Abstract
Stressful life experiences, such as sexual abuse and family violence/conflict, relate to an increased risk of mental health problems. Religion and spirituality may prevent this negative impact, but religion and spirituality are lower among survivors of stressful life experiences. To explore this effect, we examined the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and family violence/conflict on anger and depressed mood. Survey data were collected from a large population–based sample of Icelandic adolescents (N = 7,365) on their stressful life experiences, religion, spirituality, and mental health. Survivors of stressful life experiences (sexual abuse or family violence/conflict) were significantly lower on religion and spirituality than others. A hierarchical linear regression showed that stressful life experiences contributed uniquely to higher levels of anger and depressed mood. Spirituality was associated with decreased anger and depressed mood. The religion of parents and peers was also associated with decreased anger. Religious participation, on the contrary, did not have a relationship with mental health outcomes. In addition, the negative association between spirituality and anger was stronger among survivors of sexual abuse than nonabused individuals. These results confirm previous research, indicating that survivors of stressful life experiences may experience less religion and spirituality. The results also extend existing knowledge by showing that spirituality may be even more beneficial among sexual abuse survivors, as a protective factor against anger. These findings can help in the minimization of the negative mental health impact of stressful life experiences.
Effects of Stressful Life Experiences in Childhood
Stressful life experiences in childhood, such as physical or sexual abuse, can negatively affect survivors’ mental health (Edwards, Holden, Felitti, & Anda, 2003). For example, a large literature has demonstrated the relationship between child sexual abuse (CSA) and an increased risk of psychopathology (Neumann, Houskamp, Pollock, & Briere, 1996; Paolucci, Genuis, & Violato, 2001), such as mood disorders (Molnar, Buka, & Kessler, 2001; Pérez-Fuentes et al., 2013) and anger (Asgeirsdottir, Sigfusdottir, Gudjonsson, & Sigurdsson, 2011; Neumann et al., 1996). These effects can be explained with Agnew’s (1992) strain theory, which posits that adolescents who experience unavoidable strain (such as stressful life events) experience frustration, which is then associated with negative emotions. Given the negative impact of stressful life experiences, identifying factors to counteract or reduce this effect is an important mental health concern. Spirituality and religion may be important factors to reduce the impact of stress. Spirituality refers to a person’s private relationship with a higher power and how much perceived support they experience from God (Good & Willoughby, 2008; Sigfusdottir, Thorlindsson, & Bjarnason, 2007). Religion, on the contrary, refers to participating in religious ceremonies and being part of a community of believers (Good & Willoughby, 2008). Scholars have examined spirituality and religion both as distinct constructs and one factor (then usually referred to as religion/spirituality). Religion and spirituality are potential benefits to mental health, both in general and as a buffer against the effects of stressful life experiences (Fallot & Heckman, 2005; Gall, 2006; Sigfusdottir et al., 2007).
Religion, Spirituality, and Mental Health
Adolescence is a particularly interesting time to examine religion and spirituality because at that age, individuals may experience profound changes in their worldview and even convert their religion (Good & Willoughby, 2008). Religion and spirituality are associated with better mental health (Chandy, Blum, & Resnick, 1996; Frankel & Hewitt, 1994; Good, Willoughby, & Fritjers, 2009; Holder, Coleman, & Wallace, 2010; Ross, 1990; Ryan, Rigby, & King, 1993; Seeman, Dubin, & Seeman, 2003; Van Dyke, Glenwick, Cecero, & Kim, 2009; Yonker, Schnabelrauch, & DeHaan, 2012), particularly for adolescents (Bahr, Maughan, Marcoc, & Li, 1998; Weaver et al., 2002; Wong, Rew, & Slaikeu, 2006). For example, religion and spirituality are associated with decreased depression (Bjorck & Thurman, 2007; Good & Willoughby, 2008; Holder et al., 2010; Koenig & Larson, 2001; Pearce, Little, & Pérez, 2003) and decreased anger (Maddi, Brow, Khoshaba, & Vaitkus, 2006). Religion and spirituality therefore have the potential to strongly contribute to the mental health of individuals.
Two main reasons have been listed to explain why religion/spirituality may positively affect mental health. First, a close personal relationship with God may contribute to a sense of belonging, hope, optimism, sense of purpose, and meaning (Cotton, Zebracki, Rosenthal, Tsevat, & Drotar, 2006; Davis, Kerr, & Kurpius, 2003; Pargament, Koenig, Tarakeshwar, & Hahn, 2001). These factors are related to greater self-esteem, life satisfaction, less depression (Pargament et al., 2001), and less anxiety (Davis et al., 2003). Second, religion and spirituality can connect people to a community of other believers, thereby promoting increased social support, social approval, social capital, and sense of community as well as putting in place social sanctions against risky behavior (Chatters, 2000; Good & Willoughby, 2006; Hill & Pargament, 2008; Smith, 2003; Yonker et al., 2012). These factors are related to improvements in resilience, sense of agency, mental health, and well-being of children and adolescents (Holder et al., 2010; Pargament et al., 1990; Smith, 2003; Yonker et al., 2012). Religion and spirituality may therefore have relationships with improved mental health for a variety of reasons.
Role of Religion and Spirituality in the Relationship Between Stressful Life Experiences and Mental Health
Given the detrimental impact stressful life experiences can have on mental health and the possible benefits of religion and spirituality, scholars have examined whether religion and/or spirituality may act as buffers (Fallot & Heckman, 2005; Gall, 2006; Walker, Reid, O’Neill, & Brown, 2009), for example, as coping mechanisms for stressful life experiences (Lawson, Drebing, Berg, Vincellette, & Penk, 1998; Pérez, Little, & Henrich, 2009). However, the relationship between stressful life experiences, religion, spirituality, and mental health may be complex, partly because of the concepts used. Some scholars use religion/spirituality to refer to the whole category, others focus on the person’s private experience (spirituality) or group memberships, religious ceremonies, and being part of a community (religion; Good & Willoughby, 2008). These aspects may play different roles in the relationship between stressful life experiences and mental health.
For example, a literature review of the relationship between childhood abuse and Axis 1 disorders (such as anxiety and depressive disorders) found religion/spirituality to be a significant moderator of that relationship (Walker et al., 2009). Some studies focusing on religion have found positive effects, such as lower posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms among those who are members of an organized religion and a mediating effect of religious participation between child physical abuse and PTSD symptoms (Elliott, 1994). Similarly, religious service attendance can buffer the harmful effects of stressful life experiences on anxiety and depression (Williams, Larson, Buckler, Heckmann, & Pyle, 1991) and is associated with increased resilience among primary care patients with a history of stressful life experiences (Alim et al., 2008). Other work, however, has not confirmed the benefits of religious service attendance for CSA survivors (Gall, Basque, Damasceno-Scott, & Vardy, 2007), suggesting that type of victimization may also affect the effectiveness of service attendance in terms of mental health. Beyond simple effects of personal religion, research has also identified the importance religious context, such as the religion of parents and peers (PPR). For example, studies have shown that parental religion is protective against risk behavior, such as drug use (Merrill, Salazar, & Gardner, 2001), and is associated with increased prosocial behavior (Bartkowski, Xu, & Levin, 2008) and greater life satisfaction (Varon & Riley, 1999). On the contrary, other studies have not connected parental religiosity to internalizing and externalizing symptoms among preadolescents (Van der Jagt-Jelsma et al., 2011) or found parental religion to moderate the relationship between family conflict and parental depression, on one hand, and adolescent depressive symptoms, on the other hand (Hooper & Newman, 2011). The influence of parental religion on youth well-being is therefore complex. In addition, there is limited research available on the influence of parental and peer religious influences on mental health. For spirituality, the evidence is also mixed, showing that among CSA survivors, spirituality was associated with less depressed mood and an increase in personal growth (Gall et al., 2007), but not among high risk African American primary care patients (Alim et al., 2008). The picture of the relationship between stressful life experiences, mental health, religion, and spirituality is therefore somewhat unclear.
Current Study
Religion and spirituality may be important buffers against the negative impact of stressful life experiences on mental health, but those relationships are complex. For example, aspects of religion and spirituality, such as being part of a religious community, attending religious services, and having a private, spiritual relationship with a higher power, are differentially associated with mental health outcomes (Alim et al., 2008; Elliott, 1994; Walker et al., 2009). In addition, PPR has not been adequately explored in the literature. Because of these mixed findings, we propose examining stressful life experiences, religion (religious attendance and the religion of family and peers) as well as spirituality (perceived support from God), and their impact on mental health (anger and depressed mood) in a large, population survey of adolescents. We also propose looking at two types of stressful life experiences, CSA and family violence/conflict, to examine whether type of victimization is associated to mental health, religion, and spirituality. Because of the social and community aspects of religion, controlling for social support when predicting mental health symptoms is important to discover unique religion effects. Demographic factors are also associated with mental health outcomes and were therefore controlled for in this study. For example, poorer mental health has been associated with economic deprivation (Mishra & Carleton, 2015) and family structure (not living with two biological parents; Turner, Finkelhor, Hamby, & Shattuck, 2013). In addition, this study adds to the literature because most of the past work cited here has been carried out in the United States. The data for this study come from a large population survey in Iceland, which has a small, homogeneous population (around 300,000), most of whom are White of Nordic and Celtic origin. The dominant religion is the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Iceland (around 70% of the population; Statistics Iceland, 2017). In Iceland, the relationship between family violence/conflict, religion, and spirituality has only been examined in the context of delinquency, where anger was found to be a significant mediator between stressful life events and delinquency (e.g., see Sigfusdottir et al., 2007). Given that the Icelandic religious social context is quite different from the United States, it is possible that these relationships will differ from previous work on this topic. Given the previous literature, we put forth the following hypotheses:
Method
Participants
Participants for this study were adolescents in Grades 9 and 10 in all secondary schools in Iceland (N = 7,365). They ranged in age from 15 to 16 years (M = 15.51, SD = 0.50) and 50.7% were female. When asked whether they belonged to a religious group, 72.3% of participants reported being part of the Icelandic State Lutheran Church, 9.3% were in other Christian congregations, 0.9% were in a non-Christian congregation, 6.0% were not part of any religious group, and 11.4% were not sure. Recruitment took place in the classroom of the secondary school, and the survey was administered to every student who was in school in a particular date in February 2009. The response rate was 83.5% of all registered students in this age group in Iceland (Gudmundsdottir, Kristjansson, Sigfusdottir, & Sigfusson, 2009). The data for this project therefore come from the majority of the population of adolescents in that age group in Iceland. The information was collected as part of the study Youth in Iceland, a regular survey examining health and well-being of youth in Iceland.
Measures
Demographic variables
Three demographic variables were used: age, gender (0 = boys, 1 = girls) and family structure (0 = living with both parents, 1 = other family types), 69.8% of participants were living with both parents.
Economic deprivation
This was assessed with four questions on how well off financially the parents of participants were: “Your parents are in a bad place financially,” “Your parents cannot afford to have a car,” “Your parents barely have enough money for the most important necessities,” and “Your parents cannot afford to pay for the recreational activity you are interested in.” The scale ranged from 1 = almost never to 5 = almost always and these were added together, creating a scale from 4 to 20 (M = 5.65, SD = 2.57, α = .80). This measure has previously been used on another dataset with Icelandic adolescents and is positive correlated with economic deprivation reported by parents of adolescents (Bernburg, Thorlindsson, & Sigfusdottir, 2009).
Social support
This was measured with 10 questions on how easy it is for adolescents to get warmth and caring, discussions about personal affairs, and personal advice, both from their parents and friends. These ranged from 1 = very difficult to 4 = very easy (Gudjonsson, Sigurdsson, Sigfusdottir, & Asgeirsdottir, 2008). The questions were summed together creating a continuous variable of perceived support that ranged from 10 to 40 (M = 33.60, SD = 5.25, α = .86). The scales of parental and friend support have been used separately in previous research, but here were combined into one, as this was only a control variable (r = .32). Factor analysis showed that the 10 items form one factor.
Sexual abuse
This was assessed with one question: Have you been sexually abused? The responses were coded 0 for no and 1 for yes. Overall, 483 participants (6.6%) reported that they had experienced sexual abuse at some point in their life. Previous work has indicated that for research purposes, one or two item measures can be sensitive and specific screeners of childhood abuse (including sexual abuse; Thombs, Bernstein, Ziegelstein, Bennett, & Walker, 2007) and single item measures of sexual abuse can be sufficient to predict outcomes later in life, such as marital satisfaction (Godbout, Sabourin, & Lussier, 2009).
Family violence/conflict
This was assessed with three questions asking if participants had ever “Witnessed a severe argument between parents,” “Witnessed physical violence at home including an adult,” and “Experienced violence at home, including an adult.” For each of these items, no was coded 0 and yes was coded as 1. These statements were then combined into one variable, with 0 indicating no kind of family violence/conflict and 1 indicating any type of violence/conflict. These items have been used in previous research to measure family conflict/violence (e.g., Asgeirsdottir et al., 2011). Overall, 1,810 participants (24.6%) reported that they had experienced family violence/conflict.
Spirituality
Participants answered how much they agreed with the following six statements: “I believe in God,” “Religion is very important to me,” “I regularly pray to God,” “I regularly read scripture,” “I could seek support from God if needed,” and “I have sought support from God.” The scale ranged from 1 = does not fit well with me to 4 = fits very well with me. These items were added together to create a scale that ranged from 6 to 24 (M = 12.65, SD = 4.71, α = .89). This measure has been previously used in research on Icelandic adolescents (Bjarnason, Thorlindsson, Sigfusdottir, & Welch, 2005). Participants were not specifically instructed to substitute a higher being of their choice other than “God” because the majority of the sample was Christian (less than 1% reporting being a member of another religious group).
Religious participation
Participants were asked how much they agreed with the following statements: “I regularly attend religious services” and “I regularly take part in other religious events.” The scale ranged from 1 = does not fit well with me to 4 = fits very well with me. These two items were then added together and the scale ranged from 2 to 8 (M = 2.95, SD = 1.44, α = .89). These items have been used in previously published work with a similar methodology (Sigfusdottir et al., 2007).
PPR
Participants were asked how religious their mother, father, best friends, and acquaintances were. The scale ranged from 1 = does not fit well with me to 4 = fits very well with me; the four items were added together in a scale that ranged from 4 to 16 (M = 10.89, SD = 3.64, α = .91).
Anger
Five items from the Symptom Checklist (SCL-90) original symptom distress checklist were used to assess anger (Derogatis, Lipman, & Covi, 1973). Each statement ranged from 1 to 4, with higher number indicating more distress. The items were summed together to create a scale from 5 to 20 (M = 8.60, SD = 3.49, α = .84). This measure has previously been used among Icelandic adolescents by the same authors, in studies with similar methodologies but with a different dataset (Asgeirsdottir, Gudjonsson, Sigurdsson, & Sigfusdottir, 2010).
Depressed mood
Eight items from the SCL-90 original symptom distress checklist were used to assess depressed mood (Derogatis, Lipman, Covi, & Rickels, 1971). Each statement ranged from 1 to 4, with higher number indicating more distress. The items were summed together to create a scale from 8 to 32 (M = 12.97, SD = 5.20, α = .88). This measure has also been used among Icelandic adolescents (Asgeirsdottir et al., 2010).
Procedure
These data were collected as part of a cross-sectional survey administered by the Icelandic Centre for Social Research and Analysis, in cooperation with the Privacy and Data Protection Authority in Iceland (Gudmundsdottir et al., 2009). All adolescents in Grades 9 to 10 in all schools in Iceland, who were in school on a certain date in February 2009, were invited to participate. The questionnaire was administered anonymously by teachers who put surveys in blank envelopes. Participants were told that participation was voluntary and that some of the questions could be of a sensitive nature. They got no compensation for participating. Parents were informed that the study was taking place and had the opportunity to prevent their children from completing the questionnaire (passive consent).
Analysis
For this study, three types of analyses were conducted: Pearson’s r was used to calculate correlations between variables of interest. Then, simple t tests were used to compare religious variables by victimization status. Third, hierarchical linear regression was used to predict anger and depressed mood testing for main and interaction effects. We fitted successive models with control variables (demographic information, social support, and economic deprivation), stressful life experiences variables (sexual abuse and family violence/conflict), and religious/spirituality variables (religious participation, spirituality, the religion of parents, and peers), and the final model consisted of interactions between stressful life experiences variables and religious/spirituality variables. The analyses were carried out in the computer program SPSS 24.
Results
Table 1 shows correlations between the variables of interest in this study. Anger was significantly associated to greater sexual abuse, family violence/conflict, being female, and greater economic deprivation. Anger had significant negative relationships with religious participation, spirituality, PPRs, family structure, and social support. Depressed mood had a significant positive correlation with anger, sexual abuse, family violence/conflict, being female, age, and economic deprivation. Depressed mood also had significant negative relationships with religious participation, spirituality, the PPRs, family structure (so that those individuals who do not live with both parents are higher on depressed mood), and social support.
Correlation Table.
p < .10. **p < .05. ***p < .001.
Those adolescents with a history of family violence/conflict scored significantly lower on average on religion and spirituality. This was true for both spirituality—had family violence/conflict: M = 12.20, SD = 4.79; no family violence/conflict: M = 12.78, SD = 4.67, t(6,995) = 4.43, p < .001—and PPRs—had family violence/conflict: M = 10.68, SD = 3.53; no family violence/conflict: M = 10.95, SD = 3.66, t(6,964) = 2.62, p = .01. However, there were no differences in religious participation by family violence/conflict status—had family violence/conflict: M = 2.94, SD = 1.51; no family violence/conflict: M = 2.95, SD = 1.42, t(7,141) = 0.06, p = .95. Similar results were observed for sexual abuse, where those who had been sexually abused were on average significantly lower on spirituality—abused: M = 11.74, SD = 5.27; not abused: M = 12.70, SD = 4.67, t(7,117) = 3.94, p < .001—and PPR—abused: M = 9.96, SD = 3.90; not abused: M = 10.93, SD = 3.62, t(7,086) = 5.12, p < .001. However, those who had been sexually abused were higher on religious participation than those not abused—abused: M = 3.12, SD = 1.76; not abused: M = 2.94, SD = 1.42, t(7,269) = −2.51, p = .01. Overall, those with no stressful life experiences were higher on religion and spirituality, except for religious participation, which was higher among sexually abused adolescents, and there was no difference by family violence/conflict.
Anger
Table 2 shows a hierarchical regression model predicting anger in the past week. Stressful life experiences (both sexual abuse and family violence/conflict) variables were associated with greater anger. For the religious variables, spirituality and PPR were significantly associated with less anger but religious participation was not related to anger. For this model, there was one significant interaction, between sexual abuse and spirituality on anger, where spirituality was associated with decreased anger, but that relationship was stronger among those who had experienced sexual abuse (β = –.15, p < .001) than those who had not (β = –.06, p < .001).
Hierarchical Regression Predicting Anger.
Note. PPR = parent and peer religion.
p < .05. ***p < .001.
Depressed Mood
Table 3 shows a hierarchical regression predicting depressed mood where stressful life experiences (both sexual abuse and family violence/conflict) were significantly associated with greater depressed mood. For the religious variables, spirituality was significantly associated with less depressed mood. However, religious participation and the religion of others were not associated with depressed mood when all the other variables had been controlled for. There were no significant interactions between stressful life experiences and religious variables.
Hierarchical Regression Predicting Depressed Mood.
Note. PPR = parent and peer religion.
p < .10. **p < .05. ***p < .001.
Discussion
The purpose of the current study was to examine the relationship between stressful life experiences and mental health and whether religion/spirituality act as buffers against the harmful consequences of stressful life experiences among the population of Icelandic adolescents. Both childhood sexual abuse and family violence/conflict were uniquely associated with an increase in mental health symptoms of depressed mood and anger, similar to previous work (Edwards et al., 2003; Molnar et al., 2001; Neumann et al., 1996; Paolucci et al., 2001; Pérez-Fuentes et al., 2013). The results are also in line with Agnew’s (1992) strain theory, connecting strain with negative emotions. In addition, individuals with victimization histories reported less spirituality and less religion of others, compared with those without stressful life experiences. This is in line with previous research suggesting that individuals with stressful life experiences may struggle with religion and spirituality following their experiences (Cadell, Regehr, & Hemsworth, 2003; Falsetti, Resick, & Davis, 2003; Walker, Reese, Hughes, & Troskie, 2010).
Religion and spirituality had differential relationships with mental health outcomes. For example, greater spirituality was associated with less anger and depressed mood. This is consistent with previous research on the topic (Bjorck & Thurman, 2007; Good & Willoughby, 2008; Holder et al., 2010; Maddi et al., 2006; Pearce et al., 2003). In addition, PPR is significantly connected with less anger, showing the powerful effects of religious context on youth. It is important to recognize that these effects are significant independent of social support, as that had already been controlled for in the analysis. To our knowledge, this is the first study establishing this effect, although other work has found parental religion to protect against drug use (Merrill et al., 2001) and be connected with greater life satisfaction and prosocial behavior (Bartkowski et al., 2008; Varon & Riley, 1999). However, not all studies have identified positive effects of parental religion (Hooper & Newman, 2011; Van der Jagt-Jelsma et al., 2011). We have been unable to locate any research on the relationship between peer religious influence and youth mental health, making this study a unique contribution to the literature. Religious participation, however, was not associated with anger and depressed mood. Overall, these results are in accordance with previous research in the sense that different aspects of religion and spirituality are not uniformly beneficial or detrimental in terms of mental health outcomes (Alim et al., 2008; Elliott, 1994; Gall et al., 2007; Holder et al., 2010; Schnittker, 2001; Walker et al., 2010; Williams et al., 1991).
However, victimization status also plays a role in the relationship between mental health outcomes, religion, and spirituality. Overall, anger had a negative relationship with spirituality, but that effect was significantly stronger for those who had been sexually abused. To our knowledge, this is the first study showing this particular buffering effect in a large population–based study. Previous literature on spirituality as a buffer among trauma survivors has focused on depressed mood, and found spirituality to either be a significant buffer (Gall et al., 2007) or not (Alim et al., 2008). These findings also differ from previous literature on the topic, as the buffering effect was only present for anger, not depressed mood. In addition, we did not detect the buffering effects of religious participation on the relationship between stressful life experiences and mental health symptoms reported in other papers (Alim et al., 2008; Williams et al., 1991).
These analyses also demonstrated the importance of controlling for variables known to be associated with mental health outcomes. For example, girls were more likely than boys to show elevated symptoms of depressed mood, consistent with previous work (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001; Sigfusdottir, Asgeirsdottir, Sigurdsson, & Gudjonsson, 2008). We also saw the expected effects of social support, which was related to decreased symptoms, which is in line with previous work (Herrenkohl et al., 2016; Stevens et al., 2013).
This study has several limitations. First, in a cross-sectional study, it is impossible to infer causality. For example, we cannot know whether religion and spirituality has led to these mental health outcomes, or whether those who are struggling with psychological symptoms are more likely to seek out religion and spirituality for increased support. Second, the data are based on self-report and no identifying information was collected, so data accuracy cannot be verified. Third, the psychological symptoms measured here were not a clinical assessment or diagnosis. In addition, some items of the spirituality measure used the word “God” without instructing participants to substitute a higher being of their choice when applicable which may have affected the results. Finally, the retrospective nature of the study makes memory biases a concern.
This study has considerable strengths, such as the large population–based sample size and detailed information about the social context. For example, religious variables had unique effects even when controlling for social support in general. This is a significant contribution, especially when considering the social and community dimension of religion (Elliott, 1994; Walker et al., 2010). This study also adds to our knowledge as most of the previous work on this topic has been carried out in the United States. This is important because religion/spirituality exists in diverse ways across the globe and may therefore have different meaning and implications for youth. Diversity is also of interest in Iceland, as the population is relatively homogeneous, with most belonging to the Icelandic State Lutheran Church.
The findings of the current study indicate that in general, adolescent survivors of stressful life experiences of sexual abuse and family violence/conflict are less religious and spiritual than their peers. This may be troubling as spirituality and the religion of others are associated with decreased anger and depressed mood. When it comes to anger, spirituality plays an even larger role among survivors of stressful experiences. Promoting religion and spirituality among youth may therefore be beneficial for their mental health, especially for those with stressful life experiences.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
