The Influence of Culture on Healthy Relationship Formation and Teen Dating Violence: A Qualitative Analysis of South Asian Female Youth Residing in the United States

Teen Dating Violence (TDV)

TDV, also called adolescent relationship abuse, is defined by the National Institute of Justice as “physical, psychological or sexual abuse; harassment; or stalking of any person ages 12-18 in the context of a past or present romantic or consensual relationship” (National Institute of Justice, 2017). According to the National Survey on Teen Relationships and Intimate Violence, 69% of teenagers have experienced TDV at some point in their lifetimes (66% reported psychological abuse; 18% sexual abuse; and 18% physical abuse; Taylor & Mumford, 2016). TDV has well-known detrimental physical, psychological, and sexual health impacts including increased depression/anxiety, suicidality, more substance use, unwanted pregnancies, experiencing reproductive coercion, bullying via technology or social media, and unhealthy weight control behaviors (Exner-Cortens, Eckenrode, & Rothman, 2013; E. Miller & McCauley, 2013; Silverman, Raj, Mucci, & Hathway, 2001). Adolescents reporting TDV are also more likely to subsequently experience domestic violence (DV) as adults (Exner-Cortens et al., 2013). Therefore, over the last decade, several evidence-based programs for adolescents have been developed to promote healthy relationships such as Safe Dates, Coaching Boys into Men, and Fourth R: Skills for Youth Relationships (Foshee et al., 1998; E. Miller et al., 2012; Wolfe et al., 2009).

The violence prevention field has described an urgent need to consider cultural sensitivity in both research- and community-based interventions. For example, Sokoloff and Dupont (2005) described an “intersectionality framework” that considers the relationship between multiple aspects of a DV survivor’s identity including gender, cultural background, immigration status, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity. Similarly, Serrata et al. (2017) discussed the importance of utilizing the expertise of culturally specific DV agencies, or groups that provide culturally tailored services to marginalized or minority communities. The focus on survivors’ intersectional cultural backgrounds has extended to the TDV literature. For example, Kerig, Volz, Moeddel, and Cuellar (2010) outlined the importance of adapting TDV programs to address youths’ culture, ethnic background, and gender. In addition, a recent review of TDV research highlighted a need to develop and evaluate programs that consider acculturative stress and ethnic identity among Latino youth (Malhotra, Gonzalez-Guarda, & Mitchell, 2015).

South Asian Culture and DV

There remains a dearth of research on the intersection between TDV and culture for South Asian youth residing in the United States. ¹ South Asians include individuals who trace their ancestry to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka as well as the diaspora (South Asian Americans Leading Together [SAALT], 2015). South Asians are the fastest growing ethnic group in the United States (SAALT, 2015); the population grew by nearly 97% from 2000 to 2013, exceeding that of the Asian American population as a whole (SAALT, 2015).

Emerging research focused on DV among South Asian immigrant adult women suggests specific challenges for South Asian women experiencing DV including abuse by other members of the family, stigma or shame, isolation, fear of divorce, language barriers, and abuse related to dowry (Abraham, 2000; Goel, 2005; Kallivayalil, 2010; Raj, Livramento, Santana, Gupta, & Silverman, 2006). To serve the specific needs and lived experiences of this community, several culturally specific South Asian DV agencies have formed throughout the country (Kapur, Zajicek, & Gaber, 2017).

Patriarchal Attitudes Within South Asian Culture

South Asian culture is generally considered collectivist and interdependent, where individuals (especially women) are expected to base their actions not only on their own wishes but also on familial, community, and societal norms (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004). In addition, South Asian culture is considered patriarchal and adherent to traditional gender roles where men may be viewed as the primary decision makers and may hold substantially more power than women (Ahmad, Driver, McNally, & Stewart, 2009; Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Grewal, Bottorff, & Hilton, 2005). For South Asian immigrant women who have survived DV, extant literature highlights the impact of traditional gender roles and patriarchal attitudes on their lived experiences. For example, Ahmed et al. (2009) interviewed South Asian women and reported that rigid gender norms and sociocultural perceptions of male superiority made it challenging for women to leave abusive relationships. Similarly, in a book about DV in the South Asian immigrant community in the United States (Body Evidence), authors highlight how patriarchal attitudes may influence men’s use of violence, community perceptions about DV, and women’s ability to safely leave abusive relationships (Dasgupta, 2007). Despite patriarchal attitudes being pervasive within South Asian culture, a nuanced perspective is necessary to minimize stereotypical images about this community; patriarchal attitudes have been changing over time and do not represent all individuals in the South Asian community (Rudrappa, 2007). Although a substantial body of literature has examined how patriarchal attitudes may influence adult South Asian DV survivors, scant research has focused on how these attitudes may affect South Asian youths’ perceptions about TDV.

Immigrant Youth, Acculturation, and TDV

Immigrant youth and children of immigrants, including those of South Asian ancestry, may have different needs and lived experiences than adult immigrants. Second-generation immigrant youth (born in the United States, parents born abroad) and 1.5-generation immigrant youth (moved to the United States before the age of 13 years) may acculturate differently than their first-generation (born abroad) parents (Giguere, Lalonde, & Lou, 2010; Telzer, 2010; Waters & Pineau, 2015). Acculturation is a multidimensional and dynamic process of potential changes in cultural practices, values, and identities experienced by immigrants and their families (Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010). Parent–adolescents dyadic differences in acculturation—also called the acculturation gap—may, therefore, play a role in immigrant youths’ conceptualization of their lived experiences including healthy relationships and TDV.

Past literature has focused on how the acculturation gap may lead to parent–adolescent differences in how dating and marriage are conceptualized. A qualitative study of a diverse group of second-generation immigrants highlighted that some second-generation immigrant youth may disagree with their parents about when they can date and who they should marry, with parents generally favoring culturally similar partners (Nesteruk & Gramescu, 2012). Another study surveyed a diverse group of youth of Asian, Latino, and European ancestry and found that first- and second-generation youth were more likely than third-generation youth (defined by the authors as the child and parents born in the United States) to experience conflicts with their parents about dating (Shenhav, Campos, & Goldberg, 2017). Rani, Mitschke, Black, and Pearson (2019) explored the perspectives of Karen American youth (a refugee group from Burma) and highlighted how youth face challenges in dating related to intergenerational cultural differences in dating acceptability, which may play a role in how much youth are willing to talk with their parents about relationships. However, limited literature has specifically explored how parent–adolescent dyadic differences in acculturation may influence youths’ perceptions about TDV. Hokoda, Galvan, Malcarne, Castaneda, and Ulloa (2007) surveyed Latino youth and found that familial acculturation conflict was associated with increased acceptability and perpetration of TDV.

The Current Study

Although there has been recent interest in understanding the needs and lived experiences of adult South Asian immigrant DV survivors, scant research has explored South Asian youths’ perspectives about TDV. As South Asian youth may have different cultural identities and values than their parents, it is unclear whether South Asian culture and patriarchal attitudes influence youths’ conceptualization of TDV in the same way as they do for adult DV survivors. In addition, to our knowledge, little research has explored how parent–adolescent dyadic differences in acculturation may affect South Asian youths’ perceptions of TDV.

Therefore, the goal of this study was to explore the perspectives of South Asian adolescents residing in the United States on healthy relationship formation and TDV. Our specific research aims were to (a) examine participants’ perspectives on TDV and healthy relationships within the South Asian community; (b) understand how different components of their cultural identity—immigrant generation, gender, and ethnic background—impact youths’ romantic relationships; and (c) explore participants’ recommendations about potential TDV prevention program models that may be meaningful for South Asian youth.

Theoretical Paradigm and Study Design

Our study was guided by the theoretical paradigm of a qualitative inquiry approach. Qualitative inquiry, also called generic qualitative inquiry, is described by Patton (2015) as the use of “qualitative methods . . . to answer straightforward questions without framing the inquiry within an explicit theoretical, philosophical, epistemological, or ontological tradition” (p. 155). Patton (2015) explained that this method can help researchers ask practical questions to “solve problems, improve programs, or develop policies” (p. 154).

We conducted semi-structured interviews with South Asian youth residing in the northeastern part of the United States. The research team consisted of an academic pediatrician with experience conducting violence-related research in the United States and India (first author, M.R.), a youth advocate with an expertise in how DV impacts South Asian communities (second author, Y.S.), a qualitative methods expert (third author, A.R.E.), an undergraduate research assistant with qualitative research experience (fourth author, T.F.), and a senior DV researcher and academic pediatrician (senior author, M.B.M.). Boston University Medical Campus/Boston Medical Center’s Institutional Review Board approved this study.

Development of the Interview Guide

Study Procedures

We recruited participants with the assistance of three organizations (two in New York and one in Boston) that specifically serve the South Asian community. These organizations provide an array of services including case management, economic empowerment, computer classes, women’s empowerment, job readiness, counseling, and youth programs. Representatives from the organizations sent an advertisement about the project on their listservs and also shared the project with interested youth. Youth who were 18 years of age or older independently contacted M.R. to set up a time for the interview. Youth who were 16 or 17 years old were instructed to have a parent contact M.R. via phone to obtain parental consent. If the parent agreed, the youth then contacted M.R. to set up a time for the interview. One parent did not allow her child to participate after hearing about the study. To be included in this study, a participant had to (a) identify as South Asian, (b) be between the ages of 16 and 21 years, and (c) speak and understand English.

Interviews were conducted by M.R. on a secure conference call line or in-person in a private room. Participants 18 and older were given the choice of a phone versus in-person interview; for safety purposes, all interviews for youth younger than 18 were conducted in-person. Participants provided verbal consent/assent prior to starting the interviews. All interviews were audio-recorded and lasted 30 to 60 min. During interviews, M.R. used the semi-structured interview guide flexibly, adapting it as needed depending on participants’ responses and interests. The interviewer obtained demographic information including age, year in school (if applicable), place of birth, family’s ancestry, and number of years living in the United States (if applicable). Participants received a 30-dollar gift card. Interviews and coding of interview transcripts continued simultaneously until data saturation was reached, when no new themes emerged (Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006). The interviews were completed between August 2017 and December 2017.

Data Analysis

We used a thematic analysis approach for data coding and analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Our goal was to initially stay aligned with the intersectionality framework and then allow other relevant codes to emerge inductively. Therefore, we started with three a-priori codes: “South Asian culture,” “generational differences,” and “gender identity” matching our use of the intersectionality framework. All other codes emerged inductively based on the participants’ perspectives. Whenever possible, we developed in-vivo codes that matched the language of the participants (Charmaz, 2014). For example, one of our codes was “the Brown connection,” as that was a phrase used by participants to explain how the South Asian community is connected to one another. We also paid close attention to triangulation of data, particularly through analyst triangulation (Patton, 2015). As described below, two individuals coded each transcript and the full research team assisted with focused coding and theme development.

The analysis process occurred in five steps. First, each audiorecording was transcribed verbatim and cross-checked by M.R. to ensure accuracy. Second, two authors (M.R. and T.F.) uploaded each transcript into the DeDoose (2016) software package, which we used as an organizational tool. M.R. and T.F. read each transcript to understand the participants’ perspectives prior to commencing the coding process. M.R. and T.F. then completed initial coding of the transcripts, by independently coding each transcript line-by-line (Charmaz, 2014). We added new codes and their definitions to an iteratively developed codebook that both coders could access. In addition, while coding, both coders created memos, which contained reflections about the data and the coding process (Charmaz, 2014; Patton, 2015). After coding between three and four transcripts, the two coders met to discuss discrepancies in coding until consensus was reached. During these meetings, we also shared our memos and reflected on the data. We completed this process 3 times until we had coded 10 transcripts.

Next, the coders shared emerging data with the full research team to conduct focused coding (Charmaz, 2014). The full codebook was reviewed and codes were categorized and consolidated. For example, we had the codes “what will people say” and “worried about community perceptions”; upon close review, the team realized these two codes had the same meaning and thus were consolidated into the code “what will people say” to closely match the language of the participants. At this time, the research team also reviewed the interview guide and made changes based on emerging codes. For example, after the first 10 interviews, the team added a specific question about the experience of hiding relationships from parents.

M.R. and T.F. then began individually coding transcripts line-by-line in the same process as described above. The coders continued to meet after coding three to four transcripts to discuss discrepancies and reflect on the data. Finally, after M.R. and T.F. finished coding all the interviews, the research team conducted another round of focused coding. M.R. and T.F. then reviewed the codes together and consolidated them into recurrent themes. The themes were then presented to the full research team who agreed with our categorizations. Two of the initial a-priori codes (“South Asian culture” and “gender identity”) were elevated into themes as other inductive codes fit under these headings. The third a-priori code (“generational differences”) did not emerge as a major theme; however, it played a role in how TDV was conceptualized by participants as discussed in the “Results” section.

Theme 1: Dating is Stigmatized

The majority of participants explained that South Asian parents disapprove of dating. This taboo made it challenging for youth to speak to their parents about relationships, forcing them to date secretly. Participants overwhelmingly thought that hiding relationships was detrimental to the formation of healthy relationships: “If you’re constantly worrying about whether or not your parents are going to find out or if they are going to accept it, if that’s all that’s on your mind instead of actually enjoying your relationship, that’s not healthy” (AN, 18 years old). Another participant explained that while many of her friends’ relationships were not violent, she was concerned about the stress involved in hiding relationships: “I feel like the relationships that I’ve seen my South Asian friends in, they’ve been perfectly nonviolent. But I would say health wise, I think there have been some issues in the sense that they date in secret” (AD, 20 years old). Several participants thought that parents’ disapproval of dating stemmed from generational differences (as described in the arranged marriages theme below). Others thought it was related to South Asian parents’ emphasis on education: “I said ‘Mom, I can start dating?’ She’s like, ‘Just focus on your academics.’ They [South Asian parents] think that once you start dating, you’re going to slack off on academics and you’re just going to ruin your life” (AN, 18 years old).

Some participants also felt that the taboo associated with dating would add challenges for teens experiencing TDV. One participant explained, “There are definitely conservative families where you can’t talk about dating. So, if you are experiencing dating violence, that is not going to come up with your family. They are not as supportive” (FH, 18 years old). She went on to explain that she perceives other communities to be more accepting of dating:

If you were to talk to your White parents, they would be more supportive because it is okay to talk about dating. They will drive you to your date when you are 13. But, a conservative Indian mom they don’t want you dating, that closes off the entire conversation regarding dating and violence if it is happening.

Another adolescent discussed why her friend, who the participant thinks is in an unhealthy relationship, may not want to talk to her parents: “I think in general her parents would be like, ‘This is what happens when you pick your own guy and do this’ They would start pointing fingers like that. Why would you want to deal with that?” (SM, 20 years old).

A few teens who had experienced TDV held similar opinions, noting the challenges they faced hiding their relationships from their parents. One adolescent stated, “Well, I was in a really unhealthy relationship like two years ago and it got really toxic. But the one thing I couldn’t do was talk to my parents about it. That was so difficult for me” (TM, 20 years old). Another described a similar experience, but explained how she eventually was able to engage with her mother:

I wasn’t allowed to date in high school, but I had a relationship where it wasn’t that good. After I broke up with him, I told my mom [that when I] was going through so much stuff, I couldn’t even talk to her. I think she definitely realized like, whoa, I messed up. I should have a conversation with my daughter because if I keep telling her no, she’s not going to come to me for anything. So, in my second relationship, she was like constantly and actively there. (AL, 21 years old)

Seven participants disagreed, expressing the opinion that they were able to speak to their parents about dating and TDV. When asked if she felt comfortable talking to her parents about TDV, one participant said, “We can have an open conversation about it. I’ve never had a conversation with my parents about domestic [dating] violence. But you know if something did come up, I wouldn’t have a problem talking to them about it” (MC, 20 years old). Another participant held a similar perspective: “I absolutely would [talk about relationships]. I have two older sisters and I’m very open with them as well . . . I think they’re very open-minded people” (NS, 20 years old).

Many participants thought it was important to remove barriers to communication between parents and adolescent to promote healthy teen relationships. One participant explained, “I feel like parents need to try to be more open with their kids so that their kids just more comfortable talking to their parents and telling them what’s actually up” (SR, 21 years old). Some participants suggested specific programs to engage parent–adolescent dyads in conversations about healthy relationships:

That would be a good idea to have the parents go [to classes] with their own children—so it will be easier for the parents and children to have the conversation at home. Because most of the time in South Asian culture, you’re never going to sit down and be like, “So, what do you think about me being in a relationship?” (AP, 19 years old)

Another participant described an activity at a South Asian–focused youth program she attended where she interviewed her parents about their thoughts on healthy relationships: “I asked her [mother] how she learned about domestic violence. She just learnt it through experience, but she did talk about signs of unhealthy and healthy relationships” (SH, 17 years old).

Theme 2: Arranged Marriages

Many participants explained how arranged marriages were deeply rooted within South Asian culture. Participants described a spectrum of different types of arranged marriages, ranging from not meeting the spouse until the day of the wedding to having parents involved in the selection of a spouse. One participant stated,

My cousin . . . so basically, her parents started talking about potential guys. Then for about a year, they [cousin and her husband] just talked and got to know each other, and then that all happened after the parents researched the family, researched the guy. The best thing about my family is that they give them time to get to know each other, like, they had an entire year. What they do in other places in India from what I’ve heard and even some of my friends’ parents actually, they don’t meet until two days before the wedding or the day of the wedding. (AN, 18 years old)

Many participants described generational differences regarding arranged marriages, which may factor into why South Asian parents and adolescents espouse different views about dating:

I feel like my parents’ generation, like all the families I know, were arranged marriages. I think its way different now, because nowadays we are dating. Parents aren’t used to dating . . . like for my parents they haven’t dated, they just got married. (SH, 17 years old)

Another participant held a similar opinion: “My parents, they had an arranged marriage and everyone in my family, they had an arranged marriage. So, I personally don’t know how to approach that conversation with my parents. I kind of just keep relationships to myself” (SR, 21 years old).

Most participants stated that they and their South Asian friends do not want to pursue arranged marriages. Some were adamant about it: “For me and my friends, I know that we are all kind of like, ‘Let’s just get married later. Let’s not get into arranged marriages. Let’s do whatever we want’” (SM, 20 years old). Another participant held a similar perspective, which stood in contrast to her family’s beliefs: “My family wants me to have an arranged marriage. I tell my mom ‘You realize there’s no way I would ever do that.’ She knows but doesn’t want to admit it” (AN, 18 years old). Others described some ambivalence toward arranged marriages: “My parents would love to get me an arranged marriage. I don’t mind it. Like if I don’t find anyone, I don’t mind them getting [me] an arranged marriage” (TM, 18 years old). Another participant described how she is not interested in an arranged marriage, but some of her friends are open to the idea: “I guess that idea has just been so ingrained in them [her friends], they don’t even see other options. Some of them say they thought that it [arranged marriages] was cute or something” (AL, 21 years old).

The majority of participants also felt that their parents would not force them to get an arranged marriage. However, some thought that adolescent women faced more pressure to enter arranged marriages than their male counterparts:

I know a lot of friends whose parents want to have arranged marriages for their daughters, especially. And I’ve realized that a lot of families, this isn’t very much imposed on men but it is on women. And that angers me a little bit. It’s like girls can’t have the independence to find their own healthy relationships. (MC, 20 years old)

Theme 3: South Asian Culture: Protection and Challenges

Participants described aspects of South Asian culture that they thought may be helpful or harmful to formation of healthy relationships. Some participants described perceived protective aspects of South Asian culture, particularly that it is community-oriented. One youth, who had been exposed to adult DV as a child, described how the South Asian community may help an adult DV survivor:

There is a strong sense of community within the South Asian community. There is this way of taking care of each other. That if they see someone who is struggling, like in a bad relationship they will take them in as their own. (ST, 20 years old)

A few participants also thought that simply having other South Asian friends could be helpful:

Definitely having trusted friends that you can go to, that are, in my opinion, South Asian, would help if there were any relationship issues . . . consulting with them and having them going through a similar situation and telling me what to do after, was definitely helpful, and was kind of, like, protection. (HN, 20 years old)

Finally, although not discussed in the context of healthy relationships, many participants described aspects of South Asian culture they enjoyed including festivals, clothes, dancing, music, and food.

Other participants noted aspects of South Asian culture that may be challenging for youth in romantic relationships. Some participants described poor role modeling in the Indian film industry (Bollywood), which may affect how youth view healthy relationships. One participant stated,

I think Bollywood has a lot to do with it. There are scenes where a guy grabs a girl and it’s supposed to be cute and fun, but he is grabbing someone who does not want to be touched and then at the end of the song she is flirting. Then teens think that is normal. (AG, 19 years old)

Others described aspects of South Asian culture—particularly the need to protect a family’s reputation, the concern about what people will say, and the need to project an image of perfection—that may make it challenging for adolescents experiencing TDV. One participant relayed stigma inherent in leaving a relationship: “I mean it’s probably just South Asian culture but even if they want to get out of a relationship, like a wrong marriage, they’ll still be in it because they’re afraid of what society thinks” (AP, 19 years old). Another participant noted that dating itself is stigmatized and parents are worried that if it is discussed openly, they may be judged by other members of the community:

OK let’s say your daughter is dating and is in a violent relationship. If other people hear about it, it may cause problems. I’ve heard stories from my mom that people think the other family isn’t doing the right job, not making the right decisions for their daughters. People just talk and they judge. (MC, 20 years old)

Theme 4: Gender Identity and Patriarchal Attitudes

Many participants described the specific challenges they faced as South Asian women, especially forming healthy relationships. They felt that South Asian culture was patriarchal and described a gendered double standard. One participant said, “Definitely in South Asian culture boys and girls are treated differently. It’s easier for me because I have 5 sisters. But with my cousins, the brother is older than the sister but the sister ended up getting married first” (OT, 19 years old). Another participant described her own experiences: “If my mom is in the kitchen and even if my brother is next to her and I’m upstairs, she’s going to probably call for me and ask me for help. It’s been that way since the beginning” (AL, 21 years old).

The majority of participants thought patriarchal attitudes played a fundamental role in the propagation of partner violence within the South Asian community. One participant thought about adult DV:

I think what makes domestic abuse more common is the way that in South Asian culture the men are the heads of the household. . . . I think that kind of allows for the men to let out their frustrations on their significant others. (MB, 20 years old)

Another participant held a similar opinion, describing how patriarchal cultural norms may lead to dating violence:

South Asian women are extremely controlled. What I mean by that is, ever since you’re young, you listen to the head of the household to tell you everything. So, I think that leads to very unhealthy dating practices because, South Asian women, they have that mindset that- okay, I grew up in this household where I was scared of my father and I couldn’t say anything. So then, they shift that view to their dating life, and they go by whatever their partner says and tells them to do. I think that’s a very unhealthy correlation. (HN, 20 years old)

Many participants thought these attitudes were shifting over time: “I feel like nowadays South Asian men and women understand what they deserve and what they expect. I don’t think there’s that old mentality where oh, I’m the man, I’m better” (AP, 19 years old). They also felt that there were generational differences between themselves and their parents regarding patriarchal attitudes: “For my parents’ generation, the women usually stay at home and raise the child and the guy goes out and works. Times are changing now” (MR, 19 years old). Another participant agreed, stating that “I think it [patriarchal attitudes] has not completely gone away, and it won’t be anytime soon, but I think my generation and the generations to come, are definitely changing because we’re becoming more independent” (HN, 20 years old). Many participants also described strong female role models in the South Asian community who are working to change patriarchal attitudes. One adolescent spoke about her mother:

I was adopted from Calcutta and my mom is a single mom and she is very, very liberal. So, she wouldn’t support any power imbalance. She had an arranged marriage and the second he asked for a dowry, she was like, “I am done.” She left and she came here. (FH, 18 years old)

Participants also discussed the importance of programs focused on promoting gender equity. One participant said: “I think we should talk about women’s empowerment and how they are equal to men” (NS, 20 years old). The majority of participants thought that to promote gender equity, South Asian adolescent men should receive education about healthy relationships. One participant stated,

I think they [South Asian adolescent men] play a very, very important role. It’s so important for them to set a standard about how different the view needs to be versus what their father’s view was, or their grandfather’s view, or what happened 200 years ago. I guess, step away from the male dominated view. (HN, 20 years old)

Theme 5: Culturally Tailoring TDV Programs

About half of the participants recommended providing culturally tailored TDV prevention programs for South Asian youth. Participants described a variety of ways to provide culturally specific programs including highlighting the positive aspects of South Asian culture, using South Asian facilitators, including discussion of barriers specific to South Asian youth, and partnering with South Asian organizations. One participant thought it would be helpful to underscore the positive aspects of South Asian culture:

I think some South Asian youth feel it’s South Asian culture that allows for domestic or dating violence, which in some aspects is true but it’s not necessarily a reason to completely isolate yourself from your identity. Providing examples within South Asian culture to show there are people who are actively working against violence or view relationships differently so people don’t feel they have to leave behind their identity in order to be healthy. (ST, 20 years old)

Others thought culturally tailored programs would allow judgment-free discussion of barriers faced by South Asian youth:

Yeah, I think my South Asian friends would understand it, but there’s some people who are like, “It’s not a big deal, you could just date. My parents let me date at 15.” That’s why I feel the culture part is good because you can connect [with South Asians], and you just have to really explain yourself to other people that are not South Asian. (SH, 17 years old)

Some participants also described the utility of engaging South Asian facilitators to lead programs. One participant relayed how helpful it was for her to attend a workshop led by other South Asian young women:

It was helpful to be around a lot of South Asian women. I would go to a meeting where we would drink tea and I would be around all of these amazing women who were free to do what they want without limitation. That was really good for me to see the possibilities and the range of where life could take a person. (MG, 21 years old)

Other participants noted that incorporating South Asian facilitators was particularly important for programs addressing the parent–adolescent dyad:

Being South Asian would definitely be more helpful because if there was a Western speaker or like any other race, parents would say, “They just want us to be like them now, I don’t want to raise my kids the way you raise your kids.” (AP, 19 years old)

The other half of participants thought it would better to have TDV prevention programs for all youth. A few thought forming healthy relationships and experiencing TDV were universal adolescent experiences rather than ones specific to South Asian youth: “Most people go through it and it happens in every culture or background or place, and I feel like it would be a sense of unity to help everybody out, instead of just putting people in categories” (OT, 19 years old). Another participant explained that culturally tailored programs should focus on first-generation as opposed to second-generation immigrants:

I don’t know if it is worth having separate programs just for second generations . . . if you have grown up here your whole life, you can probably relate to the White participants in the program. But, for first-generation, I definitely think that should be separate because they probably don’t know the language that well and they feel more comfortable with people that immigrated here recently. (FH, 18 years old)

Some participants thought that programs should include both culturally specific and general components, to cater to youth with different cultural identities: “I have some friends that I think would feel more comfortable in the South Asian community. But I have some friends who don’t associate themselves as South Asian. They consider themselves more American. The program should include everyone” (NR, 16 years old). Another held a similar opinion: “In the beginning focus on South Asians, but it would be nice to open it up because even people who aren’t South Asian could be experiencing the same questions or could have their own input” (TD, 20 years old).

Finally, a few participants explained that including multicultural perspectives may be helpful, especially because dating violence is stigmatized within South Asian culture. One participant said, “I was raised to not talk back. To be able to voice those concerns to someone who is the same background as me, I feel that might be more difficult than someone who is a different background” (ST, 20 years old). She went on to explain she would prefer not using culturally sensitive organizations that serve the South Asian community: “I don’t know it might be too much like home. Even if obviously it’s confidential I would just would feel like I’m telling someone that I’m almost related to.”

Limitations

This study is subject to some limitations. Although we tried to interview a diverse group of South Asian adolescents (in terms of age, immigrant generation, and country of origin), the majority of participants traced their heritage to India and were enrolled in college. Despite our recruitment efforts, we were unable to interview South Asian adolescent men. This may have been because of our recruitment methods and locations. The results may contain a gender bias as men and women may have different perspectives on the topics presented during the interviews. Future studies should consider men’s perspectives about these topics. The majority of participants were 18 years or older. Older teens may be more interested in these topics, or parents of younger teens may have not been interested in permitting their teens to participate especially as dating may be stigmatized within the South Asian community. In addition, we recruited participants from organizations serving the South Asian community, and therefore recognize that the individuals who participated in this study may be different than those who do not belong to culturally specific organizations. As this is qualitative research, the results may not be externally generalizable; however, we felt we included an appropriate sample size as we reached theoretical saturation. Finally, in an effort to protect confidentiality, we were not able to contact the participants after we completed analysis to conduct member checking.

Implications

Limitations notwithstanding, the results of this exploratory study set the stage for further research and program development. Future work should consider the association between the degree to which dating is stigmatized within a family and adolescents’ reports of experiencing or perpetrating TDV. Understanding attitudes about healthy relationships and TDV among larger sample sizes of youth from different immigrant generations may also be useful. This work should consider exploring how acculturation may affect both South Asian youths’ attitudes about healthy relationships and whether they have experienced TDV. We also recommend future studies consider the perspectives of South Asian parents and examine how parent–adolescent intergenerational cultural conflicts influence teens’ ability to form healthy relationships. Our study included older adolescents; however, early adolescents (ages 13-15 years), developmentally, tend to experience the most conflict with their parents, so their perspectives may be valuable to ascertain in the future (Keijsers & Poulin, 2013).

The results of this study also highlight several areas for program development. TDV prevention programs specific for South Asian youth should be developed and rigorously evaluated. Input from youth, parents, educators, and other key stakeholders, is necessary to ensure these programs focus on the specific intersectional needs of South Asian youth. One way to accomplish this may be through supporting innovative community-based programming. For example, a South Asian DV agency in New York has recently partnered with a NYC-based organization in piloting a South Asian youth-centered program to address sexual assault and TDV in the South Asian community (Y. Syed-Swift, personal communication, January 9, 2018). This and other similar culturally specific community-based work may benefit from funding, evaluation, and dissemination. General guidelines for how to develop culturally tailored interventions for 1.5- and second-generation youth would also prove beneficial. In addition, for programs serving South Asian youth, it may be specifically useful to address the acculturation gap and potential cultural conflicts between parents and adolescents. Clinicians serving South Asian youth (e.g., pediatric health care and mental health providers) may also consider discussing with patients and families how cultural similarities and differences between parents and adolescents impact adolescents’ romantic relationship development.