recurring tensions at the heart of African geopolitics? 38 The origin of instability and war clearly did not lie in arms purchases but rather in the perpetuation of the figure of the slave as the main means for obtaining wealth and accessing power. Thus, when the Atlantic market closed down, inland areas exploded. The ports and maritime trade did not create the phenomenon as such, but did allow it to grow through arms trade and providing a wider range of outlets for the use of slaves.
Did Atlantic trade give rise to the change in the nature of slavery in Africa? Following African traditions, slave capital had been used in many ways: as a workforce for production, for social and political uses (as concubines, servants, military service, presents or sacrifices) and as the predominant way of ensuring long-term controlled social integration. Atlantic trade developed the perception of the monetary value of slave capital, enabling the purchase of luxury foreign products, leading to the largest capture of people in order to increase the elites’ purchasing power. We can therefore point to a contamination of the first model by the second, generating a historiographical debate as to the differences between the two systems. 39
Conservation and loss of African agency
The Atlantic slave trade coincided with the peak and early phases of the decline in the African paradigm of wealth measured by slave ownership, which differed considerably from the European tradition rooted in the possession of material goods in general and of land in particular. A person’s wealth was thus measured by the number of dependant people classified in a complex hierarchy from slaves to freemen. The Atlantic slave trade reinforced this paradigm by attaching a monetary value to slaves, introducing them into the capitalist system; as a result, a new definition of wealth combined the export trade with strategic land control. 40 The ensuing African reformulation of the notions of property constituted an excellent example of the lack of cultural understanding between Africans and Europeans prior to the mid-nineteenth century; as the sacred lineage-based approach to land use became blurred, the Western-style concept of private property developed, particularly after the vestiges of the feudal system had been overcome.
African sovereigns maintained their control over the regulation of the slave trade until the end of the eighteenth century, both in terms of their conditions and supply. 41 This control gave rise to complaints by the slave traders, particularly regarding the system of authorisations, control and taxes. The credit system, and the bodies regulating the protection of trade, remained under African sovereignty, with a range of mechanisms, from hostage-taking to the Councils of the Wise run by public officers to the sacred society of Epke in the Calabar region, providing commercial activities with legal guarantees. 42 African economic diplomacy, with the exception of the colonisation of Angola and Senegal, was defined along the spectrum of monopoly inland and the opening up to foreign competition. Thus, agreements with European companies made it possible to maintain effective pressure on the governors of the European forts. 43
The gradual abandonment of the slave trade in the nineteenth century was a European, mainly British, initiative, in which philosophical and religious motives were intricately interwoven with the emergence of a new liberal economic policy, the needs of the industrial revolution and the expansion of the British Imperial superiority. 44 Resistance by the African sovereigns triggered British military interventions, and increased European competition between 1850 and 1870. The recycling and transformation of the former slave-holding elites played a key role in the process of integral colonisation once military resistance had failed. The creation of large colonial dominions and the expansion of export crops, such as palm oil and peanuts, facilitated the implantation of private European trading houses that made these sectors much more dynamic by providing economic incentives for local producers. Was this therefore a question of an African initiative? Was it not the Europeans who arrived on the African coasts rather than the other way round, although African states did not lose control of the trade system until the end of the eighteenth century? Was it therefore not the result of the growing technological and financial imbalance between Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa? We could also add that the Atlantic slave trade made a huge contribution to widening this gap, the essential driver of commercial capitalism, over the long term. However, this position has received recent criticism. 45
Conclusions
The inclusion of Sub-Saharan Africa in the global trade system of the Atlantic world during the precolonial period gave rise to a new type of port town, constituting a privileged instrument of connection in this first globalisation process. This new urban reality is not easy to define and historians have tended to fall back on the term ‘slave port’, given the dominance of this activity until the beginning of the nineteenth century. These were more or less a fortified town harbour, the main commercial function of which was inextricably linked to a process of hybridisation between the African, European and American dynamics. This justified, to various degrees depending on the specific time and place, their being called Atlantic ports.
Historians have not reached agreement as to the contribution of these trading enclaves to the development of their hinterland, as some point to them as a cause of underdevelopment, while others indicate that they played an attenuating role. Aspects linked to demographics, advances in agriculture, the destabilization of the craft world, the redefinition of wealth or changes in inland slavery as a result of the rise and fall of the Atlantic slave trade have provided fodder for many interesting debates.
There is more agreement surrounding the description of societies under the effect of increasing armed violence, often beyond the control of the legitimate authorities. Debates have arisen regarding the timing of the real impact of the purchase of weapons from European slave-trading powers and on the primacy of truly African modus operandi in power struggles and particularly in the fight for the control of Atlantic slave trading. In hybrid African ports, the same socio-political dynamic emerged from the wealth of the mixed elite arising from Atlantic trade, from their claim to social superiority thanks to their consumption of luxury goods and their capacity to enlarge their networks of patronage, made up of a more complex group ranging from slaves to freemen, in a context in which the deportation of slaves had given rise to the trading of export crops. The ensuing military forces were initially accepted as they defended political bodies, but may also have provided the basis for the emergence of rival factions and internal conflicts that sometimes degenerated into fighting between groups with opposing interests.
The advent of commercial Atlantic African ports gave rise to a progressive Westernization in the way the elites that controlled the slave trade behaved while their European and American counterparts showed little or no interest in adopting African ways. Paradoxically, it was not so much the slave trade that threatened the role of African agency as its gradual abandonment by Europe. The arrival of a new wave of industrialisation dominated by the industrial revolution turned out to be much more dangerous for African development.
Footnotes
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The research work was supported by Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad under grant HAR2016-81812-REDT.
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