Abstract
Mixed-gender friendships, romantic relationships, and sexual behaviors increase during adolescence as a normal part of development. However, some studies have revealed potential risks to these types of social relationships. Different authors have indicated that dating violence among adolescents is an issue for concern. To date, there has been little research on this topic cross-nationally. This study examined and compared the prevalence and characteristics of physical dating violence among young people aged between 15 and 18 years in England and Spain (N = 200 in Spain, N = 199 in England), and how being involved (or not) in this violence relates to romantic relationship quality. Results indicated that approximately 23% of young people reported victimization and 30% reported perpetrating physical dating violence. In both countries, most of those involved in physical dating violence reported involvement in reciprocal violence (displaying both aggression and victimization). Those young people involved in dating violence reported higher levels on scales assessing negative aspects of relationship quality compared with those not involved, but there were no significant differences in positive aspects of relationship quality. Furthermore, different patterns appeared relating to the severity of violence and country. The findings are discussed in terms of their implications for theory and practice.
Background
Throughout the last decade, there has been increasing interest in the study of dating behavior. International developmental studies have shown that mixed-gender friendships, romantic relationships, and sexual behaviors increase during adolescence (e.g., Carver, Joyner, & Udry, 2003). This is underlined by the fact that three out of every four boys and girls have had at least one dating partner by the time they reach late adolescence (Connolly, Furman, & Konarski, 2000; Menesini & Nocentini, 2008; Sánchez, Ortega-Rivera, Ortega, & Viejo, 2008; Viejo, Sánchez, & Ortega, 2013). These relationships can provide personal and social benefits for those involved. Adolescent dating experiences are associated with higher indices of social acceptance, peer competence among friends and classmates, affirmation of social status, the development of intimacy (Furman, Low, & Ho, 2009) and sexual identity, and first sexual encounters (Ortega-Rivera, Sánchez, & Ortega, 2010). They also contribute to the enhancement of personal variables linked to well-being, such as identity achievement and psychological adjustment (Bouchey, 2007; Braithwaite, Delevi, & Fincham, 2010; Shaffer & Furman, 2009, among others). On the contrary, other studies have revealed potentially negative aspects to this type of social relationship, noting that romantic relationships are sometimes related to limited autonomy, aggressive and/or delinquent behaviors, and so on (Joyner & Udry, 2000; Shaffer & Furman, 2009).
There has been a considerable amount of social and scientific attention focused on the negative aspects of dating relationships, due in part to their potentially adverse outcomes, as well as some studies that have viewed this form of violence as a precursor for subsequent gender violence among adult couples (Cáceres & Cáceres, 2006; O’Leary & Smith-Slep, 2003). Since 1957, when Kanin published the first article on this topic, a growing number of studies on dating violence have been carried out, first in the United States and Canada and later in Europe.
Even though most of the earlier studies on adolescent dating violence came out of the tradition of research into domestic violence and gender violence, it has been found that adolescent dating violence has its own characteristics that differ from those identified among adult couples. Dating violence within young couples is not an isolated behavior, but a common one, showing prevalence rates that range from 9% to 65% (e.g., Lewis & Fremouw, 2001; Menesini & Nocentini, 2008; Muñoz-Rivas, Graña, O’Leary, & González, 2007; Sánchez et al., 2008) depending on the behaviors measured, the instruments used, and the terminology used (Archer, 2006; Cáceres & Cáceres, 2006). An international study conducted with university students from 16 different countries reported that there was a high level of involvement in each country studied but that there were differences between the countries in the patterns of aggressive behavior reported (Straus, 2004). A more recent international review (Leen et al., 2013) underlined that adolescent dating violence is a pressing international issue; even when individual studies report different specific results, the overall findings indicate that this is reported by young people in various countries and, at least for victimization, rates are comparable across Europe and North America.
Research has considered a variety of behaviors under the Dating Violence label: physical, verbal, relational, and sexual (Saltzman, Fanslow, McMahon, & Shelley, 2002). Nonetheless, most studies have focused on physical dating violence (Capaldi & Owen, 2001; Nocentini, Menesini, & Pastorelli, 2010; Nocentini et al., 2011; Viejo, 2014), presumably because it is an easily defined type of violence, can be measured by different questionnaires with empirical validity, and has clearly demonstrable negative consequences for emotional and physical health (Banyard & Cross, 2008; Fernández-Fuertes & Fuertes, 2010; Orpinas, Hsieh, Song, Holland, & Nahapetyan, 2013).
Recent studies have indicated higher rates of involvement among those who are “occasionally” involved in “moderate” violence: Victimization is reported by about 23% of participants and aggression by about 30% (Katz, Washington-Kuffel, & Coblentz, 2002; Menesini & Nocentini, 2008; Viejo, 2014). Archer (2006) noted that it may be misleading to talk about high levels of violence when the instruments used in the research refer to behaviors that are lower in intensity, such as slaps around the face. Some aggressive behaviors have been related to the developmental process of courtship or dating and the social skills involved in that process. Ortega and Sánchez (2011) have proposed that involvement in aggression could be a normal pattern of behavior during the initial stages of the romantic relationship, a kind of dirty dating as these authors have named it. This is supported by Pellegrini (2001) who found that boys and girls in early adolescence use different behaviors (which may be aggressive) toward the opposite sex. Boys tend to use more physical forms of aggression than girls, whereas girls are more likely to use verbal forms, such as insults or ironic jokes. Ortega and Sánchez noted that these aggressive behaviors may form part of the relational dynamic, which is being established in these nascent couples. In this way, these aggressive behaviors may be well-received by the opposite sex as an indication of interest on the part of the perpetrator.
This idea is consistent with several studies that have underlined one of the most common characteristics of dating violence: a reciprocal aggressive dynamic established between partners in a relationship in which mutual violence, which may not be very severe and is relatively infrequent, occurs (Capaldi, Shortt, & Kim, 2005; Echeburúa, Fernández-Montalvo, Corral, & López-Goñi, 2009; Menesini & Nocentini, 2008; Menesini, Nocentini, Ortega-Rivera, Sanchez, & Ortega, 2011; Swahn, Alemdar, & Whitaker, 2010; Viejo, 2014). Even when different patterns of aggression are reported within the couple, the main consistent feature is the reciprocity of the acts and lack of an imbalance in power (Menesini et al., 2011; Olson, 2002). However, Archer (2000) noted that when we refer to more severe aggressive behaviors, such as those that can result in injury, boys are generally more likely to be aggressors, and girls are more likely to be victims.
Archer (2006) reported that the level of dating aggression and the direction of the aggression are related to various cultural factors including the role of women in that society, the prominence of patriarchal ideas, and level of female empowerment, among others. Archer suggested that among developed Western countries, cultural elements would affect not only the established relational dynamics within the family but also the development of violent patterns of behavior. Goodwin (2013) also noted the importance of considering differences between “contact” cultures and “non-contact” cultures proposed by Hall (1976). For example, Southern European students were found to touch more, stand closer, face one another directly, or keep eye contact longer than students from “non-contact” cultures such as Northern Europe. These social relational patterns may also influence the standardized contact pattern that is accepted within the relationship. However, there are very few studies that have compared the experiences of dating violence among young people in different countries, even when the previous literature indicates that there are cultural differences not only when defining dating relationships but also in interpreting behaviors within these relationships (Leen et al., 2013; Nocentini et al., 2011; Straus, 2004). In this regard, variables related to the couple context (in terms of its relational dynamic and perceived quality) have been identified as being important due to their influence on dirty dating dynamics (Ortega & Sánchez, 2011). Capaldi et al. (2003, 2005) noted that the characteristics of the couple and the dynamics of their relationship were determining factors in dating violence. Conflicts may contribute to the establishment of a negative relationship dynamic, which some authors have identified as a dynamic of the escalation of conflict (Straus & Gelles, 1987). However, the findings in this area are not conclusive. On one hand, some studies have found a strong relationship between the negative quality of the relationship (such as high rates of conflict, jealousy, or an imbalance of power) and an increased risk of involvement in mild physical dating violence (Fernández-Fuertes & Fuertes, 2010; Giordano, Soto, Manning, & Longmore, 2010; O’Leary & Smith-Slep, 2003; Vezina & Hebert, 2007). On the other hand, other authors such as Giordano et al. (2010) and Ortega, Sánchez, and Ortega-Rivera (2008) reported that some positive aspects of the relationship, such as love or feeling cared for by their partner, are also reported by young people who have experienced violence within their relationships. Thus, if people involved in dating violence interpret these aggressive behaviors in terms of demonstrating attention directed toward them and as possible signals of someone’s interest in them, then it is less likely that this aggression will have a negative influence on their perception of the quality of their relationship (Giordano et al., 2010), being an expression of dirty dating (Ortega, Sánchez, & Ortega-Rivera, 2008).
The current study aimed to advance this line of research by analyzing dating violence in two developed European countries: Spain and the United Kingdom. Previous studies have examined different forms of violence in both countries (Genta et al., 2011; Lehdonvirta & Räsänen, 2011; Monks, Palermiti, Ortega, & Costabile, 2011). These studies have indicated that there are cultural differences which may affect aggressive behaviors. The predominant culture within the United Kingdom is identified as relatively liberal, with a commitment to full employment and the equal inclusion of men and women. Furthermore, since the 1990s, the prevention of teen violence has been on the political agenda in the United Kingdom. Spain, however, while sharing some basic features with British culture, is identified as a Latin country, where the interpersonal contact network, that is, who you know, is important. Within Spain, a male “breadwinner” culture persists and policies for the prevention and intervention in youth violence were only implemented a few years ago when, for various social reasons, the problem increased exponentially (Goodwin, 2013; Junger et al., 2007; Lehdonvirta & Räsänen, 2011). The International Human Development Indicators (United Nations Development Programme, 2014) identified the United Kingdom and Spain as being countries with very high human development, ranked 14 and 27 (out of 187), respectively. However, focusing on the role of males and females in the two societies (Gender Inequality Index), Spain was found to have a lower level of gender inequality than the United Kingdom (ranked 16 and 35 out of 187, respectively). Although both countries are among those that are higher in terms of equality, it is possible that differences in gender equality may relate to differences between the two countries in dating violence.
Dating violence is still a developing line of research in Spain (Medina-Ariza & Barberet, 2003; Muñoz-Rivas et al., 2007; Ortega, Ortega-Rivera, & Sánchez, 2008; Sanchez et al., 2008) and the United Kingdom (Archer & Ray, 1989; Barter, McCarry, Berridge, & Evans, 2009; Burman & Cartmel, 2005; Hird, 2000; Schütt, 2006). Spanish data have shown very similar results to international data: Around 30% of adolescents, both boys and girls, are involved or have been involved in this type of violence, although moderate forms of violence are more frequent than severe forms (Echeburúa et al., 2009; Muñoz-Rivas et al., 2007, among others). None of these studies have shown significant sex differences in involvement. Research has also indicated that adolescents are also more likely to be involved in reciprocal rather than unidirectional violence within their relationship (Menesini et al., 2011), meaning that both partners behave aggressively toward each other. This reciprocal dynamic is the main dynamic for moderate violence, whereas unidirectional violence is more common for severe violence (Viejo, 2014). Regarding the quality of these relationships, Sánchez et al. (2008) found that adolescent Spanish couples reported medium to high levels of quality within their relationships, with females being more satisfied than males.
Research in the United Kingdom has been scarce, leading some recent studies to extrapolate U.S. data to the United Kingdom due to the dearth of literature directly related to U.K. samples (Barter et al., 2009; Layard & Dunn, 2011). Even when European studies on dating violence have been considered together, the U.K. data have been treated separately (Leen et al., 2013). Focused on a U.K. sample, a preliminary study by Archer and Ray (1989) reported a high incidence of some forms of violence within adolescent couples (college students), with girls being more aggressive than boys. Since then, only a few studies have focused on dating violence in the United Kingdom. A study carried out by Hird (2000) indicated that similar levels of males and females were involved in physical violence (about 15% of males and 14% of females had experienced physical violence during the previous year), which is accordance with Barter et al.’s (2009) results but higher than those reported by Burman and Cartmel (2005). However, none of these studies provides information relating to the roles of involvement in the aggression (aggressor, victim, or both). Furthermore, none of them have examined any variables related to the couple or quality of their relationship. Although not specifically focused on dating relationships, a UNICEF (2006) report found that there were differences between young people in different countries in their perceptions of peer relationships; in particular, young people in the United Kingdom had more negative peer perceptions than young people in some other countries, including Spain.
Thus, the current literature on dating violence indicates that it is an important field for further studies that can focus on providing more details on its forms and the similarities or differences among countries and different cultures. The present study represents a cross-national study of Spain and the United Kingdom, aimed on: (1) measuring the prevalence and forms (magnitude and direction of aggression) of physical dating violence in both countries; and (2) performing an exploratory analysis of the characteristics of the couple (in terms of relationship quality) in relation to involvement in dating violence and taking into consideration the severity and direction of the aggressive behavior.
Method
Participants
This study was developed within a larger project on dating and dating violence. In all, 399 adolescents from Spain (N = 200) and England (N = 199) participated in the current study. They were aged between 15 and 18 years (M = 16.77; SD = 1.15). The English sample was from two urban secondary schools in South East England serving lower- to middle-class catchment areas. One was mixed sex and the other was a boys’ school; the English sample contained a predominance of male adolescents (71.1% males vs. 28.9% female). Both were state schools. The Spanish sample was representative of schools in South Spain, from the eight cities within the Andalusian region, so state and fee-paying schools were included, serving very different class catchment areas. All selected schools in Spain were mixed and the sample included equal numbers of boys and girls.
Table 1 shows the general sample characteristics as well as the characteristics for each country.
Sample Characteristics.
We used a key question about their present or previous romantic experiences to identify the dating status of adolescents: 19% of adolescents had not had any romantic experience (15.9% of the Spanish sample and 22.4% of the English sample), 50.3% had had a past romantic relationship in the last 6 months (Spanish: 48.7%; English: 51.9%), and 30.7% had a current romantic relationship (Spanish: 35.4%; English: 25.7%).
Analyses were focused on those who had had any romantic experience (past or present), leaving a final sample of 306 adolescents (164 Spanish and 142 English).
Measures
The present and past romantic status of the participants was assessed using a question taken from the Dating Questionnaire (Connolly et al., 2000). Participants were asked to select the sentence that best described their current dating status from four options: I have never had boy/girlfriend; I have a boy/girlfriend right now; I have more than one boy/girlfriend right now; and I do not have a boy/girlfriend right now, but have had one within the last 6 months.
The couple context variables were assessed by the Network Relationships Inventory (Furman & Buhrmester, 1985) and an adaptation of Peer Orientation–Couple Questionnaire (Fuligni & Eccles, 1993). The Network Relationships Inventory measured four scales, three related to positive quality (communication: three items, α = .87, for example, I tell my boyfriend/girlfriend everything; commitment: three items, α = .76, for example, I spend my free time with my boyfriend/girlfriend; and expectations for the future: three items, α = .88, for example, Even when we disagree I’m sure this relationship will last) and one scale related to negative quality (conflicts: six items, α = .91, for example, My boyfriend/girlfriend and I get annoyed with each other’s behavior). The Peer Orientation–Couple Questionnaire assessed transgressive behavior (four items, α = .69, for example, How much does the amount of time you spend with your boyfriend/girlfriend keep you from doing the things you should do, like homework or chores?). Two more items were included in the Peer Orientation Scale to assess an imbalance of power: When you are with your boyfriend/girlfriend, how often does someone tend to be the boss in this relationship? When you are with your boyfriend/girlfriend, how often does he or she try to control the clothes you wear or the friends you have? (α = .82; r = .70).
To measure physical dating violence, an adaptation of the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS; Straus, 1979, Straus et al., 1996) was used. The original scale was adapted to an adolescent population (Menesini & Nocentini, 2008; Viejo, Sánchez, & Ortega-Ruiz, 2014): Nine items assessed mild (α = .67, for example, pushing, grabbing, or shoving) and severe aggression (α = .82, for example, choked partner), and nine items assessed mild (α = .70, for example, slapped by the partner) and severe victimization (α = .79, for example, slammed by the partner against a wall).
All the questionnaires were translated into Spanish and back-translated to English by a native speaker. All measures were used previously in Spanish studies and were validated with confirmatory factor analysis on Spanish adolescents (Viejo, 2012).
Procedure
Questionnaires were completed during school time. Consent for participation in the study was obtained from the head-teacher and the parents/guardians of the adolescents. Participation was completely voluntary: The participants were told that they did not have to take part in the study if they did not wish to and that confidentiality and anonymity would be assured. The research was approved by the research ethics committees of the co-authors’ universities.
Participants took around 40 min to complete the questionnaire for the whole larger project.
Results
The results obtained in this study are presented in this section. In relation to the aims of this study, initial analyses were performed to examine the prevalence and forms of physical dating violence (severity and direction of aggression) in both countries. Gender differences were also considered. Second, variables relating to the context of the couple, in terms of the quality of the romantic relationship, were analyzed in relation to involvement, or not, in physical dating violence.
Physical Dating Violence in Spain and the United Kingdom
In keeping with previous studies (Menesini & Nocentini, 2008; Viejo, 2014), the original Likert-type scale was recoded into a 3-point scale: not involved in violence (0 = never in the original scale), occasional involvement (1 = rarely), and frequent involvement (2 = sometimes, 3 = lots of times, and 4 = always). Table 2 shows the results obtained for adolescent involvement in moderate and severe physical dating violence, by country, sex, and frequency of behavior.
Physical Dating Violence Involvement.
Note. Spain: N = 164 (boys, n = 85; girls, n = 79); United Kingdom: N = 142 (boys, n = 86; girls, n = 38; missing, n = 18).
For the Spanish sample (N = 164), the results indicated that involvement in physical violence in Spain ranged from 12.2% for mild aggression, to 24.5% for severe aggression. Most involvement was occasional, and frequent involvement was not higher than 2.5%, which was obtained for the most severe forms of aggression and victimization. The only significant sex difference was for mild victimization, although the effect size was low, t(146.310) = 2.049, p = .042, r = .17, with boys reporting higher levels than girls (.313 vs. .165).
For the United Kingdom (N = 142), the results indicated that involvement in physical violence ranged from 21% for serious victimization to 30.1% for mild aggression. It was also the case that most were involved “occasionally,” with the highest level of frequent involvement being for severe victimization (9.7%). There were no significant sex differences.
Despite the finding that the results were slightly higher in the United Kingdom than in Spain, t tests indicated that the only significant difference between countries was for mild aggression, t(218) = −2.475, p = .014, r = .16, with more adolescents from the U.K. sample being involved than those in the Spanish sample.
Finally, the form of involvement of adolescents in both countries was examined. In accordance with previous studies (Moffitt & Caspi, 1998), we considered aggression, victimization, and reciprocal violence separately. Figure 1 shows the percentage of adolescents in each role for each country. Exclusive aggression or victimization involvement was less frequent than reciprocal involvement, and there were no significant sex differences by role.
Roles for PDV involvement.
Chi-square tests were used to examine the role of involvement (not involved, aggression only, victimization only, and reciprocally involved) for moderate and severe violence across the two countries. There were no significant differences between the Spanish and U.K. samples for involvement in moderate violence, χ2(3, N = 219) = 3.789, p = .285, Cramer’s V = .132, or severe violence, χ2(3, N = 219) = 2.063, p = .559, Cramer’s V = .097.
Couple Context Variables: Quality of the Romantic Relationship and Physical Dating Violence in Spain and the United Kingdom
The second aim of this study examined the couple context variables in terms of the quality of the romantic relationships in relation to involvement in physical dating violence. According to previous results, we considered independently those reciprocally involved in violence and those involved in only aggression or victimization (but not both). The results were assessed separately for the Spanish (N = 164) and U.K. (N = 142) samples (Tables 3 and 4).
Spain: PDV Involvement and Quality (N = 164).
Note. Considering mild violence and severe violence separately, those groups showing significant differences have been shaded in the table. PDV = physical dating violence.
The United Kingdom: PDV Involvement and Quality (N = 142).
Note. Considering mild violence and severe violence separately, it has been colored those groups showing significant differences. PDV = physical dating violence.
An overall comparison of the two countries showed that the participants in the U.K. sample reported having poorer quality dating relationships than the Spanish participants, shown by higher scores on the negative scales and lower scores on the positive scales. Unrelated samples t tests indicated that significant differences were mainly on the negative scales: with medium–high effect size on transgressive behaviors: t(155.754) = −4.577, p = .000, r = .35; imbalance of power: t(135.285) = −5.222, p = .000, r = .41; and lower effect size on conflict: t(248) = −3.136, p = .002, r = .20; accompanied by statistically lower scores in expectations for the future, t(244.546) = 2.823, p = .005, r = .18.
To examine this further, the results obtained in each country for couple quality were analyzed in relation to involvement in violence. According to previous studies, no involvement, unilateral involvement, and reciprocal involvement were considered.
In relation to moderate physical dating violence, in Spain, the ANOVAs showed significant differences for the negative quality scales: transgressive behaviors, F(2, 137) = 3.645, p = .029, η2 = .05; imbalance of power, F(2, 137) = 8.622, p = .000, η2 = .11; and conflicts, F(2, 130) = 5.770, p = .004, η2 = .08. In all cases, the differences were between those unilaterally involved in aggression or victimization and those not involved. In the United Kingdom, the differences only appeared in imbalance of power, F(2, 56) = 3.570, p = .035, η2 = .11, and conflicts, F(2, 55) = 5.076, p = .009, η2 = .16, and the differences were between reciprocal involvement and those not involved, with those reciprocally involved scoring higher on these variables.
Regarding severe physical dating violence, using a series of ANOVAs, the same patterns were found for Spain and the United Kingdom. Only imbalance of power—F(2, 137) = 4.225, p = .017, η2 = .06 in Spain; F(2, 56) = 4.241, p = .019, η2 = .13 in the United Kingdom—and conflicts—F(2, 130) = 10.386, p = .000, η2 = .14 in Spain; F(2, 55) = 5.870, p = .005, η2 = .18 in the United Kingdom—showed statistical differences, having higher rates for those reciprocally involved in physical dating violence than those not involved.
Discussion
This cross-national study aimed to examine in some depth the phenomenon of physical dating violence in Spain and the United Kingdom considering not only the main characteristics of this form of violence but also comparing it across two European countries. A cross-national comparison of dating violence is valuable as research has indicated that there may be differences between countries that might shape the characteristics of the romantic relationships related to aggressive behaviors, even when the phenomenon of dating violence has shown very similar rates around Europe (Leen et al., 2013; Straus, 2004). The current study has added to the research in this field.
Regarding the measurement of the prevalence and forms of physical dating violence in both countries, our study reported similar data for Spain and the United Kingdom. Looking broadly, the findings indicate an infrequent and reciprocal involvement as the most common pattern for both boys and girls, both in Spain and the United Kingdom. However, more detailed analyses show that there are some interesting differences between the two countries.
About 25% of the adolescents surveyed in Spain and the United Kingdom reported involvement in physical dating violence (either moderate or severe forms). These rates are very similar to those reported in previous international studies (Katz et al., 2002; Menesini & Nocentini, 2008) but higher than those found in earlier studies in the United Kingdom (Barter et al., 2009; Hird, 2000). However, they are closer to levels reported in previous Spanish studies (Muñoz-Rivas et al., 2007; Sánchez et al., 2008), even considering that occasional violence is reported by more participants than frequent violence (Foshee & McNaughton Reyes, 2011; O’Leary & Woodin, 2009).
There appeared to be some differences by country in relation to the severity of the behavior. The results in the current study indicated slightly different patterns for Spain and the United Kingdom. The pattern of results found in the U.K. sample is similar to that reported in other studies, with more involvement in milder forms of violence than in the most severe forms (aggression: 31.1% vs. 27.9%; victimization: 29% vs. 21%). However, in Spain, this pattern is slightly different. For victimization, involvement is slightly higher for milder forms compared with severe forms (22.2% vs. 21%). However, the trend is reversed in relation to involvement in aggression, with involvement in severe forms higher than involvement in milder forms (18.2% vs. 24.5%). According to Archer (2006), this could relate to cultural influences on the interpretation of dating violence. Severe forms are more common in Spain than in the United Kingdom may be because, in Spain, those mild expressions of violence are more accepted and the adolescents go ahead. Goodwin (2013) noted that some studies based on cross-cultural differences related to relationships have established a difference between “contact” cultures and “non-contact” cultures (Hall, 1976). In contrast to Spain, which is considered to be a “contact” culture, the predominant culture in the United Kingdom is “non-contact”; thus, probably many of the mild aggressive contact behaviors are more censured in the United Kingdom than in Spain.
Nevertheless, perhaps it could also relate to a methodological issue. As indicated by Viejo et al. (2014), this may be because the original version of the CTS (Straus et al., 1996) considered all of these behaviors within a single factor of violence, including more mild and serious types of violence (beating, trying to choke, etc.). Thus, the questionnaire itself could difficulty this double identification for the adolescents. However, Viejo et al. noted that girls were more sensitive to the differentiation in terms of the severity of the type of behavior than boys, which replicates data in the current study.
Finally, in relation to the directionality of the violence, as the previous literature has shown (Menesini et al., 2011; Swahn et al., 2010), most of those who were involved in physical dating violence did not take just one role within the violence, most were reciprocally involved (in both aggression and victimization). In this sense, and in contrast to what Archer (2006) found and what might be suggested by considering the Gender Inequality Index (United Nations Development Programme, 2014)), young people in Spain and the United Kingdom report similar patterns of behavior and experiences in relation to dating violence.
Considering these characteristics of the phenomenon, it could be presumed that most of these young people were involved in dirty dating as described by Ortega and Sánchez (2011). Such a dynamic could be a crude way of establishing a dating relationship and would not be perceived by adolescents as being “real violence.” If this is the case, then aggressive behavior may be used occasionally and in its more moderate forms. However, currently it is not possible to conclude: this is a tentative hypothesis as in this study it has not been assessed in relation to the significance of the violence for those involved; this requires further, more in-depth, analysis.
The second aim of the study was regarding the relationship between couple context variables (relationship quality) and involvement (or not) in physical dating violence. According to previous studies (Fernández-Fuertes & Fuertes, 2010; O’Leary & Smith-Slep, 2003; Vezina & Hebert, 2007), the couple context variables are the key risk factors for dating violence, and relationship quality has been identified as one of the most influential. The findings from the current study indicate that the quality of Spanish adolescents’ relationships is similar to that reported in previous studies (Sánchez et al., 2008), and that the quality of dating relationships reported by young people in the United Kingdom differs mainly in terms of the negative scales. Relatedly, it has been also reported that British adolescents have relatively negative perceptions of their peer relationships in comparison with young people in other countries (including Spain; UNICEF, 2006). This negative perception of peer relationships could be extended to dating relationships as well, which may account for the higher endorsement of negative scales in the current study, mainly relating to power imbalance and conflicts. Previous studies have identified poor relationship quality as a risk factor for physical dating violence involvement (Fernández-Fuertes & Fuertes, 2010; O’Leary & Smith-Slep, 2003; Vezina & Hebert, 2007). In the current study, the only differences between those involved and not involved in physical dating violence were found in relation to the negative relationship quality scales, not the positive relationship quality scales. Previous studies have pointed out that the maintenance of positive dynamics within violent relationships reveals a complex undercurrent of conflict resolution, elements of intimacy, and satisfaction that makes it more difficult to withdraw from the relationship (Giordano et al., 2010).
Nevertheless, when examining the data in relation to the severity of the behavior, the pattern is different for moderate and severe violence as well as for Spain and the United Kingdom. Regarding the most severe forms of violence, those Spanish and English adolescents who were reciprocally involved in physical dating violence reported higher rates of conflict and power imbalance in their relationship. This is in agreement with previous studies focused on other forms of violence, which include unilateral and reciprocal involvement. For example, research on bullying has found that those who are identified as bully-victims (who bully others and are bullied by others) often have more adjustment problems than those who are bullies or victims (Arseneault et al., 2006). The sample size did not enable us to examine the role of the adolescent and their perceptions in depth; future studies could examine whether the differences are related only to involvement (unilateral, reciprocal, or not involved) or also to whether an individual is the aggressor or victim.
Moderate forms of violence present a more complex pattern. Spanish adolescents who were not involved or reciprocally involved were not found to differ on relationship quality; however, those who were unilaterally involved reported poorer quality relationships. According to previous studies that suggest that reciprocal involvement in moderate violence may be related to dirty dating (Menesini et al., 2011; Sánchez et al., 2008; Viejo, 2014), it is possible that those adolescents involved in this kind of violence may not perceive their relationships as problematic. As Pellegrini (2001) pointed out, they use these moderately violent behaviors as signals indicating interest in others or from others. However, as this has not been directly assessed in the current study, this is still a hypothesis.
Among the U.K. adolescents, the findings for moderate violence followed the same pattern for severe violence: Those reciprocally involved in violence reported the worst rates of quality in their relationships. These data differ from the Spanish data, and although it is not possible to draw firm conclusions, they may reflect cultural differences. It is possible that for English adolescents, dirty dating may not occur, or at least not for physical forms of violence.
According to Goodwin (2013), and related to the “contact” cultures versus the “non-contact” cultures, it could be possible that adolescents in the United Kingdom use more verbal and relational aggression as a form of dirty dating but not physical aggression, as physical forms are considered more intrusive and thus with more negative consequences. In this line, studies of adolescents’ attitudes toward violence have reported that young people who present less tolerance to violence are less involved in dating aggression and victimization than those with higher tolerance (Muñoz-Rivas, Gámez-Guadix, Fernández-González, & González-Lozano, 2011). Furthermore, the context where aggression occurs is very salient for adolescents (Sears, Byers, Whelan, & Saint-Pierre, 2006). To date, we are not aware of studies developed in the United Kingdom regarding attitudes toward dating violence or the role of the specific context in the justification of dating violence by individuals. Future studies considering attitudes and also other forms of violence, including other forms of physical violence, are needed to examine this directly.
Although the sample size and the non-balanced gender distribution have limited the analyses performed, this work represents a step forward in our understanding of the phenomenon of dating violence in the United Kingdom where this is still relatively under-researched. At the same time, this represents an innovation in terms of making a cross-cultural comparison of Spain and the United Kingdom, highlighting that contextual factors are key to understanding this complex phenomenon.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded by the project “Violencia Escolar y Juvenil: los riesgos del cortejo violento, la agresión sexual y el ciberacoso (PSI-2010-17246)” into the National I+D+i.
Author Biographies
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