Violence Against Women in Video Games

Abstract

Current research suggests a link between negative attitudes toward women and violence against women, and it also suggests that media may condition such negative attitudes. When considering the tremendous and continued growth of video game sales, and the resulting proliferation of sexual objectification and violence against women in some video games, it is lamentable that there is a dearth of research exploring the effect of such imagery on attitudes toward women. This study is the first study to use actual video game playing and control for causal order, when exploring the effect of sexual exploitation and violence against women in video games on attitudes toward women. By employing a Solomon Four-Group experimental research design, this exploratory study found that a video game depicting sexual objectification of women and violence against women resulted in statistically significant increased rape myths acceptance (rape-supportive attitudes) for male study participants but not for female participants.

Keywords

rape myths rape-supportive attitudes video games violence against women

Introduction

Research asserting a direct causal link between violent media and violent behavior has recently been called into question (see discussions by Felson, 1996; Ferguson, 2007a, 2007b; Ferguson & Hartley, 2009; Ferguson & Kilburn, 2009; Freedman, 1996; Jensen, 2001; Savage & Yancy, 2008; Zimring & Hawkins, 1997). It is currently being suggested by some that the link between violent media and violent behavior may be indirect and mediated by a variety of other factors (e.g., Felson, 1996; Ferguson, 2007b; Ferguson & Kilburn, 2009; Olson, 2004; Savage, 2004; Savage & Yancey, 2008). Consequently, researchers, such as Olson, have highlighted the importance of future studies exploring how media violence may contribute to attitudes that support violent behavior. The purpose of this study is not to address the scholarly debate on the causal link between media violence and violent behavior. Rather, this study focuses on adding to the empirical literature by exploring the effect of media violence on attitudes. In particular, this study is the first study to explore how the objectification of women and violence against women in video games, during game play, influence rape-supportive attitudes.

Video game sales measure in the billions of dollars, in the United States, and there has been an approximate 300% increase in sales between 1996 and 2008 (Entertainment Software Association, 2010). An analyst, for the Office of Science and Technology Policy, in the White House acknowledged: “Nothing has captured the mind space of both students and kids and adults as games have” (as cited in a report by Entertainment Software Association, 2010, p. 4). Indeed, 73% of all households in the United States own a device for gaming (Nielson Company, 2010). The majority of gamers (49%) are between the ages of 18 and 49, with an average age of 34. Twenty-five percent of gamers are under the age of 18 and 26% are 50 and older. Sixty percent of the gamers are male, and the average gamer has been playing video and/or computer games for approximately 12 years (Entertainment Software Association, 2010).

Along with expeditious growth of the video game industry has been growth in the development of games that sexually objectify women (e.g., pole strippers, prostitutes) and allow gamers to engage in virtual violence (e.g., battery, murder) against women. An increase in negative imagery of women in video games may provide reason for social concern, since research has suggested that some video games can influence rape myth acceptance (Dill, 2009; Dill, Brown, & Collins, 2008), which in turn may influence behavior toward women.

Burt (1980, p. 217) originally defined rape myths as “prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists.” According to Lonsway and Fitzgerald, a variety of other definitions have emerged over time, creating variations in the definition and inconsistencies in the application and measurement of this concept. Lonsway and Fitzgerald argue, however, that if the term “myth” is examined from an interdisciplinary perspective, similarities in the nature and function of the term emerge. When those similarities are placed within the context of cultural theory of rape a clear definition of rape myths emerges. Rape myths (e.g., many women secretly desire to be raped) “are attitudes and beliefs that are generally false, but are widely and persistently held and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women” (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, p. 134). Thus, rape myth acceptance is the internalization of rape myths.

Social learning theorists argue that negative images of women as the “sexual playthings” of men have a critical role in rape causation (Walsh & Ellis, 2007). Social learning theory of rape argues that rape is aggressive behavior that is promoted through four interrelated processes: (1) perpetuation of rape myths, (2) modeling (imitating rape scenes and other acts of violence toward women), (3) associating sexuality and violence, and (4) desensitization to fear, pain, and humiliation of sexual assault (see Ellis, 1989). In some video games, such as Rapelay (wherein the goal of the game is to rape women), gamers engage in imitation when raping women in a virtual world (Lah, 2010). Rapelay has been banned internationally; however, it has gone viral on the internet, is easily accessible and is gaining in popularity (Trip, 2010). Perhaps less extreme than Rapelay, there are a variety of other popular video games that have not been banned, which also sexually objectify women and allow gamers to imitate sexual and violent acts against women, in a virtual world.

Given the significance of rape myths to social learning theory of rape, and the pervasiveness and growth of stereotyped images of women and violence against women portrayed in the various forms of media (Kahlor & Morrison, 2007), it is surprising that scant research has been conducted in this area. A search of the appropriate academic data bases, focusing on peer-reviewed journal articles, produced only a few studies exploring the effect of negative media images of women on attitudes toward women. Out of those few studies, only three focused on video games.

Linz, Donnerstein, and Penrod (1988) and Malamuth and Check (1981) found watching sexually aggressive films produces negative attitudes toward women. Donnerstein and Linz (1986) and Scott and Schwalm (1988) found that violent images of women were more likely to change attitudes toward women than sexual images. Weisz and Earls (1995) randomly assigned 193 male and female students to view one of four film types—films portraying sexual aggression toward a man, sexual aggression toward a woman, physical aggression, and a neutral film. After watching one of the four films, students then viewed a reenactment of a rape trial. Study findings indicated “that males viewing a sexually aggressive film, regardless of victim gender, tend to have attitudes more accepting of interpersonal violence, be more attracted to the idea of sexual aggression, and less sympathetic toward a victim of rape when compared to females exposed to the same films” (p. 80).

Kahlor and Morrison (2007) discuss how prime time television has perpetuated rape myths through the portrayal of these myths in storylines and that there has been an increase in rape depiction on television. Their study, consisting of 96 female undergraduate students, indicated that female college students who watch television were more likely to believe that rape accusations are false. Emmers-Sommers, Pauley, Hanzal, and Triplett’s (2006) study results indicated that study participants with sex and violence film predilections were more accepting of rape myths than those with love story or suspense predilections and that male participants were more like to have predilections for sex and violence films, suggesting that men were more likely to be accepting of rape myths. McKee (2007) found, however, that the consumption of pornography was not a significant factor in generating negative attitudes toward women, although, as previously noted, research has found violent images of women were more likely to change attitudes toward women than sexual images (Scott & Schwalm, 1988).

In an early study of popular video games, Dietz (1998) found female characters to be absent in 41% of the games with characters. However, in games where female characters were present, in 28% of the games women were portrayed as sex objects and 21% depicted violence directed at women. Dietz argues that the portrayal of women in video games, like other forms of media, may have a real impact on attitudes toward women. Indeed, two subsequent studies by Dill et al. (2008) and Dill (2009) did find video games to have a negative influence on attitudes toward women.

The Dill et al. (2008) study was the first to consider the relationship between sex-stereotyped video game characters, sexual harassment, and rape myth acceptance. The findings in their study indicated that short-term exposure to stereotypical media content of women influenced sexual harassment judgments but not rape myth acceptance. Based on study participants’ self-reports, Dill (2009) found greater exposure to video game violence to be positively correlated with rape myth acceptance and negatively correlated with attitudes toward women, indicating that those who spent more time playing violent video games were more likely to have negative attitudes toward women and endorse rape myths. In sum, the studies by Dill et al. (2008) and Dill (2009) appear to assert that increased exposure to violent video games increases rape-supportive attitudes whereas sex-stereotyped images of female game characters do not increase rape supportive attitudes.

Although the Dill et al.’s (2008) study was groundbreaking in its exploration of the effect of video games on attitudes toward women, the study may have had at least one flaw. Dill and colleagues (2008) used a PowerPoint presentation of video characters rather than an actual video game. Providing a static representation of a video game character, as opposed to an interactive representation in the process of game play, may have affected the outcome of the study. Furthermore, Dill’s (2009) study did not control for causal order. Perhaps, for example, the study participants had rape-supportive attitudes prior to playing the violet video games and, thus, selected violent video games consistent with their previously existing attitudes. To address the foregoing research issues in video game and rape myth research, the current study incorporated actual video game play (rather than static images) and controlled for preexisting attitudes.

Method

Research Questions

The purpose of this study was to expand research on media violence by being the first study to use actual video games to explore the influence of the negative, sexist portrayal of women and violence against women in video games on rape-supportive attitudes. Specifically, this study was designed to address the following research questions:

Research Question 1: When testing effects are controlled, does the depiction of violence against women and sexist portrayal of women in video games influence rape-supportive attitudes?

Research Question 2: Does gender influence rape-supportive attitudes, and does gender interact with depictions of violence against women and sexist portrayal of women in video games to influence rape-supportive attitudes?

Research Question 3: Does self-reported exposure to violent video games correlate with rape-supportive attitudes?

Participants

Participants were students in undergraduate courses at a Northern Midwest university (n = 110) and a Southern Midwest university (n = 31). At each university, the majority of the sample participants were female, White, with an average age of 19 at the Northern university and 31 at the Southern university. Combined, 61% of the participants were female and 39% were male. The majority of the combined sample participants were White (81.6%); the racial composition of the rest of the participants was as follows: 7.8% African American, 3.5% Hispanic, 3.5% Asian American, 2.8% Native American, and 0.7% “Other.” The mean age of participants, in the combined sample, was 23 years (SD = 8.6), and all participants were older than 18 years.

Instruments

Rape myth survey

Rape myth acceptance was measured by the short form of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, which is a 20-item survey using a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) to assess rape myth acceptance (e.g., “A lot of women lead a man on and then they cry rape”). Thus, individual scores can range from 20 to 100. Again, a Solomon Four-Group design was used and the composite mean scores, of each group, for the rape myth survey were, as follows: (1) no treatment posttest-only group, M = 40.4, SD = 7.8; (2) no treatment with pretest, M = 40.7, SD = 10.2, and posttest, M = 40.8, SD = 8.3, groups; (3) treatment posttest-only group, M = 42.1, SD = 11.0; and (4) treatment with pretest, M = 39.6, SD = 9.7, and posttest groups, M = 39.7, SD = 9.0.

The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) has been used in various published studies, normed on both male and female undergraduate students, and research has indicated that it has good psychometric properties, as well as construct validity (Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999). According to some, IRMA is arguably the most reliable rape myth scale to date (Payne et al., 1999). Indeed, in this study, the alphas for both tests exceed the value of .70, which has been suggested as an acceptable level of internal consistency (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias, 1996). The internal consistency estimate for the IRMA pretest was α ≥ .86 and for the posttest α ≥ .83.

Video game survey

This survey included one question designed to measure the amount of time spent playing videos games, and the majority of participants (32.9%) reported playing video games less than 1 hr per week. The survey questions used for measuring exposure to video games violence in this study were previously employed by Anderson and Dill (2000) and Ferguson et al. (2008). For the video game violence survey, participants were asked to name their five favorite video games. After naming each game, participants were asked to rank, on scales ranging from 0 (not at all) to 10 (often) three questions. For each question, a composite score (the total for all five video games) was calculated for analyses, and the composite scores ranged from 0 to 50. Those questions and composite means are as follows: How violent is the content of the games (M = 9.6, SD = 12.1)? How often is violence against women shown in the games (M = 4.6, SD = 6.5)? How often is violence against men shown in the games (M = 7.9, SD = 10.5)?

In addition, after watching the Grand Theft Auto (GTA) game, study participants were asked, on a scale of 1 (I did not like it at all) to 5 (I liked it very much), whether they liked the game, to which the majority (30.1%) reported they did not like it at all. They were also asked whether they had played GTA prior to the experiment (61.6% never played) and whether they had ever watched the game being played (52.7% had watched) prior to the experiment.

Procedures

At both universities, variables were studied via an experimental Solomon four-group design, which provides a method of determining whether change was caused by a treatment and controls for testing effects. The Solomon four-group design controls for the possible effects of a pretest on participants’ subsequent performance and can help determine both the main effects and interactions of testing. If the pretest cues the participants, both pretest groups will have higher posttest scores than the groups that do not receive the pretest. If there is an interaction between the pretest and the experimental treatment, so that the pretest provides an advantage to those students who receive only the treatment, the pretest–treatment–posttest group will have higher posttest scores than the treatment–posttest group. At both universities, students were randomly assigned to one of four groups. After obtaining Institutional Review Board approval at both universities and, as per the design, two groups received the treatment (i.e., the treatment group) and two groups received no treatment (i.e., the control group).

Treatment and Control Groups

Participants in the treatment group were randomly assigned to one of two subgroups, with one group receiving a pretest, treatment, and a posttest, and the other group receiving treatment and posttest (no pretest). The treatment was watching Grand Theft Auto IV being played. This game was chosen based on its popularity, as indicated by national sales (CNN.com/Technology, 2008), its use of sexist images of women, and the ability to use violence against women during the game. One of the researchers played the game while participants in the treatment group watched the game being played on a large projection screen in a campus classroom. The verbal interactions between game characters and other sound effects were in stereo. During game play, the researcher directed the main character, Niko, to leave his apartment and drive to a strip club where he received a private lap dance from one of the female strippers in the club. Upon leaving the strip club, Niko drove around looking for a hooker, found a hooker, had sex with the hooker, and paid the hooker in cash. After the hooker exited the Niko’s car and was walking away, Niko shot her, killing her, and took back his cash. Subsequently, a car chase ensued with police chasing Niko, who was able to avoid capture and return home.

In the control group, participants were randomly assigned to one of two subgroups, with one group receiving a pretest and a posttest and the other group receiving posttest only (no pretest). Prior to the posttest, all participants in the control group watched a baseball video game being played, which depicted no violence.

Results

Prior to discussing the results for each research question, note that several tests were conducted to examine whether the test assumptions (i.e., equal variance between groups) had been violated. Only one statistical test indicated a violation of equal variance. In the t test between treatment and nontreatment groups taking the posttest, but not the pretest, the Levene’s test for equality of variance was significant (p = .023). However, this violation of test assumptions did not affect the result. In both cases (i.e., equal variance assumed and equal variance not assumed) the t test failed to be significant.

Research Question 1: When testing effects are controlled, does the depiction of violence against women and sexist portrayal of women in video games influence rape-supportive attitudes?

One way to examine variables from a Solomon four-group designs study is to test differing stages of the design. To test the differing stages of the design, we ran (a) an independent-group t test on the postmeasures for the pretested groups, (b) an independent-group t test on postmeasures for non-pretested groups, (c) a repeated-measures t test on the experimental group, (d) a repeated-measures t test on the control group, and (e) a one-way ANOVA (analysis of variance) on the postmeasures for all control and experimental groups, independently by region, and collectively. All of these tests resulted in no significant findings (p > .05). When controlling for testing effects, the depiction of violence against women and sexist portrayal of women in video games did not, collectively, influence rape-supportive attitudes of student participants (p > .05).

Research Question 2: Does gender influence rape myth attitudes, and does gender interact with depictions of violence against women and sexist portrayal of women in video games to influence rape myth attitudes?

Data analysis on this question was somewhat complex. First, a two-way ANOVA (factorial design) was conducted on the posttest participants (participants in the pretested group were not included). No significant findings in this portion of the analyses (i.e., no interaction, no main effect from group, and no main effect from sex) were identified (p > .05).

Second, a two-way ANOVA (factorial design) on the posttests for both the experimental and control groups was performed. Participants in the posttest-only group were excluded from this analysis. Results indicated that there was no interaction and no significant difference between the experimental and control groups (F = 2.643, p = .056).

Since there was a main effect of sex on attitudes, an independent-group t test on the pretest scores of pretested participants was conducted. The results showed no significant difference between groups on the pretest rape myth scores. A repeated-measures t test for men (pre- and post-tests) was also conducted. The results from this test (41.48 to 43.70) did, in fact, show a significant increase in rape myth scores for men (t = −2.708, p = .012). The same test was conducted for women (39.39 to 38.26) but showed no significant increase in rape myths (t = 1.466, p = .150). In that female scores on rape myths did not change between pre- and post-test score; this may, in part, explain why a significant interaction by gender in the two-way ANOVA could not be identified. Finally, an independent t test on posttest rape myth scores was conducted, with sex as the independent variable. The results from this test found that men had statistically significantly higher rape myth posttest scores (t = 3.214, p = .002) compared to women.

Since a Solomon four-group experimental design was used in this study, we were able to check for a testing and reactive effect on the result for the sex variable. An independent-group t test was conducted, which included only men and compared the posttest scores for those participants who were pretested and those participants who were not pretested. No significant difference was identified. If a reactive effect was occurring, scores from the pretest group should have differed from the posttest-only group. This was not the case—there was no reactive effect.

Research Question 3: Does self-reported exposure to violent video games correlate with rape supportive attitudes?

To address this research question, we ran two regression models. The first was a bivariate model where the independent variable was computer game violence and the dependent variable was pretest scores on rape myths. No significant impact was found. The regression equation was insignificant (p > .05). We then ran the same model, but this time included the dummy variable, sex, as a second independent variable in the model. This equation also failed to achieve significance (p > .05).

Discussion

The survey results from this study did not provide support for the assertion that the degree of exposure (hours played) to violent video games increases negative attitudes toward women. However, study findings did indicate that sexual objectification of women and violence against women in video games do increase rape myths in male participants.

Although the design employed in the current study resulted in robust findings, the results are still limited in terms of generalizability to other populations. Future studies may expand this area of research by attempting to obtain a more representative sample of gamers. As indicated earlier, the majority of gamers in the United States are male, with an average age of 34. The majority of the study participants were female, with an average age of 23. In addition, the video game survey required participants to rate how violent their favorite video games were, based on their opinion. Although the video game survey employed in this study has been previously used in research by others, a measure of violence based on individuals’ perceptions can certainly result in disparate ratings for the same game across individuals.

Nonetheless, this study represents a first attempt to examine the effect of sexual objectification of women and violence against women, during video game play, on rape myth acceptance. The results in this study are consistent with some research indicating sexual violence in media reduces sympathy toward rape victims in men (Weisz & Earls, 1995). Indeed, one logical inference of increased rape myth acceptance is less sympathy for the victim of rape. In discussing the core causes of rape, social learning theory has linked both rape myths and desensitization of humiliation of sexual assault with two other cultural traditions—modeling and associating sexuality and violence (see Ellis, 1989). If video games degrading (e.g., objectification, battery, murder) women increase rape myth acceptance, as suggested by study findings, and that acceptance decreases victim sympathy, then, based on social learning theory of rape, playing such video games may indirectly promote an increase in rape. Although such a prediction is beyond the scope of this study, it certainly highlights the need for more research in this area. As previously stated, there were only two existing studies focusing on the influence of video games on attitudes, such as rape myths. Yet the findings from Dill et al.’s (2008) and Dill’s (2009) studies were not consistent in regard to the results for rape-supportive attitudes. Given the seriousness of the potential implications, the lack of research in this area is lamentable and provides pause for concern in light of recent U.S. trends in video game sales and sexual victimization.

Since 2004, there has also been a slight increase in sexual victimization. According to the National Crime Victimization Survey Violent Crime Trends, 1973-2008, incidents of rape for individuals aged 12 and older increased from 0.4 per 1,000 in 2004 to 0.8 per 1,000 in 2008, with teens and young adults experiencing the highest rate of violent crime. Perhaps coincidentally (rather than correspondingly), the United States has also recently experienced growth in sales of video games. In 2000, video game sales totaled US$7.98 billion and increased by 250% by 2010 (Ortutay, 2010).

Notably, the trend of portraying sex-typed images of women and violence against women in popular video games continues to proliferate and promulgate in video games. Out of the top 10 video games listed midyear 2010 (New Super Mario Brothers; Call Of Duty: Modern Warfare; Battlefield: Bad Company 2; Final Fantasy XIII; Wii Fit Plus; God of War III; Pokemon SoulSilver; Wii Sports Resort, Mass Effect 2, Pokemon HeartGold Version; Morris, 2010), most have violent content, including violence against women, and some contain sexual objectification of women.

Not only are gamers increasingly being exposed to video games containing sexual objectification of and violence against women, research indicates that such exposure can be excessive. A national sample of youth aged 8 to 18 found that “8.5 percent of video game players exhibited pathological patterns of play,” which is “very similar to the prevalence demonstrated in many other studies of this age group, including across nations” (Gentile, 2009, p. 602).

Considering the increased sales in video games, along with patterns of obsessive gaming, combined with depictions of violence against and sexual objectification of women in popular video games, perhaps it is no coincidence that coercive sexual experiences during adolescence and young adulthood have been considered a public health problem in recent years (Irwin & Rickert, 2005).

Conclusion

Video graphics are becoming increasingly realistic portrayals of holistic worlds. Indeed, the days of 2D dots have passed, as newly released video games portray 3D images of seemingly endless, detailed environments for the player to explore. Video games are also becoming increasingly interactive. Players are no longer passive participants using only their hands to move characters. Modern gaming systems require players to utilize their entire bodies to realistically perform the behaviors they desire the character to emulate. The recently released Xbox Kinect allows games to be played entirely through motion of the player’s body, without a controller.

As it is possible that increased realism in video gaming may escalate the influence of gaming on attitudes and behavior, empirically based research on the impact of video game violence and objectification of women is essential for the creation of video game sales policies and regulations. California passed a ban on the sale of violent video games and sought “to plow new legal ground by equating violent video games with pornography” (Totenberg, 2010). The law was struck down by the lower courts; however, the U.S. Supreme Court has not yet spoken on whether such bans are constitutional. It is likely the Supreme Court will review video game regulations as other states implement similar bans. The inclusive nature of Supreme Court decisions and the reluctance of the court to overturn its prior rulings make it imperative that the court review research on the influence of video games on attitudes, and the behavior resulting from attitudes, in order to make a well-informed decision. This study is a first step to providing policy makers with empirically grounded evidence regarding the influence of video games, and this study indicates that the increasingly realistic sexually aggressive violence found in today’s video games can influence men’s attitudes toward women.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Bios

Victoria Simpson Beck earned a doctoral degree in criminal justice from the University of Cincinnati. She is an Associate Professor of Criminal Justice at University of Wisconsin-Oshkosh. Her published works have appeared in such journals and books as: Journal of Criminal Justice; Journal of Psychiatry and Law; Police Practice and Research; Violence and Victims; International Handbook of Penology and Criminal Justice; Youth Violence and Delinquency: Monsters and Myths and Journal on Excellence in College Teaching. Her research interests include laws related sexual victimization, corrections, and pedagogy. Dr. Beck has also served as the local coordinator for the Prisoners Visitation and Support program in the Federal Medical Corrections facility in Lexington, Kentucky.

Stephanie Boys earned a joint JD/MSW from Indiana University, and a PhD in Social Work and Political Science from the University of Michigan. She is an Assistant Professor of Social Work and an Adjunct Professor of Law at Indiana University. She teaches a range of courses in research, policy, and leadership at the undergraduate and graduate levels. Her research agenda combines legal studies with the substantive areas of interdisciplinary teaching, criminal justice, and welfare policy implementation.

Christopher Rose (PhD Southern Illinois University at Carbondale - 2002) is an Associate Professor of Criminal Justice. His primary research interests center on prison education, corrections, prison reform, and social problems. His research has appeared in such journals and books as the Journal of Crime and Justice, the Journal of Correctional Education, Offender Programs Report, Journal of Drug Education, Teaching Forum, Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, Understanding Correctional Violence, and the State of Corrections. In the Criminal Justice Department at UWO he teaches courses in Statistics, Research Methodology, Major Issues in Criminal Justice, Theory, and Organized Crime.

Eric Beck earned a BS in Psychology from the College of Mount St. Joseph and is currently a Masters Student in Experimental Psychology at the University of Wisconsin-Oshkosh.

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