Abstract
Forgiveness has been shown to be a helpful strategy for victims of many different forms of abuse and trauma. It has also been theoretically linked to positive outcomes for victims of bullying. However, it has never been experimentally manipulated in a school bullying context. This research investigates an experimental manipulation providing children with response advice following a bullying incident. Children read hypothetical physical and verbal bullying scenarios, followed by advice from a friend to either respond with forgiveness, avoidance, or revenge, in a within-subjects repeated measures design. One hundred eighty-four children aged 11 to 15 from private schools in Sydney participated in this study. Results indicated that advice to forgive the perpetrator led to significantly less anger than advice to either avoid or exact revenge. Avoidance was the most likely advice to be followed by students and the most likely to result in ignoring the bullying and developing empathy for their abuser. However, it also resulted in interpretations of the bullying as being more serious. Forgiveness is suggested as an effective coping response for ameliorating the affective aggressive states of victimized youth, with further exploration needed regarding the interplay between the avoidance and forgiveness processes.
Bullying has been defined as aggressive acts repeatedly perpetrated with intent to cause harm, involving a power imbalance felt by the recipient (Olweus, 1999). Bullying is a social problem that has an impact on children across all strata of society often leading to mental and physical health problems (Hawker & Boulton, 2000), depression (Penning, Bhagwanjee, & Govender, 2010), substance abuse (Tharp-Taylor, Haviland, & D’Amico, 2009), and low school satisfaction and achievement (Miller, Verhoek-Miller, Ceminsky, & Nugent, 2000). Universal interventions for bullying that rely on contextual strategies have not been found to decrease self-reported bullying or victimization levels in youth, and it is argued that more focus on individual responses is also needed (Cook, Williams, Guerra, Kim, & Sadek, 2010).
One individual approach to dealing with interpersonal transgressions that has been found to have a powerful positive impact across many instances of violence and aggression is forgiveness (Enright, 2001). Although there is no uniform definition of forgiveness in the literature, it has been widely conceptualized as a coping process, whereby a stressor resulting from a perception of interpersonal hurt is neutralized (Strelan & Covic, 2006) through a deliberate decision to relinquish feelings of resentment toward someone who has caused harm (Enright, 2001). It has been found to lead to positive mental and physical health outcomes in situations of prior sexual abuse (Brown, 2003), domestic violence and posttraumatic stress disorder survivors (Reed & Enright, 2006), and victims of violent crime (Barbetta, 2002).
School bullying presents a unique application of forgiveness, because unlike most literature in this area that relates to past cases of violence, bullying is an experience that is repetitive and ongoing in nature. The question of whether or not it is applicable in this context is therefore an important and contentious one. Prior research has established correlations between forgiveness and bullying, which present promising results. Young adults with higher levels of trait forgiveness have been found to experience less emotional hurt in response to past bullying incidents (Egan & Todorov, 2009), forgiveness has been correlated with positive coping strategies (Flanagan, Vanden Hoek, Ranter, & Reich, 2012), and an ethos of forgiveness and harmony has been argued to decrease instances of bullying victims becoming perpetrators themselves (Hui, Tsang, & Law, 2011). However, no study to date has experimentally manipulated the impact of providing advice to forgive in situations of current bullying. Forgiveness is presented in the literature as an absence of vengeful or avoidant responses (W. R. Worthington & Sherer, 2004). Vengeful reactions lead victims to become bullies themselves, putting them in the highest risk category for negative outcomes (Sourander et al., 2007), and avoidance behaviors also result in negative life impacts for the individual (Hutzell & Payne, 2012). These two alternative responses are therefore an important and useful measure against which to investigate the impact of forgiveness in this context. Thus, the aim of this study was to investigate the impact of providing young adolescents with advice to forgive, avoid, or take revenge in a school bullying context, thereby yielding information regarding the causal impact of this advice. The three hypotheses involved the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral reactions to these varying types of advice, predicting that participants would have more effective coping responses across all three areas.
Method
Participants
Participants were selected through two private schools in Sydney, one all boys’ school, and one all girls’ school, each catering to both primary and secondary students. The schools were matched on the amount of time, energy, and resources dedicated to bullying prevention and management (both high as reported by school psychologists). They were also both religious schools, of the Christian faith. The boys’ school reported medium levels of bullying at their school, and the girls’ school reported low levels (both by school psychologists). Levels and types of bullying were further clarified from participants, specifying that in the current sample 50% of students experienced physical bullying, and 75% of students experienced verbal bullying in the previous school term. Permission was sought from parents of every student in Years 6 and 8 in each of the schools. Forty-six percent of parents returned consent forms for their children to participate in the study. Of those that were returned, 90% wished to participate, creating a total of 184 students (43% of students overall) who participated in the study. This was comprised of 104 boys (42 in Year 6, and 62 in Year 8) and 80 girls (23 in Year 6, and 57 in Year 8). Their ages ranged from 11 to 15, with a mean age of 13.0 (SD = 1.09). This age range was chosen to capture data before and after the transition into high school, when a peak in bullying occurs (Rios-Ellis, Bellamy, & Shoji, 2000). Age and gender were not expected to affect the results, as these individual factors have not been found to affect on one’s willingness or ability to forgive (Chiaramello, Mesnil, Sastre, & Mullet, 2008; Fehr, Gelfand, & Nag, 2010).
Procedure
Researchers attended each school to administer an online survey to students participating in the study. Participants took the survey in a computer laboratory in their school or on their school-issued tablets in their own classrooms, under the supervision of researchers and teachers. The study was approved by the Macquarie University Human Research Ethics Committee.
Design
Vignettes were created for this study using verbal and physical bullying scenarios, as these types of bullying are the most salient across genders in early adolescence (Wang, Iannotti, & Nansel, 2009). Given that these two types of bullying were both reported as high in the current sample, ecological validity was also gleaned for using these specific bullying dynamics. Three different scenarios for each type of bullying were utilized, to adequately test across settings/conditions of the scenarios. In each vignette, the requisite conditions of a power imbalance and the repeated nature of the transgression were embedded in the scenario. Each vignette also contained an ending that depicted a friend suggesting that the participant respond in one of three ways: with revenge, avoidance, or forgiveness. Each statement of advice included an initial empathic response, followed by the simple instructions of how the child should respond. Examples of vignettes are found in the appendix. The gender of the friend matched the gender of the participant in each scenario, whereas the gender(s) of the bully or bullies remained neutral. Each participant received each type of advice one time in the verbal bullying scenarios and one time in the physical bullying scenarios.
The two alternative conditions of revenge and avoidance were chosen because forgiveness has been defined as the absence of both of these in the literature (W. R. Worthington & Sherer, 2004). Revenge in this context was intended to specifically relate to the wish for retribution. This form of revenge goes beyond holding the offender accountable for their actions and includes the desire for the offender to suffer in some way (Gerber & Jackson, 2013). Negative feelings toward the perpetrator are relinquished when one forgives (Enright, 2001), and so it is the negative feelings associated with a desire to punish that are highlighted in the revenge condition.
The survey was designed to minimize order and matching effects by counterbalancing across different conditions. Matching the three conditions of forgiveness, revenge, and avoidance to the three verbal bullying and three physical bullying scenarios was done through creating all possible pairings of the above. This resulted in nine versions of verbal vignettes and nine versions of physical vignettes. The verbal and physical scenarios were then combined by randomly generated pairings. The resulting six versions were then counterbalanced for order of questions through a random number generator allocating both (a) the order of the three physical and three verbal vignettes and (b) whether verbal or physical would appear first in the alternation between bullying types (physical and verbal scenarios alternated in every version). Each student was then randomly allocated to one of the fixed six female or six male versions of the survey at testing time.
Analysis of Statistical Data
As there were no missing data, repeated measures analyses of variance (ANOVA) 2 (bully type: verbal, physical) × 3 (advice: avoidance, revenge, forgiveness) were conducted for each dependent variable. For explorative post hoc comparisons, tests of simple effects were applied, if appropriate using multiple pairwise comparisons. All p values were Bonferonni adjusted.
Measures
Emotional reactions
Following each scenario, participants were given a scale measuring affective coping responses to the scenario taken from Egan (2005), which measured their emotional reactions (sad, angry, anxious, ashamed) as well as their interpretations of the emotional impact of the event (perceived ability to cope and seriousness of the event), all of which were measured on a 4-point scale (not at all to very).
Cognitive reactions
Each participant was then given a set of questions developed for this study, which measured their likelihood to respond with the cognitive appraisal of an internalizing response to the situation (think there was something wrong with me; wish I was different), or an externalizing response (think there was something wrong with them; think they are in pain themselves to act so mean). These items were all rated on a 5-point scale (very unlikely to very likely) and measured the level of coping self-efficacy of each participant, through their engagement with the victim role and level of psychological self-blame, both of which have been shown to be important mediating factors for anxiety and depression following a bullying incident (Singh & Bussey, 2010). Forgiveness inherently involves an external attribution of blame, through holding the perpetrator accountable for their actions (Bradfield & Aquino, 1999). This allows for victim empowerment in this process. Detrimental internalizing responses that attribute blame to oneself are often mistaken for forgiveness, and so it is imperative to distinguish between the two in researching this topic.
Behavioral reactions
Participants were then asked to rate their likely behavioral responses to the event (tell someone; ignore them and carry on with my day; follow the advice; want to get even). These items were also rated on a 5-point scale (very unlikely to very likely) and were designed to measure the impact of this advice on common behavioral responses to childhood bullying experiences.
Results
The aim of this study was to look at the influence of different forms of advice (forgiveness, avoidance, revenge) on reactions to victimization. As expected from previous research findings, age and gender were both found to be non-significant correlates and were therefore not included in the analyses.
Descriptive Statistics
Fifty-four percent of participants were Caucasian (n = 100), 29% classified themselves as multi-racial (n = 52), just more than 8% were Asian (n = 15), and the remaining were from other ethnic origins. Just more than 80% of participants identified with a religion, 70% (n = 126) being Christian, just below 4% (n = 7) being Muslim, and the rest identifying with other religions. Just more than 75% reported being victims of verbal bullying at least once in the last school term (n = 136), whereas just below 50% reported physical victimization at least once in the last school term (n = 89).
Emotional Reactions to Advice
There were no significant effects of advice on the emotions of shame, F(2, 358) = 2.86, p = .059,
Summary of Means and Standard Deviations for Affective Reactions to Different Types of Advice.
Note. CI = confidence interval.
p < .05.
Cognitive Reactions to Advice
There were no significant differences between the three advice groups regarding how much participants wished they were different, F(1.86, 333.69) = 0.95, p = .382,
Summary of Means and Standard Deviations for Cognitive Reactions to Different Types of Advice.
Note. CI = confidence interval.
p < .05.
Behavioral Reactions to Advice
There were no significant differences based on the type of advice participants received for how likely they were to tell someone about the situation, F(2, 358) = 1.26, p = .284,
Summary of Means and Standard Deviations for Behavioral Reactions to Different Types of Advice.
Note. CI = confidence interval.
p < .05.
Discussion
Emotional Reactions to Advice
These results found that advice of avoidance led to an interpretation of the event as being more serious in nature than advice of revenge or forgiveness. This reflects literature showing that avoidance reactions lead to increases in victimization and decreases in self-esteem, as they do not result in long-term emotional reduction (Houbre, Tarquinio, & Lanfranchi, 2010). It was also found that advice to forgive led to significantly less anger than either advice to avoid or exact revenge. This is reflective of literature revealing that the affective shift most often reported between forgiveness and retaliatory attitudes is that of anger (e.g., Johnson, 2012). Shameful events such as peer harassment have been found to lead to humiliated fury in youth (Thomaes, Stegge, Olthof, Bushman, & Nezlek, 2011), and thus, the experience of anger may be the most salient for recipients of school bullying. The relationship between peer victimization and delinquency is significantly mediated by feelings of anger (Sigfusdottir, Gudjonsson, & Sigurdsson, 2010). Victimized students who become bullies themselves exhibit more anger than their victimized peers (Yeager, Trzesniewski, Tirri, & Nokelainen, 2011) and incur the worst outcomes (Dukes, Stein, & Zane, 2009; Sourander et al., 2007), including increases in future victimization (Champion & Clay, 2006; Kochenderfer-Ladd, 2004). Conversely, children classified as defenders, outsiders, and those not involved in bullying have been found to be lower on reactive aggression (Camodeca & Goossens, 2005), suggesting that a reduction in anger could alter the role that children play in bullying scenarios.
Cognitive Reactions to Advice
These results found that advice to avoid elicited more empathy for the bully than advice to take revenge. Seeing the bully beyond merely their role as aggressor has many positive benefits, such as a reduction in the debilitating emotions of hatred and shame (Yeager et al., 2011). Empathy is a necessary step in the forgiveness process (Davis & Gold, 2010), and these results indicate that some aspect of avoidance may be one path to achieving this cognitive shift. This is an important area for further study, as long-term avoidance strategies have many negative implications (Hutzell & Payne, 2012), and the use of forgiveness as the next step to such an approach could have far-reaching implications for intervention.
Conflict monitoring theory argues that cognitive control is the function that elicits forgiveness and reduces anger (Wilkowski, Robinson, & Troop-Gordon, 2010), and therefore, more cognitive change was expected to occur in these results. These findings therefore also indicate that the emotional impact of advice following a bullying incident occurs before many cognitive shifts manifest and may be a precursor to eliciting such changes.
Behavioral Reactions to Advice
These results found that participants were most likely to follow the advice of avoidance and were most likely to ignore the bully when advised to avoid. This is in line with research showing that avoidance is the most common strategy used by peer-victimized youth (Dehue, Bolman, & Vollink, 2008). Although ignoring the bully is often suggested as a helpful strategy for children faced with bullying (Leadbeater & Hoglund, 2006), it is important to distinguish between different mental interpretations of ignoring on the part of the victimized child. Research shows that many children who attempt to ignore the bully only succeed in pretending to do so (Dehue et al., 2008), suggesting that the cognitions accompanying this behavior could vary greatly from case to case, and they must be addressed as well to determine the full impact of this behavior.
It is notable in this study that the desire for revenge was not affected by instructions to forgive, although anger was significantly reduced. Revenge and forgiveness obey different cognitive rules (Mullet, Riviere, & Sastre, 2007) and so do not always operate in opposition. A reduction in negative affect without the accompanying loss of a desire for retribution has been termed expressive suppression, in which the forgiveness process is begun but remains incomplete (Gross & Thompson, 2007). This would reflect a lack of cognitive shift, and is a viable interpretation of these results, as participants were only given brief instructions, and the process of forgiveness involves many steps (Strelan & Covic, 2006), with the desire for revenge decreasing when a state of forgiveness is truly achieved (E. Worthington, 2001). This reveals the specific emotional impact of providing advice to forgive and underscores the need for an in-depth therapeutic process in the application of forgiveness in bullying incidents to elicit behavioral and cognitive change as well.
Limitations
The present research has several limitations that are important to discuss. First, the current analyses were based on self-reports that involve inherent reporting biases.
However, students were assured of anonymity and undertook the survey on a secure online format, therefore minimizing social desirability effects. Second, as the current sample was drawn from mainly Caucasian private religious schools in Australia, generalizing these results to wider populations must be done with caution. However, given that this sample consisted of students who reported a significant amount of recent bullying, and was constituted of standard Australian ethnicities and religious orientations, it can be seen to be a useful and accurate representation of many Australian youth. Finally, these results are based on hypothetical scenarios of victimization and so rely on children’s beliefs about what they would do rather than behavioral reports of actual bullying experiences or on observations. The use of this method could explain the relatively low effect sizes in the data. In addition, given the complexity of forgiveness, providing a single, hypothetical piece of advice to “forgive” may not have provided a complete test of this construct. However, most of these children have been bullied recently, so they have real-life experiences to draw from in forming their responses. In addition, the fact that significant findings were established even within the confines of hypothetical scenarios and a simple instruction of advice suggests the strength and importance of these findings.
Implications for Practice
The results of this study reveal certain specific areas of potential for intervention that could increase the positive outcomes for youth victims of peer abuse. Findings indicate that providing young adolescents with advice to forgive a bully leads to decreased levels of anger for the victim. As anger is a strong correlate of negative outcomes of bullying victimization, this is an important area for therapeutic intervention. Current popular approaches to anger reduction are cognitive behavioral therapy-based strategies; however, only moderate effects are shown (Blake & Hamrin, 2007), and longer-term effects are still unclear (Cole, 2008). These results suggest that forgiveness could potentially be used as an adjunct to current approaches for anger reduction in peer-victimized youth. This adds to literature revealing the successful use of forgiveness as a clinical intervention to reduce externalizing behaviors in adolescent delinquent populations (Perez, 2008).
These results also show that developing empathy for an abuser may best be achieved through advising students to initially distance themselves from the bullying situation. As empathy is an aspect of the forgiveness process (McCullough et al., 1997), and reducing hostile attributions is not enough to create the desired behavior change (Perren, Ettekal, & Ladd, 2013), the most effective therapeutic impact for peer-victimized youth in the 11- to 15-year-old age range might be achieved through a combination of forgiveness and avoidance.
Footnotes
Appendix
An example of a verbal bullying vignette is as follows: “You arrive for class and as you enter the room, there is a group of your classmates standing in the corner. You begin to approach them, and overhear one of your classmates saying how ugly and gross you look today. The other people in the class all turn to you and laugh at the comment. This has happened before, and you feel you don’t know how to stop it.” An example of a physical bullying vignette is as follows: “You are leaving school at the end of the day, and a classmate that is bigger than you trips you and you fall to the ground on the pavement. He/she is doing this type of thing a lot and you hate it but don’t know how to make them stop.” An example of advice to exact revenge is as follows: “In the next class, you talk to a friend that wasn’t involved, and she tells you ‘Sorry that happened! You should figure out a way to get even with them and hurt them as much as they hurt you.’”
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
