Abstract
La Isabela emerged as the first node or point of commercial connection between the ancient kingdoms of Spain and the Caribbean. This achievement was due to the meticulous spatial arrangement and planning of the settlement in the Isabeline cove, designed to facilitate interaction with both the surrounding environment and the maritime routes. Christopher Columbus achieved effective intercommunication between resource-rich areas strategically located for both maritime and river navigation. The subsidiary station of Marta, located in the Bajabonico Valley, played a crucial role as a complement to the residential centre of El Castillo, providing the basic inputs necessary for the functioning of the settlement and the shipbuilding industry. Additionally, the adjacent bay, with its arched configuration, served as a resting and recuperation place for the crew. At the opposite end, to the north-east, the shipyard was located in the La Playa area, equipped with personnel, resources and sufficient infrastructure for the construction, outfitting and repair of vessels.
Introduction
Christopher Columbus has often been the subject of numerous criticisms regarding his skill as a ruler, with the choice of the La Isabela site being a particularly controversial topic. Some researchers and authors contemporary to Colombus have even characterized its location as the ‘worst place on the island’. 1 However, a more detailed evaluation, supported by both historical sources and archaeological evidence, suggests a different perspective. Columbus’s correspondence, addressed to the Catholic Monarchs from the early fortress town of Concepción de la Vega, dated May 1499, challenges this negative notion of the settlement as an inhospitable place. 2 First, it refutes claims of water scarcity and unsanitary conditions, pointing out the proximity of the Bajabonico River as a reliable source of fresh water. Furthermore, it contradicts the perception of a lack of provisions, mentioning the availability of meat from livestock, as well as bread and other exploitable resources on-site.
This type of appreciation can be corroborated in the writings of Diego Álvarez Chanca, Guillermo Coma, Andrés Bernáldez, Hernando Colón and Bartolomé de las Casas, among others, who often tend to exalt Columbus’s ‘discovery’ and the favourable conditions of the founding place. 3 José G. Guerrero and Marcio Veloz Maggiolo concur in evaluating the choice of La Isabela positively, considering its location strategic, as it is the only coastal port that communicates ‘in a straight line’ with the gold-bearing regions of the central mountain range. 4 Conversely, Consuelo Varela Bueno emphasizes the Admiral's improvisation in this early establishment. 5 Others, such as Donald Keith and Bruce F. Thompson, question whether Columbus was a poor judge of geography in choosing this location – surrounded by marshy and unhealthy terrain with a natural cove too open and exposed to winds, making it vulnerable to the sea as well as not providing protection against possible assailants – rather than other nearby locations such as Monte Cristi, Puerto Gracia and Puerto Plata. 6
Within the framework of this discussion where scholars do not agree, the need to address more exhaustively Columbus’s decision regarding the location of La Isabela becomes evident, considering both the actual conditions of the environment and the different interests and perspectives of the actors involved in the colonization enterprise. The large-scale archaeological research carried out by Kathleen Deagan and José María Cruxent in the 1980s and 1990s sheds light on this issue, providing a deeper understanding of the site and contributing to clarifying Columbus’s conception for this first permanent European settlement in the Caribbean. 7 Its operational validity was limited to a period of five years, emerging in the context of the second transatlantic voyage after Columbus discovered the destruction of Fort Navidad and the death of the men under the command of Diego de Arana. As soon as the disaster was confirmed, the Admiral departed from Navidad, on 7 December 1493, to seek a better location to accommodate the crew, goods and live animals. The chosen site was none other than La Isabela, whose founding date is difficult to pinpoint, although 6 January 1494, Epiphany Day, when it was established in honour of Queen Isabella I of Castile, 8 can be considered the official date; the site was abandoned in mid 1498.
By July 1496, the master and captain Peralonso Niño, leading two caravels and a carrack, headed the last resupply fleet to the Isabela town. 9 From then on, the population began to migrate to other urban centres and, in 1497, Bartolomé Colón decided to gradually distribute the few remaining sick individuals in the settlement among the fortresses of Magdalena, Santiago, Concepción de la Vega and Bonao, 10 prioritizing their transfer to Santo Domingo on the eastern side of the Ozama River estuary, 11 as it was closer to the San Cristóbal mines, also referred to in sources as the ‘old mines’. By 1498, ships from the Iberian Peninsula were arriving directly at Santo Domingo, as was the case with the two vessels captained by the knight Pedro Fernández Coronel, 12 coming from Sanlúcar de Barrameda on 23 January 1498. A few months later, on 30 May 1498, Columbus began his third voyage, leading a fleet of six ships, which he divided into two small fleets of three caravels each upon anchoring at the island of Hierro. Although both fleets followed different itineraries, their ultimate goal was Santo Domingo, not La Isabela. 13
In his settlement strategy, Columbus initiated an ambitious programme, integrating the surrounding natural resources and geographical configurations along a natural bay of approximately 1,600 metres located north of a coastal plain in the present-day province of Puerto Plata, Dominican Republic (Figure 1). With regard to this particular aspect, although various studies have been published on the general patterns of the spatial organization of the site and its material culture, as well as on the island-wide port network, 14 there remains a notable lack of understanding regarding its value as a ‘port space’, understood as a node or place where maritime and terrestrial spaces intersect, such as the ‘hinterland’ or subsidiary station of Marta, 15 which provides and redistributes supplies. Contemporary accounts highlight the configuration of this port, defining it as ‘good’ and close to an abundant fishing source, 16 thanks to the once characteristically rich ecosystem of the bay with a barrier reef and seabed covered with live coral, which is now buried under fine sediments, as evidenced by the expedition sponsored by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology of Texas A&M University and Morning Watch Research in 1983. 17
Localization of La Isabela, Puerto Plata, Dominican Republic.
From this enclave, the first incursions into the interior of the island were orchestrated, as exemplified by the foundation of the fortress of Saint Thomas (Santo Tomás) on the banks of the Jánico River. Likewise, the first military campaigns were undertaken to suppress the resistance of some local chiefs, such as Guatiguaná, and consolidate control over the region, as occurred months later with the pitched battle of La Vega Real on 24 March 1495, which secured much of the Maguá chieftaincy. Simultaneously, the port enclave served as a starting point for exploratory expeditions to other Caribbean island territories – for example, the reconnaissance journey initiated by Columbus on Thursday, 24 April 1494, which explored, using three caravels, the southern coasts of Cuba, Jamaica and Hispaniola, including some of its surrounding islets such as Alto Velo and Adamaney (Saona), as well as the island of Amona (Mona), currently part of Puerto Rico. 18 Its border position and geographical isolation propelled its characterization as a port, integrating it into the Spanish Empire’s Atlantic route and becoming the most important maritime connection in the Caribbean by the late fifteenth century.
In this context, La Isabela emerges as a fundamental enclave, being the first European port on a regional scale in the New World and integrating various adjacent spaces. At the north-east end, a specific area was designated for shipbuilding and repair, with the presence of a shipyard adjacent to the alhóndiga (royal storehouse). Here, the first Iberian vessels on American soil were conceived for round-trip oceanic voyages. On the other hand, at the opposite end approximately 600 metres from the promontory of El Castillo, 19 a subsidiary station was established and identified by Dr Chanca, physician to the Catholic Monarchs and Princess Juana, who participated as a physician in Columbus's second armada. In his letter to the council of Seville, he referred to this station as ‘Marta’. 20 This station was located near the mouth of the Bajabonico River, which served as a natural harbour and, in turn, had a pier in the immediate bay, likely controlled from Columbus's stronghold and with spectacular views towards the bay and the Bajabonico Valley. 21 The purpose of the pier was to provide rest and protection for the vessels, taking advantage of the geographical configuration, which offered more shelter from the north and west winds of the Isabela bay.
Issues surrounding the study
The development of the present research raises several issues, such as the micro-location of the hinterland or Marta station in the Bajabonico Valley and its corresponding dock, as well as the delineation of the area destined for the repair and construction of vessels in the north-eastern part of the settlement. These difficulties are exacerbated by the absence of port infrastructure on the coastline, with the exception of a singular stone structure resembling a sentry box. The only reconnaissance carried out in the field of underwater archaeology in the Isabeline cove was sponsored by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology of Texas A&M University and Morning Watch Research in May 1983, at an approximate distance of 800 metres from the village of El Castillo aboard the yacht Morning Watch. Among the researchers who participated in this work were Donald Keith and Bruce Thompson from Texas A&M University, and Gordon Watts from the Program in Maritime History and Underwater Research at East Carolina University. Their main purpose was to identify possible submerged shipwrecks using remote-detection instruments. 22 This initiative was based on the loss of six or more ships in the bay due to hurricanes in June 1494 and October 1495, or due to being abandoned. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, for example, records that, in 1494, four ships were lost in La Isabela, one of which was the flagship named Marigalante. 23 Similarly, Bartolomé de las Casas mentions that ships were lost on two occasions in the settlement. 24
The effectiveness of this operation was diminished as it lasted only three weeks and the bed of the harbour was covered by a dense layer of fine sediments, up to three metres thick in some areas. This hindered the identification of shipwreck remains, as well as remains associated with a possible pier, dock or shipyard from the late fifteenth century. However, numerous magnetic anomalies were detected, which could have been indicative of potential shipwrecks. In this context, the evidence was limited to modern ferrous waste deposits near a modern pier and a recent iron anchor, probably belonging to a small vessel, embedded in the seabed between two coral formations. 25
On the other hand, the question arises of what the original configuration of the Isabeline coast was like and how much it has changed over 500 years. As Keith and Thompson asked at the time: Where was the coast in 1494 and 1495? It is likely that the coastal boundaries and profiles have experienced changes over five centuries due to coastal advancement resulting from sedimentary deposits from the Bajabonico River and other minor watercourses, as well as the isostatic changes affecting the northern coast of Hispaniola. 26 This aspect becomes relevant when examining the fragment of a letter addressed to the Catholic Monarchs from Vega de la Maguana, dated 15 October 1495, which reports how the seawaters had advanced more than two fathoms inland since the arrival of the colonizers, transforming areas that were previously dry into aquatic bottoms. 27 Similarly, anthropogenic activity in the area, including the construction of the settlement itself, the modern pier and the road to Luperón, may also have influenced the configuration of the coastline.
Consequently, the reconstruction of the Isabeline coast from the late fifteenth century presents a complex challenge. Furthermore, within the proposed framework, the existence of other stations that were dependent on La Isabela should not be ruled out, such as the port of Gracia to the east and Montecristi to the west, although the latter was uninhabited due to floods caused by the Yaque River at its mouth.
The ‘hinterland’ or subsidiary station of the Bajabonico Valley: Marta (Las Coles)
In order to consolidate the residential and fortified sector of La Isabela, currently known as El Castillo, a rocky promontory composed mainly of slightly metamorphosed fossiliferous limestone elevated between four and five metres above sea level, 28 Columbus developed a macro-local strategy along the coast. This strategy aimed to ‘connect’ different spaces, generally rich in natural resources and close to the sea, in order to ensure the supply of food and manufactured goods. To the south, the coast is delimited by a curved bay and mangrove areas, as well as small brackish water ponds marking the former course of the Bajabonico River (Figure 2). This river used to empty into a place called Tablazo before being altered after several natural disasters, such as a hurricane in 1940 and an earthquake and a tsunami on 4 August 1946, which caused the Bajabonico River channel to overflow and reopen an adjacent river in La Coles. 29 On the north-eastern margin, the promontory borders a contiguous beach and the infrastructure of a twentieth-century pier. This port model bears close similarities to other maritime contexts of past times, as evidenced by the coastal region of Huelva, Spain, where various Roman coastal enclaves were established associated with the port of Onuba, 30 which served as the population nucleus where large-scale and long-distance trade began.
La Isabela Bay with its three distinct areas: the shipyard, the residential area (El Castillo), and the provisioning and manufacturing zone (Marta).
This pattern was reproduced in La Isabela, with a subsidiary station, a kind of ‘hinterland’ or terrestrial area as defined by Lourdes de Ita Rubio, 31 capable of collecting exports arriving from the Iberian Peninsula, as well as from El Castillo, and in turn distributing the goods it produced through its port, which was interconnected with the port space of La Isabela by maritime transport (Figure 2). According to Chanca, this port area was suitable for all purposes, due to its proximity to a major river and another smaller one with excellent water, which it an ideal place to establish a city on its shores. 32 In 1987, Cruxent, after conducting a surface survey south of the fortified nucleus, identified a late fifteenth-century Castilian settlement in what is now known as Las Coles, located on the south bank of the Bajabonico River (Figure 3) 600 metres from El Castillo. Cruxent concluded that this site corresponded to the Marta mentioned by Chanca and to the initial settlement. Parallel to this site, the residential center of La Isabela, El Castillo, was built, housing several public buildings: – a royal storehouse, Columbus’s strong house, a powder magazine, walls, a cistern, and a church with a cemetery. The latter was adjacent to an indigenous deposit corresponding to the Chicoide and Meillacoid groups. 33
Hypothetical location of the dock and port of the Marta station in the Bajabonico Valley.
Therefore, Marta served as the anchoring point for the 17 ships of the second Columbian fleet, thanks to its natural bay in the shape of an arc, which provided some shelter, although it was somewhat exposed to the western trade winds. This hypothesis is supported by Bartolomé de las Casas, who recounts how the Admiral’s crew and horses disembarked near a native village adjacent to this area, where they found a river with a ‘very graceful meadow’. 34 More precisely, in the vicinity of the former dry bed of the Bajabonico River, the sites of Loma Perenal and Bajabonico are located on an elevation that offers a privileged view of the sea, the valley of the Bajabonico River and the bay itself. 35 In the case of the Loma Perenal site, evidence of Meillacoid traditions has been reported, along with Chicoid elements, 36 which Elpidio José Ortega associated at the time with groups contemporary to the conquest. 37 This interpretation was later supported by Jacopo de Grossi, Glenis Tavarez and Alfredo Coppa, who even suggested an occupation dating to after the initial contact. 38 Additionally, near this area, Deagan and Cruxent have recovered thousands of fragments of European-style ceramics and tiles, identical to those excavated in El Castillo, reinforcing the premise that the Bajabonico Valley served as the location of La Isabela's first settlement, which was situated within a sort of ‘cultural frontier’, where native communities, whose identities are not clear, lived.
The region in question reveals itself as a favourable place for agricultural activity, thanks to the remarkable fertility of its soil. In particular, the banks of the Bajabonico River, near its former mouth in the area known as Tablazo, were utilized to establish crop orchards. 39 These were the first areas where the Castilians attempted to adapt their plants of Iberian and Canarian origin. 40 It was here where the Admiral planted a small portion of the wheat grain he brought with him from the second voyage. 41 According to the testimony of the parish priest of the village of Los Palacios, Andrés Bernáldez, who had the privilege in 1496 of hosting Bishop Don Juan de Fonseca and Christopher Columbus in his residence, and of having access to some Columbian documents along with others written by Chanca, it was in La Isabela where the cultivation of vegetables began. 42 Guillermo Coma, who accompanied the Admiral on his second voyage, refers to the cultivation of various produce, including melons, cucumbers, pumpkins, radishes, onions, lettuces, leeks and parsley, as well as other unspecified vegetables. 43
In addition to the quality of the soil, it is crucial to highlight the importance of alluvial clay sources, an essential raw material for the production of domestic ceramics 44 and construction materials such as rectangular bricks and curved or barrel-shaped tiles, 45 to which Las Casas refers, 46 and of which fragments have been found at the site. Archaeological evidence supports ceramic production in the Bajabonico Valley, where the structure of an oval updraft kiln of Islamic style has been excavated, equipped with two chambers. Inside, fragments of ceramic vessels intended for storage have been recovered, along with adjacent concentrations of residue. In contrast, to date, the presence of kilns has not been confirmed at El Castillo. 47
The Bajabonico River, in turn, supplied fresh water to both Marta and the residential nucleus of La Isabela, while also serving as a source of hydraulic power. For this purpose, water-powered sawmills were constructed, including a watermill (aceña) 48 – that is, a water-powered flour mill located in the riverbed with the aim of grinding wheat and producing flour. This is mentioned in an anonymous letter addressed to the Catholic Monarchs, dated April or May 1494, which mentions how grinding is done in the river. 49 Similarly, in the instructions given to the Royal Steward of the Catholic Monarchs, Juan de Aguado, on 9 April 1495 as a memorandum, it is specified to bring a master who knows how to build a mill in the relief armada to La Isabela. 50
Therefore, it is not surprising that Cruxent recovered a fragment of an arcaduz or cangilón at the mouth of the river, 51 a large clay container, shaped like a jug, that was commonly used to operate a vertical waterwheel, also known as a ‘flying noria’, an innovation of Arab origin that had a notable presence throughout the Iberian Peninsula in the Middle Ages and was introduced by the Castilians in the New World from its beginnings. However, it seems that a dam had to be built on the Bajabonico for the watermill, 52 and the hydraulic norias were installed a league and a half from the Marta settlement as there was no waterfall close enough to the mouth that could power them. 53 Alternatively, sources mention the presence of tahonas or atahonas, which Sebastián de Covarrubias names in his Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (1611) as ‘dry mills’ (molinos secos), 54 because, unlike the former, these were operated by men and draft animals. This is confirmed when Columbus returned for the second time to the Kingdom of Castile, with the Kings ordering the shipment of 50 cahices of flour and 1,000 quintals of biscuit while mills and tahonas were being built for the grinding of wheat. 55
Equally important was the exploitation of the surrounding forest resources, either for raw material for construction and industrial activities or for fuel for use in ceramic firing, metal smelting and forging, lime and charcoal production, or to meet culinary needs. However, the primary importance lay in ship repair and construction, which demanded a substantial amount of timber. The intensive demand for timber resources, as attested by historical sources, led to a rapid decrease in the density of forests, which, at the time of the arrival of the first European colonizers, were extremely dense. Chanca observed that the forest was so dense that barely a rabbit could move in it, and so lush that it could never be consumed by fire. 56 Another relevant physical component was a large limestone outcrop, 57 located 200 metres south of El Castillo, covered by tree vegetation, and near a small estuary formed by the confluence of the Bajabonico and Unijica rivers. The possibility of river transport from the quarry to El Castillo has been considered, due to the scarcity of draft animals during the initial contact, 58 thus making the port of Marta both a maritime and a river port. According to Las Casas, the quarry stone was used for the masonry of public buildings, 59 and lime was produced for their coating, as indicated by the archaeological study of Deagan and Cruxent, which suggests the hypothetical existence of kilns or pits near the quarry for burning lime. 60
The port area of the Marta station and its dock
In this context, the Marta station in the Bajabonico Valley was configured as a centre for the community production and export of raw materials and manufactured goods to the fortified nucleus of La Isabela (El Castillo). This was made possible by a port area, presumably located near the ancient mouth of the Bajabonico River, thus facilitating loading and unloading operations – the embarkation and disembarkation of goods, passengers and live animals. Alongside the river was the bay of La Isabela, a maritime entrance of considerable extent that was suitable for sheltering vessels and serving as a dock (Figure 3). Although the bay was not completely enclosed, its breadth made it suitable for harbouring a fleet, despite being exposed to north-west storms during the months of July to October. Today, the local population continues to use the bay to moor its small boats, suggesting that this space served the same purpose for Columbus. 61
Therefore, the shelter and resting places for the vessels were mainly on the western side of the bay and not on its eastern margin. This implies that the vessels that were shipwrecked in 1494 and 1495 must have been located in this area and not on the opposite side of the settlement. According to the account of the second Columbian voyage, in this bay, ‘storm never enters, and here is a very suitable place of a high land almost island, at the foot of which a great ship arrives and unloads at the foot of the wall’.
62
Furthermore: From the town to the west for two great leagues, a very beautiful beach extends, and, at the end, there is one of the best ports in the world, which will fit all the ships that there are in it.
63
The depth of the Bajabonico River, adjacent to the bay, favoured river navigation and access to the interior for the loading and unloading of large animals, 64 such as horses, mares, mules and other quadrupeds, which were introduced by the second Columbian voyage. This phenomenon is described by Andrés Bernáldez, who recounts how Columbus brought with him 24 horses, 10 mares, 3 mules, pigs, sows, goats and sheep, with the purpose of breeding them and taking advantage of the fertile soil. 65 This included horses termed lanzas jinetas by Demetrio Ramos, 66 a cavalry unit selected by Hernando Zafra from the set of troops that the Santa Hermandad had in the Kingdom of Granada. In relation to the above, a ‘memorial’ delivered by Columbus on February 2, 1494 to Antonio de Torres, who held the position of captain general of the fleet of the second voyage, 67 and who was also the brother of the Prince Juan's nursemaid, describes the need to import sheep, goats, and horses for work and breeding purposes. In his words: ‘live rams, lambs and ewes, more females than males, and some small calves are needed to come each time on any caravel that is sent here, and some donkeys and mares for work and breeding’. 68 Many of these animals were taken on board on the island of La Gomera, where the Columbian fleet stopped on 5 and 6 October 1493. There, they were supplied with animals representing inferior stock, such as the Canary pig (cerdo canario), 69 whose zootechnical characteristics differ from those of the Iberian pig (cerdo ibérico), 70 as well as goats and sheep, 71 all of African origin, as these animals were introduced to the Canary archipelago by Berber-speaking populations from continental north-west Africa. 72
Thus, in the settlement of Marta, the first livestock and poultry farm was established, including the royal livestock herd. This proposal is based on the intrinsic characteristics of the location, which favoured the breeding and development of livestock. However, the acclimatization of these animals varied, as was the case with goats and sheep, due to the excessive heat of the Caribbean and the vegetation conditions of the Bajabonico Valley, with very tall grasses that differed from the forage species they were accustomed to. 73 Sheep, which are particularly sensitive to heat and humidity, experienced problems with their reproductive cycles, resulting in sterile rams for approximately a year after their transfer and a notable decrease in the fertility of ewes. 74 In contrast, cattle livestock and pigs adapted relatively well, especially the latter, thanks to their omnivorous nature and the environmental conditions of La Española, 75 with a wooded and humid environment. Horse breeding was more difficult, as indicated in a report from July 1496, which states that there were between 15 and 20 horses in La Española, 76 a situation that worsened the following year due to the insurrection of Francisco Roldán and his followers, who looted the storehouse and headed to the Bajabonico Valley, causing the dispersal of the royal livestock herd and the loss of some specimens, 77 which grazed without any kind of guard, as was the case in La Gomera. 78
In addition to livestock, it is essential to consider the flow of passengers and goods arriving from the Iberian Peninsula, including from the residential nucleus of El Castillo itself. Therefore, it is plausible to infer that, in order to effectively streamline the loading and unloading of goods, the Marta station was equipped with a natural port backed by the mouth of the Bajabonico River, in its old channel, while the adjacent bay would have served as an anchorage area for vessels. This proposal is supported by the logistical need to optimize maritime transport operations and cargo handling, considering the economic and strategic importance of such a station in the historical and geographical context of the early colonial period.
The shipyard of La Isabela
According to Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso, 79 La Isabela was established as an efficient shipyard and possibly a warehouse – a statement that is supported by both archaeological and historical evidence. Activities related to the construction, repair and maintenance of ships took place in a shipyard, presumably located on the coastal strip north-west of the warehouse, within the area known as La Playa. This area, an estuarine lagoon at the time of the arrival of the Castilians, 80 is currently filled with sand as a result of the construction of the 19 de Junio road, which crosses the site and the contemporary pier. Due to its optimal conditions, it served as a temporary shelter for vessels during periods of calm, thus complementing the bay of La Isabela. Additionally, it had enough space to beach vessels – that is, to take them out of the water for maintenance and protection against the surf and the onslaught of the sea. To facilitate repair and maintenance work, it was necessary to incline them laterally, 81 especially when they had suffered significant damage or were affected by shipworm, a common phenomenon in Caribbean waters that posed considerable challenges to the Spanish Crown.
According to the conventional definition, a shipyard is characterized as being an area that specializes in the construction, repair and maintenance of ships. Although the settlement of La Isabela lacked architectural infrastructure oriented to such purposes, operations were carried out outdoors. This hypothesis is supported by archaeological evidence, as excavations carried out in the La Playa area revealed a large number of metallic artefacts, including fastenings, hammer heads and lead patches, presumably used in naval repair and maintenance tasks. However, most of the items excavated in the shipyard by Deagan and Cruxent were fragmentary and badly deteriorated after being buried and periodically inundated by saltwater for over five centuries. 82
On the other hand, historical records document the construction of at least four vessels in the shipyard, as well as the repair of others. This evidence is manifested in Bartolomé de las Casas’s account of a hurricane in June 1495, which affected the town and caused the wreck of three of the four existing vessels. Among them were probably the San Juan, Cardera and Gallega, in addition to the ships brought by Juan de Aguado, the steward of the Catholic Monarchs, 83 who was dispatched in April 1495 as captain of the fleet and an investigator tasked with gathering information about the state of the colonization project in La Isabela due to the severe criticism it was receiving from, among others, Friar Bernardo Boyl and Mosén Pedro Margarit, who had returned to the Iberian Peninsula. Faced with the lack of ships in the town, Columbus ordered the construction of two caravels using the remains of the destroyed vessels. 84 The first caravel was completed in March 1496 and officially named the Santa Cruz, although sailors knew it as the India. This ship was the first vessel intended for transoceanic voyages built in the New World by Europeans. Once completed and equipped, Aguado was responsible for commanding it to the Iberian Peninsula, while Columbus captained the Niña, which had served as the model for the construction of its counterpart.
Another relevant episode in early naval construction in the Caribbean is recorded during the government of Bartolomé Colón, who ordered the construction of two additional caravels shortly before his second visit to the chieftainship of Xaraguá, with the purpose of collecting the tribute agreed on with Behechio during their first encounter. During this interval, Bartolomé sent emissaries to La Isabela to communicate that, once one caravel was finished, it should head to the port of Xaraguá to collect the agreed tribute in the form of cassava bread and cotton. 85 After the new vessel arrived in Xaraguá for the tribute and brought it back to La Isabela, Diego Colón, fearing a possible revolt among the population due to widespread discontent and the risk of the ship being used to return to Castile without authorization, ordered the newly constructed caravel to be beached. 86 At that moment, Francisco Roldán, who had held the position of ordinary mayor of La Isabela and then chief mayor of Hispaniola, took advantage of the situation to incite the discontented population against the Colóns, instigating the idea of launching the caravel to return to Castile. However, the lack of rigging and the opposition of both Diego Colón and Bartolomé Colón prevented such a move. 87
Thus, the port of La Isabela provided the necessary elements – including infrastructure, personnel and resources – to build ships. This need is justified as it was the only base or headquarters for transoceanic crossings of the Spanish Empire in America between 1494 and 1497. The ‘memorial’ delivered to Antonio de Torres emphasized the importance of having ships because they granted authority and security to the colonists in respect of the local communities. 88 At the same time, the ships served as provisional warehouses while the alhóndiga was being constructed, and also as improvised prisons. 89 Among the prisoners initially confined on the ships, the figure of Bernal de Pisa stands out, a court bailiff and lieutenant of the chief accountants of Castile, who was appointed accountant of the Indies by the Catholic Monarchs. 90 After the first anti-Columbian rebellion was uncovered in February 1494, 91 Pisa was apprehended on a ship until he was later transferred under custody to Seville. 92 Since there are no records or archaeological evidence of the construction of prisons in La Isabela, to presume that ships were used for this purpose is logical and coherent.
The archaeological evidence related to possible architectural infrastructure on the coastline is non-existent, and historical sources do not mention the presence of buildings in the area. In this sense, the most notable elements of the port topography are the alhóndiga and a stone guardhouse or circular tower, located slightly north-west of the warehouse. The latter constitutes the only architectural vestige of the defences or walls that surrounded the city. 93 It cannot be ruled out that this structure functioned as a kind of lighthouse or watchtower for maritime signalling purposes. Additionally, the existence of a metallurgical area (Figure 2) adjacent to the warehouse can be inferred, capable of manufacturing fastenings, anchors, chains and other items of hardware, including weapons and ammunition. This strategic location facilitated access to and control over metals and minerals from Spain and, in turn, those produced in the area.
Finally, it is important to highlight that the shipyard boasted a complete body of naval officers associated with ship construction, repair and maintenance activities, such as ‘shipmasters’ (maestros de naves), 94 ‘masters of ships and fustas’ (maestres de navios y navios), 95 and ‘riverside officers’ (oficiales de ribera). 96 The shipmasters were expert naval constructors who were part of the personnel appointed by Bartolomé Colón in La Isabela, even when he moved to establish the town of Santo Domingo. Additionally, there were various specialized workers who congregated around the shipyard, such as ‘sawyers’ (aserradores), responsible for cutting timber according to the carpenters’ instructions, and ‘riverside carpenters’ (carpinteros de ribera), whose work was essential in the planking process of the hull, trimming, shaping and adjusting the different types of wood with the help of craftsmen and apprentices. María Montserrat León Guerrero documents an approximate total of 618 crew members on the second voyage, among whom there were 12 carpenters and 5 sawyers. 97 The ‘bolt makers’ (cabilladores), on the other hand, were artisans, who were responsible for fixing the hull and roof planking, using tools such as drills, props, augers, ‘mandrels’ (mandarinas), blades and chisels. 98 The caulking process involved not only the caulker, but also the ‘master caulker’ (capataz), who supervised the entire process, especially the sealing of the hull joints. It is probable that apprentices armed with ladles, soft ‘leather swabs’ (escoperos) and pots of pine tar participated in this process. 99 In the metallurgical area, blacksmiths and their assistants also worked, their trades being equally documented since the second Columbus voyage; 100 they were tasked with tempering iron to shape and produce the fastenings necessary for vessels, as well as other items of hardware.
In summary, the shipyard of La Isabela boasted highly specialized personnel who were dedicated to the assembly, planking, repair and maintenance of vessels, ensuring efficiency and quality in all stages of the naval process.
Supplies associated with shipbuilding
The crucial initial step in shipbuilding involved the crafting of the lower hull, starting with the placement of the keel, a row of wooden blocks or stakes arranged akin to ‘ribs’ (cuadernas), forming the foundation upon which the vessel would be constructed. For this task, it was imperative to select suitable wood, with the ‘master builders’ (maestros constructores) being responsible for managing the acquisition of planking and ‘timber beams’ (puntales), which included species such as wild oak, chestnut, beech, cork oak and pine 101 – forest resources that were widely available in the Iberian Peninsula and particularly in the Basque provinces. However, the lack of specific references to timber supplies in the historical sources corresponding to the period of La Isabela leads one to consider the hypothesis that there was a local forest supply for the shipbuilding industry in the early stages. More specifically, the coastal environment of La Isabela is characterized by an abundance of lignum vitae (Guaiacum sanctum), locally known as guayacancillo. This native tree was among the timber resources imported into the Spanish Caribbean from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. 102 On the other hand, the use of mangrove (Rhizophora spp.), another relevant timber species in the Bajabonico Valley, cannot be ruled out. Although there is no concrete evidence of its use in shipbuilding during the colonial period, its abundance in the area and properties make it a potential resource for early naval infrastructure and, above all, rigging manufacturing, for which it was likely intended. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo even catalogued it as one of the best trees, used for the construction of the frames of huts, or bohios, including architectural elements such as shelves, posts, and door and window frames. 103
With regard to fasteners or nails, it can be observed that a considerable amount of these were imported directly from the Iberian Peninsula, while others were locally produced in the metallurgical area of La Isabela. These played a crucial role in joining the wooden pieces for the construction of the frame or skeleton of a ship, upon which planking was applied. Historical records of the time allude to a variety of fasteners, often mentioned under the generic term of nails (clavazón) or shipbuilding nails (clavazón para carpinteros de navíos), 104 without providing specific details about their morphology, which complicates their typological identification. For example, in a charterparty directed to the shipmasters Bartolomé Colín, Juan Lucero, Bartolomé Leza and Fernán for the shipment of four provision caravels to La Española, estoperoles are mentioned, 105 which are short nails with a large, round, flat head, like a kind of tack, commonly used in shipbuilding to fasten wood or sheets on ships, but also employed to secure grass mats to the exterior of ship hulls. 106 Prominent among the fasteners used for ships built in La Isabela, as well as late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century vessels, are pernos de copete (chabeta). These bolts have been recovered in early shipwrecks, such as the Highborn Cay wreck, 107 located on a rocky cay of Exuma Island on the edge of the Great Bahama Bank, and the Molasses Reef wreck in the Turks and Caicos Islands, 108 where bolts with washers and small wedges, rings and square-section nails were recovered. According to Roger C. Smith, the best type of fastening for the keel and frames was the perno de copete, 109 which had an iron head with an oak washer and a shaft ending in a slotted tip to receive an iron wedge called a copete (chabeta).
Supplies associated with the caulking and sealing process
Once the carpenters had finished fixing the planks to the frames forming the hull structure, the process of ‘coating the ships’ (adobar los navíos) was carried out – a practice known in shipbuilding as ‘caulking’ (calafatear). This procedure was recurrent during the period of La Isabela, as evidenced by Table 1. Although the account or navy books of the early expeditions have not been preserved, the documentation records some of the early European supplies, even with some detailed provisioning lists. Among the supplies, ‘oakum’ (estopa) stands out, as it was obtained from the fibre of flax or hemp after being ‘combed’, and was a material widely used during the Colombian era, not only for the caulking process, but also for making nautical rigging such as ropes and the ‘running rigging’ (jarcias), 110 essential for manoeuvring sails.
Oakum was used to seal the joints or seams between the planks of the ship's hull. For this purpose, small oakum ropes were meticulously made and inserted into the joints using drills and mallets. 111 Likewise, oakum was inserted at the ends of the iron fastenings to make them fit tightly. 112 After sealing the joints with oakum, the caulking process continued by applying strips of fabric soaked with ‘pine tar’ (brea de pino) or ‘hot pine’ (pez de pino) 113 pitch over the grooves or ‘seams’ (costuras). This was done for the purpose of preventing decay in the sea and the entry of water. Pine tar was obtained by carbonizing pine wood under anaerobic conditions and was used as a preservative and sealant in shipbuilding. During the early contact period, this product was frequently acquired at the port of Santa María in Cádiz. 114 In the instructions given to Juan de Aguado in Madrid on 9 April 1495, 100 quintals of pine tar were recorded, along with 30 quintals of ‘tallow’ (sebo). 115 Similarly, alternative local materials such as tabunuco, a white and leathery gum similar to tallow that was mixed with oil to protect the ships from shipworm, 116 were chosen, although these references date from after the foundation and fall of La Isabela.
In addition to pine tar, other materials such as tar, resins, fats and oils were used to complete the sealing of the hull. The Basques, for example, preferred pine tar mixed with whale oil, 117 while the Colombian fleets showed a preference for tar and tallow, the latter being an adiposity obtained from the lower-quality fat of pigs, which was transported ‘strained’ (colado) and applied for caulking once the bottom of a ship had been cleaned. 118
Despite the coatings applied to the hulls of vessels, the high temperatures of the tropical climate in the Caribbean compromised the sealing process, causing the liquification of the tar and, consequently, runoff from the vessel’s hull. 119 As a result, sealing applications had to be repeated between voyages or during technical dry-docking stops. In order to mitigate the impact of shipworm, lead coatings began to be used to protect the hulls of ships. According to Smith, Antonio Hernández, who was appointed a ship employer in 1514, may have been responsible for this innovation. 120 However, there is evidence that from the time of La Isabela, the importation and use of lead for this purpose had begun, as evidenced by archaeological finds in the metallurgical area, including lead patches, as well as 85 kilogrammes of melted galena, the main source of lead, 121 originating from the deposits in the Alcudia–Los Pedroches area and Linares–La Carolina Valley, the regions with the highest lead mineralization in Spain, as revealed by recent lead isotope studies. 122 Lead coating was used on Iberian ships throughout the colonial period, although it was very expensive and heavy, consisting of thin sheets of stretched lead arranged on tar-soaked canvas or burlap. 123 As a temporary and less expensive alternative, a thin wooden coating, commonly made of fir, was applied over a mixture of cow or goat hair and tar in order to delay the effects of shipworm. 124
The ‘Memorial de Arévalo’, dated 1 July 1494, provides a detailed synopsis of the inputs necessary for ship repair and construction at the end of the fifteenth century. This document, prepared by the royal accountant Jimeno de Briviesca and addressed to the Bishop of Badajoz, Don Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca, offers a comprehensive report on the supplies required to sustain the population of just over 1,000 inhabitants on the island of Hispaniola at that time. 125 The ‘memorial’ describes the need for supplies for 13 caravels distributed in two fleets, one of eight and the other of five vessels, although this configuration was never realized. However, the document provides valuable information on the supplies needed both for the population of Hispaniola and for navigation, detailed in the section ‘Other Items for Provisioning of People and Ships’, which is presented in Table 1. 126
Supplies necessary for shipbuilding according to the ‘Memorial de Arévalo’, addressed to Don Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca, 1 July 1494, for the formation of two fleets for the Indies.
Regarding the tools used in carpentry and sawing activities, the archaeological evidence preserved in La Isabela is unfortunately scarce. It is limited to the identification of an axe head, fragments of a chisel and a hammer, as well as wedges and a gouge. In addition to these findings, the presence of handsaws, augers, mallets, files, planes and flat adzes is presumed, which would have been used for cutting, making recesses and smoothing wood. As for the tools used by caulkers to seal cracks and fissures in a ship's hull, including the decks and superstructure, due to the tendency of the planking to open and swell, they included caulking irons, caulking hammers, sets of augers (particularly spoon augers with T-shaped handles for drilling and piercing), 127 caulking mallets, mallets, gouges and tools for removing oakum.
The ‘royal storehouse’ or alhóndiga: control of supplies
The management and custody of the aforementioned supplies was carried out through the use of a ‘royal storehouse’ or alhóndiga, 128 a multifunctional complex building whose main function was the storage of goods produced on-site, as well as those obtained from local communities and those imported from the Iberian Peninsula. This building, besides serving as a warehouse, fulfilled other important roles, such as a ‘customs house’ (casa de aduana), 129 administrative office, meeting place, market and even a centre for weight and measurement control. Therefore, it was the largest structure on the site, strategically located on the north-west corner of the promontory overlooking the cliff to the west and adjacent to the beach area to the north, 130 facilitating the control of the loading and unloading operations of goods both from the Iberian Peninsula and from the Marta station. This layout reveals urban planning aimed at optimizing the operations in the settlement.
The alhóndiga represented the most prominent example of the ‘royal monopoly’, as its main function was the custody of various goods owned by the Crown, with the responsibility of organizing and equipping fleets, 131 including financing associated expenses for maintenance and the administration of personnel on-site, thus covering wages. For this reason, it is referred to in the sources as the ‘king's warehouse’ (almacén del rey). Columbus had received a request from the Catholic Monarchs to have an alhóndiga before his departure from Cadiz. For a long time, the archaeological evidence preserved at this site was mistakenly identified as being a church, under the assumption that the largest structure would have been dedicated to God. 132 It is presumed that the building was fortified, since sources mention it as being a ‘fort’ (fuerte) intended for the custody of provisions and ammunition, connected by a well-drained road to the ‘supply depot’ (polvorín), probably intended for storing ammunition. 133 Archaeological evidence suggests the presence of a wooden floor to keep the supplies away from moisture, as indicated by the high concentration of L-shaped headless nails found in the alhóndiga, representing 65 per cent of the total amount found on the site. Regarding the administrative personnel in charge of controlling the imported and exported goods, La Isabela had a centralized bureaucracy that was directly dependent on the Catholic Monarchs and Columbus. Columbus, under the Capitulations of Santa Fe of 27 April 1492, had the authority to appoint magistrates, judges and public officials on behalf of the Crown. Within this institutional framework, it is worth highlighting the presence in the town of royal treasurers and deputy accountants, positions designated by the monarchs to oversee that ransoms with the natives were conducted in their presence according to a series of previously established guidelines. 134 Likewise, the participation of auditors and royal scribes is evident, who were responsible for fiscal supervision and the meticulous recording of both incoming and outgoing goods, including the preparation of inventories, although unfortunately these have not been preserved. The unloading process of goods was to be carried out under the direct supervision of scribes, senior accountants, royal prosecutors and others appointed by the Admiral, ranging from guards to accountants, with the purpose of preventing any type of fraud. 135
Final reflections
Despite its brief existence, La Isabela emerged as the first node or point of commercial connection between the ancient kingdoms of Spain and the Caribbean. This was due to the meticulous spatial arrangement and planning of the settlement in the Isabeline cove, designed to facilitate interaction with both the surrounding environment and the maritime routes. Columbus achieved effective intercommunication between resource-rich areas strategically located for both maritime and river navigation. The subsidiary station of Marta, located in the Bajabonico Valley, played a crucial role as a complement to the residential centre of El Castillo, providing the basic inputs necessary for the functioning of the settlement and the shipbuilding industry. It was at this point where the first plant and animal species, originating in Europe and the Canaries, were introduced, leading to the establishment of orchards and livestock farms. Additionally, the adjacent bay, with its arched configuration, served as a place for rest and recuperation for ship crews.
To the north-east, the shipyard was located in the La Playa area, equipped with personnel, resources and sufficient infrastructure for the construction, outfitting and repair of vessels. Its success was largely due to the abundance of supplies from the Iberian Peninsula, particularly oakum, pitch and tallow, in addition to local resources and items produced in the immediate metallurgical area adjacent to the warehouse building and contiguous to the shipyard. The latter mainly consisted of iron fasteners, which were used for the assembly or binding of ship structures, as well as the production and early use of lead as a hull coating. The origin of the timber resources used in ship construction remains uncertain due to the scarcity of historical references and the lack of archaeological evidence in the area associated with ships, thus raising the possibility of an early local supply of lignum vitae, an abundant resource in the Bajabonico Valley.
The reasons for the displacement and abandonment of La Isabela were not so much due to geographical limitations or the scarcity of local resources, but rather political and social factors. The settlement was too far from the gold sources near the central mountain range and the major local population centres, which was crucial in the early distributions and the future encomienda (1503). Due to the intensification of maritime transport in the Caribbean during the sixteenth century, new ports were opened on the north coast (Puerto Plata near La Isabela) and on the coasts of Haiti (Puerto Real). These emerging ports became new centres of port activity on the island. Nevertheless, despite the abandonment of La Isabela, archaeological and historical evidence has demonstrated how the site continued to be a reference point for adventurers of various nationalities, such as French and English pirates, and particularly buccaneers, who established hunting camps on the north coast.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
