Rape Myth Attitudes in Rural Kenya

Abstract

Rape myth attitudes (RMAs) can excuse men for rape, placing blame on female victims. This study identified and classified RMAs in rural western Kenya through 31 focus group discussions with youths and adults. We found that about half of the participants were likely to blame victims unconditionally. Stereotypes about rape victims and perpetrators were rife. Five of seven standardly used RMA categories emerged spontaneously in focus groups, along with a new category: “she owed him.” Based on the data, we developed a “blame index” to assess the likelihood of community victim blaming in Kenya. To reduce victim blaming and bring about more prosecutions for rape, community education, teacher training, and reforms of rape laws are highly recommended.

Keywords

Kenya sexual violence adolescent health focus groups rape attitudes

Studies from various African countries suggest that about one in four women experiences sexual violence during her lifetime (Brown, Thurman, Bloem, & Kendall, 2006; Erulkar, 2004; Jewkes & Abrahams, 2002). High levels of sexual violence occur when men suffer few consequences—social, psychological, or legal—from forcing women to have sex. If coerced sex between acquaintances or intimate partners is not considered rape, men may escape community disapprobation for their actions (Muchoki & Wandibba, 2009). Indeed, in societies where men are expected to be sexually aggressive, some coercion may be viewed as normative. Perpetrators themselves may not feel guilt or remorse if they construe their actions as justified.

Conventional beliefs about rape (usually called “rape myths”)—such as that women provoke men’s sexual aggression and men cannot control their desires—shift the blame from the perpetrator to the victim and perpetuate male dominance (Burt, 1980). To measure and track rape myths, a number of different scales have been constructed, of which the two most commonly used are Burt’s (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) and the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMAS; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). The IRMAS was developed by Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald (1999) and has seven categories of rape myths based on six studies conducted in the United States. The IRMAS has been the second most widely used scale domestically and was found to be more psychometrically sound than Burt’s model (Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). However, the IRMAS has been culturally adapted only for Korea (Oh & Neville, 2004). The vast majority of studies testing rape myth acceptance have been done in developed countries; very few studies have been conducted in Africa. The two studies to date that have assessed rape myths in sub-Saharan Africa (South Africa and Zimbabwe) used the IRMAS without cultural adaptations (Kalichman et al., 2005; Viki, Chiroro, & Abrams, 2006).

Many rape myths relate to the characteristics of the girl or woman. If she does not behave like a stereotypical “good girl,” she may be blamed for the rape, or even considered to have incited it. Examples of these myths are (a) rape happens only to promiscuous or provocative women who wear suggestive clothing (Frese, Moya, & Megias, 2004; Geiger, Fisher, & Eshet, 2004; Masser, Lee, & McKimmie, 2010), (b) women claim to have been raped because they were “jilted” or regret having sex and want to receive compensation (Ajuwon, Akin-Jimoh, Olley, & Akintola, 2001; Bohner, Siebler, & Schmelcher, 2006; Eaton, Flisher, & Aaro, 2003; Erulkar, 2004; Frese et al., 2004), and (c) women could avoid rape by an unarmed man if they really wanted to (Ajuwon et al., 2001; Black & Gold, 2008; Bohner et al., 2006; Erulkar, 2004; Frese et al., 2004).

Other rape myths concern the male perpetrator’s characteristics. For example, some commonly held beliefs are that men need sex to stay healthy and have strong, uncontrollable sexual urges (Bohner et al., 2006; Eaton et al., 2003; Erulkar, 2004; Varga, 2003; Weiss, 2009). Studies have also found that people assign more blame to the victim in date rape versus stranger rape scenarios (Black & Gold, 2008; Erulkar, 2004; Frese et al., 2004). Sexual violence is sometimes dismissed as an indication of man’s love and passion (Eaton et al., 2003; Wood, Maforah, & Jewkes, 1998; Wood, Lambert, & Jewkes, 2007).

High levels of rape myth attitudes (RMAs) may facilitate sexual aggression because they may act as “psychological neutralizers” that allow men to turn off social prohibitions against using force in sexual interactions (Bohner et al., 2006; Burgess, 2007; Frese et al., 2004; Lonsway & Fitzerald, 1994; Muchoki & Wandibba, 2009; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). Where communal victim blaming is high, women who report rape often suffer psychological trauma and stigma (Ahrens, 2006; Flood & Pease, 2009; Oh & Neville, 2004).

Because of the range of possible contextually based beliefs and values, researchers have recommended that rape myth acceptance scales be adapted for different cultures to improve the validity of these measurement tools (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; MacMahon, 2007; Ward, 1988). As a first step in assessing rape myth acceptance in rural East Africa, we used focus group discussions to identify community beliefs regarding coerced sex in rural western Kenya. Using a grounded theory approach, we relied on an open-ended question with probes. Our goal was to identify the main categories of rape myths that emerged organically and to determine if any new categories seemed to arise. We also sought to identify any differences in RMAs by gender, age, and role. Using this information, we aimed to develop a cognitive framework, or “victim blame index,” which would delineate the situational factors and role stereotypes underlying communal assignation of blame for coerced sex.

Method

Location and participants

The study was based on qualitative findings from focus group discussions (FGDs) conducted in Bungoma District, western Kenya, on a range of topics related to youth reproductive health and rights. The population in this area is mainly Luhya, the second largest ethnic group in Kenya, numbering about 5 million. The local economy is based on agriculture. The society is largely patriarchal, and men are the primary decision makers (Shoup, 2011). The payment of a bride price on marriage is often still expected. The Luhya traditionally practice male circumcision (Shoup, 2011). Premarital sex is widespread, but having children out of wedlock is frowned on. For legal purposes, the age of consent of sexual intercourse is 16 (AVERT, 2012).

FGD participants were recruited between June and August 2005 from schools, churches, health centers, and neighborhoods in three sublocations. To achieve a comprehensive rural perspective, we conducted FGDs with primary and secondary students, peer educators, teachers, parents, church leaders, government officials, and health care providers. Primary school pupils were recruited from Classes 7 and 8 (ages 12 to 16, average age of 14) and secondary school students from Forms 2 and 3 (ages 15 to 20, average age of 17). This resulted in a total of 31 FGDs, with 7 to 12 participants in each group. All focus groups were of mixed gender, except those involving students. Altogether, 310 people participated in the FGDs, with nearly equal numbers of males and females (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Focus Group Participants, by Role and Gender.

Role	No. of Males	No. of Females	No. of Focus Groups
Primary students (aged 12-16)^a	34	34	6
Secondary students (aged 15-20)^a	31	35	6
Peer educators (secondary students, aged 15-19)	18	19	3
Primary school teachers	19	10	3
Secondary school teachers	16	9	3
Parents	12	15	3
Church leaders	14	15	3
Health providers	8	14	3
Taskforce members	4	3	1
Total (N = 310)	156	154	31

The focus group discussions with students were single gender. All others were mixed genders.

Procedures

All FGDs were conducted in English, which was widely spoken in the region, although participants were invited to speak in KiSwahili if they wished. The facilitator was a middle-aged Kenyan man, experienced in leading focus groups, who was from the same ethnic group as the participants. His female assistant obtained informed consent from all participants prior to the beginning of each FGD, tape-recorded the session, and transcribed it for subsequent analysis. The FGDs were conducted in empty classrooms, health center conference rooms, church halls, and a Ministry of Education office. The facilitator ensured that the sessions were private and confidential and encouraged all participants to speak freely. He used a semistructured moderator’s guide. Each focus group lasted 65 to 90 minutes. To reduce social desirability bias, the open-ended question used for this study was, “Some people think that, in many cases, when a girl is forced into sex she has caused it or is responsible for it. What do you think?” It was followed by nondirective probes, such as, “Could you explain further?” A lively conversation generally ensued.

The FGDs were entered into MAXQDA qualitative software. Grounded analysis methodology was used to code the data and identify clusters in groups of codes. Codes were developed independently by two investigators with doctorates and refined through an iterative process of discussing themes and reviewing codes with Kenyan collaborators. The University of California, Los Angeles Institutional Review Board and the Kenya Medical Research Institute approved the study.

Results

Rape Myth Categories

In our analysis of the FGD data, we found that five of the seven standard rape myth categories from the IRMAS (Payne et al., 1999) emerged without prompting. In Table 2, we present the seven IRMAS categories and illustrative quotes from the FGDs. The four IRMAS categories with the most frequent statements from the FGDs were “Rape is a deviant event,” “He didn’t mean to,” “She asked for it,” and “It wasn’t really rape.” Most participants appeared to believe that only men who were high on drugs, had HIV, had weapons, or engaged in thuggish behavior could be rapists. No FGD participants acknowledged or condemned the phenomenon of “date rape” or intimate partner rape. Female participants were inclined to blame the girl or woman for arousing men’s lust through provocative attire, sitting or walking seductively, and going to “dangerous places.” Participants from both genders were likely to blame the victim if she failed to fight back or report immediately what had happened.

Table 2.

Category of Rape Myths, Frequency in This Study, and Illustrative Quotes.

Category of Rape Myths^a	Frequency (unprompted)	Illustrative Quotes From Rural Kenya of Who Is to Blame for Forced Sex
1. Rape is a deviant event. [Rape doesn’t happen in normal circumstances or to everyday people.]	High	“Some rape cases are caused by drugs or demonic powers and if you analyze the life cycle of these people, they are notorious and sexually active.” (Male primary school teacher)
		“Girls should not be blamed if she is forced into sex by men who are so energetic and may use some items like knife and other weapons to threaten the girl . . . then she is raped so in that case the girl is not to blame.” (Male health provider)
		“Nowadays men are fond of raping young girls and these older men rape young girls because they want to spread HIV.” (Female primary school student)
2. He didn’t mean to. [Men are not able to control their sexual urges and just go too far without being aware.]	High	“The mistake is for the girl. Some of us girls just sit carelessly. Boys look at us and are attracted. They will just jump on you.” (Female secondary school student)
		“Girls are to blame because some dress half naked and to a normal man, it’s very bad, and even the way they talk to men, the girls do things that attract the men.” (Male primary school teacher)
		“The girls are to blame because of the way they walk and talk when they are with the boys and this may also attract the boys and they may be forced into sex.” (Male secondary school student)
3. It wasn’t really rape. [It probably wasn’t a rape if the victim did not fight back or a weapon was not involved.]	High	“If a girl is genuinely forced into sex then she should be able to scream and shout for help, but if she does not shout for help then it means she was also willing and she is the one to blame.” (Male secondary school student)
		“The girl can also be blamed if she is forced into sex and does not report the matter to her parents or any other person. Then that may mean that she also wanted to have sex.” (Male secondary school student)
		“The girls should be blamed because I don’t believe that a girl can be raped by only one man unless they have agreed. It can only happen if more than two men want to rape her.” (Female secondary school teacher)
4. She asked for it. [Women provoke rape with their sexy appearance or flirtatious behavior.]	High	“Girls should be blamed because sometimes you find that while still in class, the girl writes to a boy a small note telling him to wait for her somewhere. When they meet the boy is ready for sex and you find that the girl refuses, and yet she was the one who requested, so for that case the boy may decide to force her into sex.” (Male primary school teacher)
		“It depends on where the rape has occurred, because if it is the girl went to visit the boy and then she is forced into sex then the girl is to blame.” (Male church leader)
		“Some girls also provoke the men; e.g., wearing tight skirts with long cuts, and an earthly man is not Jesus and can decide to act.” (Male health care provider)
		“The girl is to blame since the girl has a right and responsibility to say ‘No’ if she is not ready for sex.” (Female church leader)
5. She lied. [Women often accuse men of rape when the act was actually consensual.]	Medium	“Sometimes you find that a girl agrees to have sex with a boy, and then when she feels pain during that process she turns around and says that she was raped.” (Male peer educator)
	Medium	“You find that girls go and knock at the door of the boy’s cottage and lure them into sex and when caught the girls turn around and say it was rape. I think the girls are the root cause of all the problems.” (Male primary school teacher)
6. Rape is a trivial event.	Not found
[Rape isn’t as big of a problem as some think.]	Not found
7. She wanted it.	Not found
[Women actually enjoy forced sex.]
8. She owed him.^b[A male is entitled to sex if a female receives something from him.]	High	“Girls should also be blamed because sometimes they eat the boys’ money and get presents from them, and when the boy now wants the girl to pay back in form of sex then the girl may refuse and the boy will just force her.” (Female primary school student)
		“I can say that it is her mistake. The one forcing sex may be her boyfriend. If it is not her boyfriend, it is a raping. I cannot agree that the girl can refuse the boyfriend.” (Male peer educator)
		“Girls are to blame because girls like money and therefore they want to befriend men who have money so that they can dress well and show off to others.” (Female primary school student)

Categories 1 to 7 are drawn from the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, developed by Payne et al. (1999).

A new category that emerged from this study.

Of the remaining categories, “She lied” did feature in the FGDs, but less frequently than the aforementioned. Some participants believed that females tried to seduce males for status or money, and when things went awry or they felt pain they changed their stories. Only male participants’ statements fit within this category. In contrast, we found no statements to support two categories from the IRMAS: “Rape is a trivial event” and “She wanted it.” It is possible that these two myth categories would have emerged with prompting, but because no comment supporting them appeared in any of the 31 focus groups we conducted, it seems unlikely that they were important rape myth categories in rural Kenya.

On the other hand, many FGD participants referred to men’s right to have sex with girls or women to whom they provided material support, even if the girl or woman was unwilling. These comments did not fit into any of the seven categories in the IRMAS. We therefore created one additional category, which we labeled “She owed him” (see Table 2). Numerous participants excused a male for forcing a female into sex if it was felt that she owed it to him because he was her boyfriend or gave her presents. Many participants believed that rape could not occur within a relationship because a girl who accepted to have a boyfriend would know that she was obligated to have sex with him. It was also widely believed that any male had the right to sex if he had spent money on a girl or woman. If she accepted the money or gifts, she could not accuse the man of rape, unless she were a young child.

Stereotyping

RMAs seem to be associated with stereotypes about traditional gender relations and victim behaviors. Overall, about half of focus group participants blamed the victim for her own rape unconditionally, and another third would not blame the girl if she conformed to certain gender and victim behavior stereotypes. Only about one in five was inclined to blame the male for coerced sex and did not seem bound by stereotypes. In this section, we discuss in more depth these three main types of stereotypes: (a) male perpetrator role, (b) female gender role, and (c) victim behavior.

1. Male perpetrator role

For a boy or man to be widely perceived as a rapist, he needed to exhibit stereotypical behavior befitting a criminal. Many participants seemed to have an image of a rapist as an assailant who hid in dangerous places and overtook his victim through brute force or threats of violence. The stereotypical rapist was a man who was violent, was older, used alcohol or drugs, was part of a gang, carried a weapon, was HIV positive, or had demonic or superhuman powers. When faced with this thuggery, girls were considered hapless victims unable to protect themselves. For example, one female primary school teacher declared,

The girls should not be blamed, because you find that if men are drunk they can force them into sex, and they even rape women of 60 years who are not their wives. So what I would recommend is that girls should put on long trousers so that the men cannot penetrate easily.

Focus group participants appeared to think that they could distinguish easily between rapists and regular males. Ordinary males were normally sexually assertive but could be aggressive if faced with an alluring female. It was expected that males would try to convince females to have sex through wooing, dating, or romantic behavior. So long as a boy or man attempted to “romance” the girl before sex through “sweet talk” or money or gifts, he was unlikely to be blamed. Only if there was no preexisting romantic relationship and the girl had not “benefitted” in any way would participants be antagonistic to the boy. For example, one father said, “In a case where the girl is just forced into sex, then it is the boy to be blamed, because it is like he did not play his role of convincing the girl.” Another male primary school teacher explained, “Some boys also are to blame, because they may be feeling like having sex and have no one to have sex with, and can wait for any girl by the road and just rape her.” However, some participants were sympathetic to the plight of an awkward or shy boy who “needed sex” and lacked good seduction skills.

Males were commonly perceived to have sexual urges that they are unable to control, as well as having a biological need for sex. If a boy or man was believed to have been incapable of controlling his sexual desires because he had been provoked or seduced, he was not blamed. Participants frequently discussed “attraction” as if it were an uncontrollable response that justified forced sex. As one male secondary school student explained, “The way the girls dress contributes to them being forced into sex or raped, because they attract the boys and for that case it is the girl to blame.” A few male participants even felt that boys could be victims of female sexual aggression, asserting that girls “lure” boys into forcing them into sex so that the girls can demand money afterward.

2. Female gender role

For a girl to be considered a victim of coerced sex, she generally needed to conform to the female gender stereotype of being weak, helpless, modest, and innocent. She could evoke sympathy if she acted “good” by dressing “decently,” behaving passively, and not purposely attracting the attention of boys or men. Being very young was a stereotypical condition under which a girl would not be blamed because she was perceived as incapable of sexual provocation. As one female peer educator declared, “Girls should not be blamed because nowadays rape occurs even to very young children who are very innocent, and you cannot say that they are the ones who cause it.” Similarly, a female teacher stated, “Some girls are too young that they cannot give consent and, therefore, if she is forced, then she is not to be blamed.”

A girl was also viewed as powerless if she lived in utter poverty and accepted money or favors from men because of her extreme need. Under such conditions, she would not be blamed if she were raped, but the man who forced her into sex also would not receive community sanction because his actions seemed reasonable. A male secondary school teacher explained, “So many girls do not have jobs and due to poverty a man can offer to give her money or a job, and the man may use the opportunity to force her into sex.”

If a girl violated traditional female gender roles, she was generally blamed for the rape, especially if her behavior was construed as provocative, such as joking with boys or sitting coyly. Dressing in sexy clothing was commonly mentioned as an invitation or an advertisement of interest in sex, which could justify male sexual aggression. As one male primary school student stated, “Some girls wear short skirts, and the boy feels that the girl is ready for sex and then he forces her into sex.” Any flirtatious behavior on the part of a girl, such as writing notes to boys or visiting their residences, was considered sexually aggressive. Since traditional gender roles portrayed males as the aggressors, a female who behaved counterstereotypically could expect to be blamed if a rape occurred. A male secondary school teacher explained, “Girls are to blame because like here in school, you find that the girls are the ones who present themselves to the boys and start touching them and behaving very funny, and the boys get tempted to have sex with them.”

Another example of counterstereotypical female gender role behavior was when girls gave conflicting or ambiguous responses to boys concerning their interest in sex. Girls adhering to traditional roles were expected to be disinterested in sex and to communicate this clearly—both in words and in actions. If a girl did not verbally refuse requests for sex, it was believed that boys could easily confuse their silence as an agreement to have sex. Even if she did say “no” to sex, many participants averred that she did not mean it unless she also took decisive action, since girls in Kenya who want to preserve their reputations cannot directly answer “yes” to sex. A male secondary student explained it this way:

Girls should be assertive and say “no” to mean “no.” But if they say “no” and it is like they are not serious, then the boy may think she just doesn’t want to say yes, and therefore the boy can force her and therefore it is the girl to blame.

In addition, participants commonly presumed that a young woman who did not wish to have sex could easily fend off the advances of a single, ordinary, weapon-less male. As one female peer educator explained, “Some girls say no when they mean yes. When you are in a private place, a girl can just get out if she doesn’t want to have sex. But girls will say no and then they just stand there.”

The circumstances under which the rape occurred were also important in assigning blame. Visiting a boy at his home violated stereotypical female gender roles and, in the view of most participants, constituted a nonverbal acceptance of sex and meant that she would be blamed. One male health provider explained, “Why should a girl go to a boy’s cottage? To me that means she wants sex though she may not say, but that is likely what she wants.” On the other hand, if a girl was raped in an isolated location at night, but had been required to go there, she fit the stereotypical “good girl” and would likely not be considered responsible for a sexual assault. As one female primary school student stated, “The girl should not be blamed, because the girl may be in a place she doesn’t know and she also knows nobody and she cannot be helped.” However, if the girl on her own volition went walking alone at night or to “dangerous places,” her nontraditional behavior would evoke little sympathy if she were forced into sex. One female primary school teacher explained, “I do agree that when girls walk in darkness alone, they can be raped and they are the ones to blame and responsible for the rape.”

3. Victim behavior role

The third type of stereotypes related to victim behavior during and after the sexual assault. Stereotypical victim behavior included screaming, fighting off an attacker, and reporting a rape immediately after it had occurred. To avoid blame, the stereotypical victim must have resisted the rape both verbally and physically, unless she could not actively resist because of the threat of violence or the presence of a weapon. Counterstereotypical victim behavior included remaining quiet or not resisting. If a girl did not shout and fight back, it was generally believed that she had given nonverbal consent or that she actually wanted to engage in sex. As one male primary school student explained, “It is the girl to blame, because when she is forced into sex then she should scream for help and if she does not scream, then she is the one to blame.”

All assumed that any true victim would scream for help, and no one suggested that a victim might have other kinds of reactions—such as freezing or giving in. Even when a girl was asleep in her own room, if her behavior did not fit the traditional expectation of a victim she would be considered complicit in the attack. A female teacher gave this example:

There was an incident where a boy broke into a girl’s cottage and forced the girl into sex. When she was asked how it happened, the girl said that she wanted to scream for help but she just decided to remain quiet. So for such a case it means the girl was cooperative and she is the one to blame.

Participants also assumed that any victim would immediately report an assault, and no one offered reasons why a girl might be reluctant to tell her parents or the authorities.

Who Would Blame Victims

Using MAXQDA software, we coded all comments made by participants into three categories: (a) no blame unconditionally (coerced sex was never the girl’s fault), (b) no blame conditionally (would not blame the girl if she were very young, had not voluntarily gone out at night, was confronted with a weapon, etc.), and (c) blame girl (believed that girls could avoid rape, that they provoked the act by their behaviors, etc.) We found distinct differences by gender and age, as seen in Figure 1a. Overall, only about one in five comments entailed absolving the girl from blame unconditionally, and about one in three would not blame the girl in certain situations. Nearly half would blame only the girl. Female primary school pupils were the least likely to blame the girl. In contrast, male primary school pupils and female secondary school students were the most likely to assign unconditional blame to the girl. Among the adults, males were more likely than females to blame the girl. As they grew older, however, males seemed less likely to blame girls, with the youngest male students being the most antagonistic. On the other hand, the youngest female students were the least likely to accord blame to girls, followed by female adults, and last by secondary school female students. Indeed, in one focus group of secondary female students, when a lone student tried to say that rape was not always a girl’s fault, she was ridiculed by her peers.

Figure 1a.

Victim blaming for coerced sex by gender and age in rural Kenya.

When comments from adults were disaggregated by occupation or role, we also found some notable differences (see Figure 1b). Parents and health providers were the least likely to assign blame to the girl, with the majority not holding the girl responsible. In contrast, the majority of primary school teachers and church leaders would accord all blame to the girl. Parents were more likely than any other adult group to assign no blame to the girl. Primary school teachers, on the other hand, were the least likely to absolve girls from responsibility for a rape—only about 1 in 20 comments from this group found the girl blameless in all situations.

Figure 1b.

Victim blaming for coerced sex by adult occupation or role in rural Kenya.

Blame Index

Based on the focus group comments, we developed a cognitive framework or “blame index” to help assess the likelihood that communities with attitudes similar to those in this study would support a girl who said she was raped. As shown in Table 3, the framework depicts stereotypical and counterstereotypical roles in three categories: male perpetrator, female accuser, and victim behavior. For each category, the stereotypical role scores 1 and the counterstereotypical role scores 0. The total points for each incident of coerced sex are 0 to 3, with 3 being the most stereotypical. Our data suggest that victims are unlikely to be supported by the community unless all three stereotypes are present (score of 3). When some or all of the behavior is counterstereotypical, community members seem to consider the male behavior as “normal” and the female would be accorded most or all of the blame. For example, in a typical date or acquaintance rape scenario the roles could be mostly counterstereotypical (scoring 0 or 1 on the blame index), inclining the community to side with the male perpetrator.

Table 3.

Cognitive Framework of Stereotypical and Counterstereotypical Roles in Coerced Sex Scenario, Which Can Be Used to Compute the “Blame Index”.

	Male Perpetrator	Female Accuser	Victim’s Behavior
Stereotypical (1 point each)	Aggressor (1 point)	Innocent (1 point)	Resists (1 point)
	-Older man/men	-Very young or old	-Screams or fights
	-Has “demonic power” from HIV, drugs or alcohol	-Helpless, weak	-Bruised or injured
	-Stranger or little known acquaintance	-Required to be in a “dangerous” place	-Reports immediately
	-Could have weapon	-Impoverished
	-Doesn’t romance or try to convince girl verbally	-Dresses decently; doesn’t behave provocatively
		-Doesn’t receive anything from boy/man
Counterstereotypical (0 points each)	“Normal” male (0 points)	Provocative (0 points)	Doesn’t resist (0 points, unless weapon involved)
	-Boyfriend or potential boyfriend	-Dresses or behaves provocatively	-Keeps quiet
	-Ordinary sexual urges	-May say “no,” but ambiguously	-Doesn’t fight back
	-Youth or young man	-Visits boy/man alone	-Doesn’t report right away
	-Cannot control self, especially if provoked	-Willingly goes to “dangerous” or dark places	-Doesn’t tell parents
	-No weapon or gang	-Uses alcohol or drugs
	-Romances or spends money on the girl	-Scheming to get something from boy/man

Note: To compute blame index: select one underlined label from each column and add up the points for the three columns. Total possible points is 0-3. Perpetrator is likely to be blamed if index is 3. Accuser is likely to be blamed if index is 0-1. Both may be blamed if index is 2.

Discussion

The findings from this study suggest that RMAs were prevalent in a rural African context, with nearly half of FGD participants blaming the victim in virtually all circumstances. However, not all of the standard rape myth categories seemed to be applicable, based on participants’ responses without prompting by category. A category not found in the IRMAS, that “she owed him [sex],” emerged from the analysis. Cultural stereotypes about how male perpetrators, “innocent girls,” and “true victims” behave seemed to have a strong bearing on whether respondents would blame a girl for coerced sex.

Around the world, rape is more likely to be perpetrated by an acquaintance rather than a stranger, despite popular conceptions to the contrary (Black & Gold, 2008; Erulkar, 2004; Muchoki & Wandibba, 2009). Yet similar to what this study found, community members and young women in Africa are unfamiliar with the concept of “date rape” and rarely classify coerced sex from an acquaintance as a rape, unless a weapon was used (Black & Gold, 2008; Wood et al., 2007). In a date rape scenario, victims’ credibility was usually questioned and they were held responsible for what occurred (Ahrens, 2006; Flood & Pease, 2009; Frese et al., 2004; Geiger et al., 2004).

In this study, participants would not blame “normal” boys and men for forcing a girl to have sex if they tried to romance her first. The expected male gender role is that they will persuade girls or women to have sex through seduction: conversation, gifts, and services. Once a relationship is established, males were perceived to have the right to sex with a partner. The belief is that if a girl had agreed to be in a relationship, she had consented to have sex, as has been documented in other studies in Africa (Ajuwon et al., 2001; Eaton et al., 2003; Erulkar, 2004; Varga, 2003; Wood et al., 2007). Within dating or marital relationships in African settings, men seem to think that they do not need to curtail their sexual desires (Frese et al., 2004; Muhanguzi, 2011; Varga, 2003; Wood et al., 2007).

We found significant differences in the propensity to blame the victim by age, occupation, and gender. As has been documented elsewhere, males were generally more likely to blame the girl (Black & Gold, 2008; Boayke, 2009; Chapleau, Oswald, & Russell, 2008; Frese et al., 2004; Geiger et al., 2004), most likely because men worldwide are more inclined to believe that women provoke male sexual aggression and females are more likely to empathize with other women. We found that the gap was widest among primary school pupils—about 4 in 5 boys’ comments would blame the girl unconditionally for the rape, as compared to only about 1 in 10 girls’ comments. One possible explanation is that young males could not picture themselves as sexual aggressors. But as they age, they may become more aware of men’s traditional power and appreciate that some men overstep the bounds, so they are less likely to blame the victim. On the other hand, young girls might be unable to imagine themselves as seductresses and so are inclined to blame the perpetrator, whereas older girls might be more aware of their sexual attractiveness and power to tease, which leads more of them to blame the victim.

In comparing our findings with others, we found very few studies on adolescent rape myth acceptance, and none from the African continent. All of the adolescent studies found that boys are more likely than girls to hold rape myth beliefs (Boxley et al., 1995; Geiger et al., 2004; Hilton, Harris, & Rice, 2003; Proto-Campise, Belknap, & Wooldredge, 1998). Similar to our study, Geiger et al. (2004) in Israel found that boys’ stereotypical beliefs about coerced sex declined with age, but they did not find an increase in RMAs among girls as they aged. None of the other studies noted a difference among young people by age.

Among adults, parents were the least likely to assign blame to the girl, possibly because many had daughters whom they considered innocent. In contrast, primary school teachers and church leaders were the most likely to assign blame to the girl. Teachers may be trying to divert blame from themselves; studies have found evidence that some male teachers sexually harass or coerce female students (Leach & Humphreys, 2007; Mirembe & Davies, 2001; Muhanguzi, 2011). Church leaders may be prone to victim blaming because their religious training promotes traditional gender roles and the Bible depicts some females as temptresses.

One common rape myth found in the study—that females who do not scream or fight off their attackers were not actually raped—highlighted a major contradiction in community attitudes. On one hand, girls were expected to fight back and be aggressive toward a rapist. None of the focus group participants seemed to acknowledge that some victims might give up or “freeze” (Buss, Davidson, Kalin, & Goldsmith, 2004). On the other hand, the stereotypical female was construed as being weak, passive, and innocent. For the community not to assign blame to the girl, she needed to be both a fighter and a passive victim.

Last, this study found considerable evidence for the need to add the category of “she owed him” to a rape myth scale if used in Africa. Participants made numerous statements that the male was entitled to sex if a girl had benefitted from him in any way. Other studies in Africa similarly found that forced sex was considered acceptable if the male spent money on a female or if she had agreed to be his girlfriend (Ajuwon et al., 2001; Frese et al., 2004; Varga, 2003). This finding highlights the disadvantages of using one standardized RMA scale in different sociocultural contexts.

Additional research is clearly needed to examine RMAs in other African contexts, so that comparisons can be made and trends can be discerned. For example, it would be valuable to know if rape myth acceptance (and associated behaviors) improve after the passage of legislation on sexual violence, but the lack of studies makes it impossible to study trends in attitudes and behaviors. Similarly, we would have liked to compare our findings to those from other sub-Saharan African contexts, especially among adolescent populations, to determine the range of RMAs, but we could not. Future studies would help to improve our understanding of which factors may promote or reduce RMAs in Africa.

Limitations

This study has several limitations. First, the FGD participants were drawn from one district in Kenya where an adolescent health educational intervention was occurring (Tavrow, 2005). It is possible that their views are not representative, although we have no reason to think that they are exceptional in any way. Second, we were not able to triangulate the data drawn from the FGD participants with another data source, such as participant observation, which would have permitted us to document actual community reactions to an accusation of rape. However, FGDs are considered suitable for obtaining the prevailing norms in a society. Also, our FGD facilitator was skilled in open-ended probes and in not showing support for any opinion. Third, having mixed gender focus groups for peer educators and adults may have led to biases, with men potentially less likely to voice misogynistic views in front of women or women feeling the need to conform to men’s negative opinions of girls’ motivations. Since these biases might cancel each other out, it seems unlikely that having single-sex focus groups among adults would have altered the results significantly. Last, although this study provides evidence to suggest that a culturally appropriate rape myth acceptance scale would need to be developed for East Africa, it should be noted that we did not systematically test each element of the IRMAS to determine its relevancy. Further research is needed to delineate and validate an rape myth acceptance scale for East Africa and elsewhere.

Conclusions

This study found that community members frequently justified an act of rape, with boys and men often excused from blame. The extent to which male perpetrators, female accusers, and victims engaged in stereotypical roles appeared to be strongly related to whether community members would assign blame to perpetrators. These stereotypes perpetuate unequal power relations, which help preserve male authority and the ability to coerce females into sex (Flood & Pease, 2009; Maticka-Tyndale et al., 2005; Warenius et al., 2007). If girls or women exhibited countertypical gender behaviors, such as dressing sexily or leaving their homes at night, they were unlikely to get community support in the event of a rape. Only when the male perpetrator was very aggressive and nonseductive, the female victim was nonprovocative, and her behavior during the rape and its aftermath showed major resistance would it be likely that the girl would not be blamed.

Multiple studies have suggested that high levels of RMAs contribute to more sexual coercion (Bohner et al., 2006; Chapleau et al., 2008; Chiroro, Bohner, Viki, & Jarvis, 2004; Flood & Pease, 2009; Mason, Riger, & Foley, 2004; Muchoki & Wandibba, 2009). We recommend several strategies to help reduce RMAs and victim blaming in Kenya. It is vitally important to challenge the gender socialization in which boys are encouraged to be sexually aggressive and girls who receive anything from males are expected to submit to sex. Mass media campaigns need to be launched to challenge the prevailing rape myths. For instance, youth should be taught that sexual coercion and violence are unacceptable in relationships. Communities also need to be educated about the phenomenon of date rape and the fact that people react to aggression in multiple ways. A clear message needs to be communicated that rapists can be “ordinary” boys and men who take advantage of a female and need not be armed or high on drugs to commit a crime. In addition, counseling and mental health services should be more widely available for victims of sexual violence, so that females know they are not at fault even if others seem to be blaming them. Moreover, the 2006 law in Kenya that holds that “false accusers” of rape can be given the same sentence as a rapist needs to be reevaluated for its effect in dissuading victims from seeking justice (Association for Women’s Rights in Development, 2007).

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article:

This research was funded by a grant from the UCLA Globalization Research Center-Africa.

Author Biographies

Paula Tavrow, PhD, is the director of the Bixby Program in Population and Reproductive Health and an assistant adjunct professor in the Fielding School of Public Health at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her research interests are in the areas of adolescent reproductive health, coerced sex, and the quality of health services in developing countries.

Mellissa Withers, MHS, PhD, is an adjunct assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her research has primarily focused on women’s empowerment and reproductive health, including HIV prevention and family planning promotion.

Albert Obbuyi is the executive director of the Centre for the Study of Adolescence in Nairobi, Kenya. Previously, he was the coordinator of the Youth for Youth program in Bungoma, Kenya.

Vidalyne Omollo is a program analyst with the Centre for the Study of Adolescence in Nairobi, Kenya. Previously, she was the assistant coordinator of the Youth for Youth program in Bungoma, Kenya.

Elizabeth Wu, MPH, is a program analyst with the Asian Pacific AIDS Intervention Team Health Center in Los Angeles, California. She evaluates programs that provide direct services to HIV/AIDS patients and their families, some of whom are victims of domestic violence and coerced sex.

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