The Closure of Sex Workers Alliance Ireland (SWAI): Implications for Sex Work and Social Work

Abstract

The 2025 closure of Sex Workers Alliance Ireland marks a pivotal setback for sex-work advocacy. In a climate dominated by neo-abolitionist narratives framing sex work as exploitation, losing SWAI eliminates Ireland's key source of evidence-based, rights-focused advocacy and lived-experience expertise. This manuscript outlines the evolution of Irish policy and its alignment with international neo-abolitionist trends, showing how such discourse has shaped law and social-work practice. Without SWAI, social-justice approaches weaken, increasing risks of coercive or pathologising interventions. The piece calls for a shift toward critical feminist, rights-centred practice and sets out implications for social-work engagement.

Keywords

SWAI sex work social justice neo-abolitionists social work

Introduction

The purpose of the manuscript is to draw international attention to the inopportune closure of Sex Workers Alliance Ireland (SWAI herein) in December 2025 and to report the critical disservice this will have on sex workers, policy and practice. SWAI is an internationally recognised sex worker-led and community-focused non-governmental organisation (SWAI 2025, para. 3) who advocates for the human rights of all current and former sex workers. Through community development, SWAI aim to:

`inform changes in policy and legislation, provide direct support to sex workers through outreach projects, signposting, creative projects and opportunities, organising online and in-person meetups for sex workers, spreading awareness through events, networking, providing academic and creative resources, and the creation of an allies’ network` (SWAI, 2025, para. 4).

SWAI's closure due to funding constraints reflects both Ireland's moralistic framing of sex work and a broader global pattern in which sex worker–led organisations struggle to secure sustainable support and institutional legitimacy (Huschke & Schubotz, 2016; Shannon et al., 2018). Internationally, some networks have sustained themselves through transnational coalitions, dedicated philanthropic funding, strong grassroots membership, and supportive policy environments; however, most organisations continue to operate with limited and unstable resources, often relying on short-term grants and volunteer labour (Global Network of Sex Work Projects, 2021; Red Umbrella Fund, 2023). SWAIs closing statement reiterates `Sex workers exist at the intersection of women living in poverty, trans and LGBTQIA + people, single mothers, migrants, undocumented people, people in addiction, homeless people and those in insecure housing, disabled people and people with mental health issues` (SWAI, 2025, para. 4), mirroring a caveat of Irelands complex social issues and flawed social policy responses (Dukelow & Considine, 2017). The predisposition of neo-abolitionist discourse which override advocacy efforts driven by community activists like SWAI who promote feminist harm-reduction practices, and grassroots organisations determined to challenge punitive frameworks and promote social justice (Sanders, Vajzovic et al., 2021). In contrast it was within this fragmented landscape that Sex Workers Alliance Ireland (SWAI) was established in 2009 as the first national, sex worker–led advocacy organisation. SWAI's closure does not merely signify the loss of one organisation but represents the dismantling of evidence-informed, ethical, rights-oriented engagement with sex work in Ireland. As a feminist and activist social work scholar, I argue that SWAI's closure represents not just a service loss but an epistemological crisis limiting social workers’ ability to uphold autonomy, dignity, and justice (IFSW, 2014). I approach this analysis as both a researcher and founding member of the Irish Sex Work Research Network, advocating for sex workers’ rights, safety, and dignity.

Historical and Contemporary Policy Frameworks Shaping Sex-Work Advocacy in Ireland

Sex work regulation in Ireland has historically mirrored prevailing social and religious norms (Sweeney & Flynn, 2026). Early statutes criminalised soliciting, brothel-keeping, and related forms of facilitating or profiting from sex work (Brooks-Gordon, 2010). These legal measures focused on controlling and suppressing sex work rather than addressing the socio-economic conditions that shaped it. Consequently, sex workers were rendered invisible in public services, and welfare responses rarely acknowledged their rights or agency. Beginning in the 1990s, community activists, feminist health workers, and harm-reduction organisations began offering support services such as outreach work, and access to sexual-health care (Vaughan, 2019). These initiatives laid early groundwork for rights-based advocacy organisations to situate themselves as harm-reduction and peer-led support advocates (Luddy, 2007).

In 2009, SWAI emerged as a formal, national-level organisation. Crucially, it was sex-worker-led, while bridging links with social workers, allied healthcare providers, and researchers (Jackson, 2019). SWAI's institutional presence enabled sustained engagement with power structures in order to challenge criminalising narratives and provided social workers with a critical resource grounded in lived experience (Sweeney & Sweeney Batard, 2024). Its closure represents the dismantling of decades of community-led, structurally informed advocacy.

In contrast, contemporary anti-trafficking systems now construct the dominant narrative in which all individuals involved in the sex trade are victims and require exiting strategies (Ward & Wylie, 2017). While these frameworks claim to address exploitation, they often operate as infrastructures shaped by ideological commitments and competitive funding imperatives that reward organisations for aligning with abolitionist or state-favoured positions (Hellstrom, 2007). As a result, lobbyists and large NGOs gain outsized influence by positioning themselves as necessary partners in implementing legislation, often riding on the coattails of policy reforms that secure their funding streams. For example, Murphy (2023) notes that organisations with greater financial and organisational resources enjoy significantly higher levels of access to government departments and reinforcing the influence of well-resourced NGOs and lobbyists in shaping and implementing policy. These dynamics generate incentives to reproduce simplified accounts of trafficking while obscuring the structural drivers of precarity, such as poverty, insecure migration status, and exposure to violence (Sweeney & Flynn, 2023).

Within this policy landscape, sex-worker-led perspectives are routinely dismissed or delegitimised when they conflict with dominant abolitionist narratives as those surrounding SWAI, is used to further justify policy decisions made without them (Abel, 2019). This exclusion reinforces a monolithic understanding of the sex trade that erases agency, diversity, and lived experience and lived expertise. This historical context is crucial for understanding the policy framework that currently governs sex work in Ireland.

The Rise of Neo-Abolitionist Policy and Its Impact on Practice

Within this framework, recent legislation has shaped both the governance of sex work and the conditions under which advocacy organisations operate. The adoption of the 2017 Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act cemented a legal framework in Ireland heavily influenced by neo-abolitionist radical feminist ideology (Ellison, 2017). Consequently, social workers and statutory practitioners increasingly operate under mandates that prioritise control, surveillance, and rescue, rather than empowerment, safety, or rights (Sweeney & Flynn, 2026). Institutional practices often reinforce systemic pressures that shape social work engagement with sex workers in ways that can undermine client autonomy and ethical practice (Wahab & Panichelli, 2013). The criminalisation of sex work further contributes to exclusion from services, as many sex workers avoid social supports for fear of judgement, exposure, or legal repercussions and further restricts their access to essential housing, healthcare, and social assistance (Platt et al., 2018). Collectively, these institutional pressures constrain social workers’ ability to deliver ethically grounded, client-centred, harm-reduction interventions unique to their professional competencies (Evans, 2019) with significant implications for practice.

Social Justice Implications of SWAI's Closure for Social Work

The closure of SWAI removes a critical resource. For example, without services like SWAI, social work practitioners’ loose access to sex worker-led expertise, including peer-led, and lived-experience knowledge that is required to inform harm reduction and rights-based services (Kapur, 2016). In SWAIs absence, social workers are left isolated in confronting systemic injustices (Kapur, 2016). Furthermore, without alternative frameworks and supports, statutory services may increasingly default to exit- or rescue-based interventions which I assert, disregards sex workers’ autonomy and decision-making capacity (Sweeney & Flynn, 2026). By eliminating SWAI, the primary national organisation rooted in sex worker leadership undermines the potential for social work to operate as a force for social justice.

A social justice-oriented, critical feminist praxis involves recognising sex work as having agency (FitzGerald et al., 2020). By engaging in policy advocacy social workers can leverage their professional status to lobby for support and anti-discrimination measures through professional social work bodies (Brown et al., 2015). Practitioners must examine their positionality and condemn paternalism and resist institutional and societal pressures to moralise or regulate sex workers’ lives (Sweeney & Sweeney Batard, 2025). Evidence from international contexts supports this approach. In New Zealand, decriminalisation and collaboration with sex worker-led organisations have improved occupational safety, reduced stigma, and increased access to health and social services without measurable increases in exploitation or trafficking (Armstrong, 2021). Conversely, countries that criminalise the purchase of sex, like Sweden and Norway, continue to report isolation, reduced negotiating power, and heightened vulnerability among sex workers (Scoular & Carline, 2014). These outcomes underscore both the ethical imperative and practical efficacy of harm reduction and rights-based approaches and offer a compelling comparative framework for Ireland.

Conclusion

The 2025 closure of SWAI marks a turning point for social work and sex work policy in Ireland, erasing decades of community advocacy and leaving sex workers vulnerable to isolation, pathologisation, and coercive interventions. Social workers must reclaim emancipatory practice through critical feminist, social justice, and harm-reduction frameworks centred on autonomy and dignity. This involves partnering with sex worker-led organisations, amplifying sex workers’ voices in policy consultations, challenging punitive legislation, and developing peer-informed programs. Practitioners should train colleagues to recognise coercive interventions and document systemic barriers to inform evidence-based reforms. SWAI's closure is a call to action and social workers must move beyond care provision alone, actively challenging systemic harms and forging policy and community pathways that safeguard sex workers’ rights, autonomy, and dignity across Ireland.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Leigh-Ann Sweeney

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biography

Leigh-Ann Sweeney is an Assistant Professor in the School of Social Work and Social Policy, Trinity College Dublin. Her scholarly contribution focuses on feminist social work.

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