Prevalence of Rape Myths and Sexual Double Standards Among University Students in Pakistan

Abstract

This study aimed to determine the prevalence of rape myths and sexual double standards among Pakistani university students. The sample size was 500 university students. The results indicated that 76.8 % students had more belief in rape myths, while 23.2 % had less belief on rape myths. In total, 71.4% had less sexual double standards, while 28.6 % had more sexual double standards. Furthermore, results showed that men believed more in rape myths as compared with women. Young adults of age ranging from 17 to 24 years had high sexual double standards as compared with adults of the age range of 25 to 32 years. Moreover, findings of focus group discussions (FGDs) highlighted that rape myths and sexual double standards are highly prevalent. The study revealed that Pakistani students are gender biased, as power and authority are associated with men. They also shared that rape victims in Pakistan do not get any support from family; rather, in most cases, the rape victims are killed in the name of so-called honor to maintain the reputation of family in society.

Keywords

rape myths sexual double standards university students family system rape victims focus group discussions

Introduction

This study aimed to find out the prevalence of rape myths and sexual double standards among students enrolled in public and private sector universities of Pakistan. Gender, age, and educational differences were also explored with respect to study variables. As rape and sexual abuse have been on the rise in Pakistan since last few years (Aurat Foundation, 2014), it is necessary to explore the prevalence of rape myths and sexual double standards and the role of the same as a contributory factor causing and justifying rape and other ways of sexual abuse. The study also draws attention toward Pakistani students’ perception about causes of rape, the way general public behaves with rape victims, and their perception about the extent of rape in Pakistani society.

Rape and sexual assault are global issues that are occurring almost everywhere in the world (House of Commons, 2016). According to Burt (1980), rape myths are negative and false beliefs about rape, its victims, and perpetrators. The same author presented different myths about the rape victim like she is asking for it through provocative dressing, gestures, and attitude, and that it only happens to the dirty or promiscuous women and so on. These myths provide an excuse to perpetrator’s behavior and try to free them from any guilt or shame by projecting as if rape is natural. The survey conducted by British Amnesty International (2005) showed that 22% of respondents expressed that women who already have physical relations with many individuals at one time are themselves responsible for rape. 26% of the participants thought that women are half responsible for getting raped if they are wearing revealing or sensual clothes (Walklate, 2008). 19% of the female college students thought that rape allegations are false, whereas the research involving male college students showed that 22% of the male students believed that “women lie about being raped.” 13% believed that women tempt men to rape them and then raise hue and cry after getting raped (Edwards, Turchik, Dardis, Reynolds, & Gidycz, 2011). Acceptance of rape myths led to the development and approval of sexual double standards (Truman, Tokar, & Fischer, 1996). Sexual double standards held by individuals are as when men are expected to be sexually active, dominant in sexual matters, and are encouraged to take initiative in sexual matters, while women are expected to be shy, passive, and are anticipated to be reactive in sexual matters. It comprises a pattern of expectations from both genders (Bordini & Sperb, 2013; Sanchez, Fetterolf, & Rudman, 2012). Individuals approving, supporting, and following sexual double standards have poor mental and sexual health (Vanwesenbeeck, 2014). In patriarchal societies like Pakistan, women are not allowed to be independent in sexual matters and are encouraged to be repressive and submissive. If women become liberal and independent in sexual matters, they are considered as a threat to privilege and status of men (Travis & White, 2000). Status enhancement is also used to explain presence of sexual double standards. According to it, men are appreciated to seduce women or have many sexual partners because it will enhance their status among peers (Kimmel, 1995) as if it is taming of the shrew.

There is a strong association between sexual double standards and the acceptance of rape myth. The more a society has sexual double standards the more will be the acceptance of rape myth and vice versa (Truman et al., 1996). It has been observed that men approving sexual double standards have sturdy and firm belief in rape myths leading them to be part of sexual activities such as rape, sexual harassment, sexual and dating violence. (Conley, 2011).

During past years, the number of rape cases has been quite high in Punjab, the most populated province of Pakistan. The number of registered rape cases in Punjab was 427, out of which 110 cases were still under investigation (Punjab Police Statistics, 2018). These data are only for one province of Pakistan, that is, Punjab, and is up to the month of February 2018. The current statistics regarding the reported incidents of rape for other provinces of the country are not available. This also highlights the need for prevalence studies in these areas. However, one can imagine the picture of rape/sexual abuse in other provinces of Pakistan, that is, Sindh, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Gilgit Baltistan by seeing the number of reported cases of rape in Punjab. Aurat Foundation, a non-governmental organization (NGO) concerned with the issues faced by Pakistani women, revealed that about four women were raped every single day in the year 2014, while a 49% increase in the number of cases of sexual assault has been observed as compared with 2013. The number of rape cases and sexual assault in 2014 was 1,515 and 74, respectively (Aurat Foundation, 2014). Being followers of traditional gender roles, the Pakistani male students were more inclined to believe in rape myths. The Pakistani students who had less educated or uneducated parents were found to be having a firm belief in rape myths and on traditional gender roles as compared with the students coming of educated families/parents. It also indicated that almost 14% believed that the incident of rape can only happen if a woman is willing to get raped. 52% of the participants believed that if women remain within the four walls of their homes, there is a zero possibility of their getting raped (Ahmad & Kamal, 2000).

Unfortunately, the statistics show that gang rape is more prevalent as compared with single rape in Pakistan. More women are raped in rural areas as compared with urban areas. Women who fall in the age range of 15 to 30 years are more vulnerable to victimization as compared with the women of other ages (Zareen, 2003). Pakistani university students’ perception about marital and nonmarital rape were explored and findings divulged that students think that marital rape has less psychological impact and physical harm on victims as compared with nonmarital rape (Aziz, 2007). Pakistani university students expressed their belief on rape myths by reporting that women attract men through their indecent and improper dressing and gestures and lure them to rape them. A 34% of the male respondents reported that the female victims get pleasure when sexually assaulted (Kamal, Shaikh, & Shaikh, 2010). Another Pakistani research showed that gender role attitudes and sexual double standards are negatively correlated with each other. Individuals with liberal attitudes have less sexual double standards. Furthermore, it showed that as age and education increase, sexual double standards are also increased and strengthened (Gul, 2017). However, no study was found which explored students’ or public’s belief on sexual double standards in Pakistan.

Violence against women—be it rape or any other sexual assault—is an important problem (World Health Organization, 2002). It is significant to understand the reasons and factors that lead to rape and other sexual assaults. It is also necessary to have an access to specific statistical data of factors such as rape myths and sexual double standards to understand the presence and extent of these problems in a better way. The abovementioned studies express the need to carry out prevalence study as attitudes and beliefs toward rape and victims were already explored but there is scarcity of prevalence studies. Most of the researches reviewed in these studies were carried out in West and only a few studies considering these variables especially belief on rape myths have been done in Pakistan (Ahmad & Kamal, 2000; Gul, 2017). There is only one indigenous research available on the sexual double standards and its relation with gender role attitudes (Gul, 2017). However, prevalence of belief in sexual double standards was not explored. Previous studies (e.g., Ahmad & Kamal, 2000; Gul, 2017) based on these constructs have not explored in detail the causes of these issues, society’s behavior with rape victims, and general behavior of society with men and women.

Data for this research were collected from Islamabad that is the federal capital of Pakistan. According to Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (2018), its population is 1,061,412 with a literacy rate of 88%. More than 10% of the population have a bachelor degree while 5.2% have a masters’ degree. Remaining majority people hold diplomas, secondary, and higher secondary education. The large majority of people in Islamabad work in federal government organizations that represent people from all provinces of Pakistan. Thus, Islamabad is considered as mini Pakistan representing all sectors of Pakistan. So, to obtain the representative sample, Islamabad was chosen. This study aimed to (a) determine the prevalence of rape myths and sexual double standards among Pakistani university students, (b) to explore the qualitative perceptions of Pakistani university students regarding the extent of rape myths and sexual double standards in society, and (c) to explore students’ perceptions about individuals’ behavior with rape victims in Pakistani society. Previous indigenous studies have clearly indicated the lack of prevalence studies and also the one or two studies that have been carried out in past are very old. So, researchers tried to fill this gap by exploring the current prevalence of these constructs and to measure individuals’ perception about extent and its causes qualitatively.

Method

Design and Participants

Mixed method research design was used. Quantitative data were supplemented with three focus group discussions (FGDs) with groups of university students including both men and women group, only women group, and only men group.

For the quantitative part, a survey was conducted with 500 university students of Pakistan using purposive and convenient sampling. University students were from both public and private universities of Pakistan. The age range of participants was 17 to 32 years. The sample included 40.8% (n = 204) men, 89.2% (n = 446) students fell in age range of 17 to 24. While, 63.2 % (n = 316) were undergraduate students and remaining were masters and postgraduate students (See Table 1 for demographic details). The participants were unmarried and they lived either in joint (parents, children, grandparents, and extended family members) or in nuclear family system (parents and children only).

Table 1.

Demographic Details of the Sample (N = 500).

Variables	f (%)
Gender
Men	204 (40.8)
Women	296 (59.2)
Age (in years)
17-24	446 (89.2)
25-32	54 (10.8)
Education
Undergraduate	316 (62.3)
Masters	114 (22.8)
Postgraduate	60 (12)
Family system
Nuclear	320 (64)
Joint	178 (35.6)

Note. f = frequency.

Instruments

A demographic questionnaire was used to obtain biographical information from participants such as their age, gender, educational qualification, number of siblings, monthly income, and parents’ education.

Rape Myths Scale (RMS) was developed by Ahmad and Kamal (2000) in Pakistan. It is used to determine the extent to which people believe on different myths about rape. It comprised 12 statements. Participants rate their responses on a 5-point Likert-type scale. Ten of the statements are worded in a manner so that they reflect myth. Their score ranges from 1 (agreement) to 5 (disagreement). If a participants marks “absolutely right” for a myth, it will scored as 1, “right to some extent” as 2, “neither right nor wrong” as 3, “wrong to some extent” as 4, “absolutely wrong” as 5. Statements 4 and 10 are reverse scored. The range of scores that a participant can obtain is 12 to 60. Lower scores indicate high belief on rape myths whereas higher score indicates lack of belief in rape myths. The alpha reliability of this scale was found to be .72 in this research.

Scale for the Assessment of Sexual Standards among Youth was developed by Emmerink, Vanwesenbeeck, van den Eijnden, and Bogt (2016). Urdu (Pakistan’s national language) translated version (Gul, 2017) was used. It measures the degree to which an individual shows attitude toward divergent set of expectations for men and women, that men are expected to be dominant, knowledgeable, and firm in sexual matters whereas women are expected to be more sexually shy, passive, reserved, and less knowledgeable. The instrument contained 19 statements about men and women, on which participants are required to show their degree of agreement on a 6-point scale ranging from 1(completely disagree) to 6 (completely agree). There are no reverse items and a cumulative of the scores on each item is computed which represents an individual responder’s relative sexual double standard. High score indicates strong sexual double standards, while low score would suggest weak sexual double standards. The total score ranges from 19 to 114. The alpha reliability found for this scale was .90 (Emmerink et al., 2016), while .83 in present research.

Procedure

The data for research were collected from 500 students studying in different universities of Islamabad. Permission was first taken from institutional head and then written consent from students was obtained. Afterward, data were collected from students of that university. All the participants were approached in their respective institutions and campuses. Participants were requested to fill the research protocol. They were also briefed about their rights as being participants and purpose of this research. They were also ensured that their information would only be used for research purpose. Each participant was instructed separately. All the participants were asked to read each item carefully and then respond within the given options. They were requested to not leave any item unanswered. During administration, any queries or questions by participants have been entertained urgently. In the end, participants were thanked for their cooperation and participation. It took 10 to 15 min to complete research protocol.

FGDs

FGDs were used to explore students’ views regarding study variables (belief on rape myths and sexual double standards) in detail and to see whether the proposed instruments cater all these views. For FGDs, participants were taken voluntarily. Flyers for this research were advertised in different departments and those participants who contacted the researcher were provided all details regarding FGDs. After this, those participants who showed willingness were made part of FGDs. Three FGDs were conducted: one with men-only group, other with women only, and third with both men and women. The saturation point has been reached on third FGD that is why no more FGDs were further conducted. Each FGD had eight to 10 participants. The total sample size for all FGDs was 24. Focus group guide was formulated on the basis of literature on rape myths and sexual double standards. Specific set of questions were prepared to obtain the targeted information in detail. Participants of each focus group have some common characteristics such as age, sex, educational background, and religion. Questions were ordered properly so that they would cover the topic in complete detail. Such questions that were purely focusing on topic were asked first to have a better idea of participant’s knowledge and then general questions were asked.

The following open-ended questions were put to them: “To what extent, rape myths and sexual double standards are prevalent in Pakistani society?” How rape victims are treated in society?’ The responses of questions were checked and reflected thoroughly to make sure that they are interpreted according to their desired meaning. The FGDs were conducted according to the guidelines described by Kvale (1996) and Morgan (1993). They were also tape recorded after getting consent from participants and then transcribed. After reading and re-reading the transcriptions and notes, themes were identified according to the guidelines provided by Braun and Clarke in 2006.

Ethical Considerations and Data Analysis

Ethical review board of National Institute of Psychology, Pakistan, gave permission for conducting this research. However, participants’ written consent was also taken. Confidentiality of data was ensured. It was made clear that their participation is voluntary and they can leave the research at any time without giving any justification or explanation. Qualitative data were analyzed using thematic analysis approach that constitutes six main steps proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006). The relevant themes from the transcriptions of FGDs were extracted, described, and illustrated considering the participants’ voices. The quantitative data were analyzed through SPSS version 21.

Results

Prevalence

To find the prevalence of belief in rape myths and sexual double standards, the cutoff scores for both instruments were calculated by using median. 36 and 67 were found to be the cutoff scores for RMS and sexual double standards, respectively.

From the random group of 500 participants, 76.8% (n = 384) indicated the less belief in rape myths, while 23.2% (n = 116) were found to have more belief in rape myths. 64.7% male students (n = 132) had less belief in rape myths, while 35.3% (n = 72) had more belief in rape myths. In case of female students, 85.1% (n = 252) were found to have less belief in rape myths, while 14.9% (n = 44) were found to have more belief in rape myths. It has demonstrated that overall male students have more belief in rape myths as compared with female students as indicated by the frequencies and percentages.

For sexual double standards, 28.6% (n = 143) demonstrated more sexual double standards, while 71.4 % (n = 357) were found to have less sexual double standards. 27.9 % male students (n = 57) indicated more sexual double standards, whereas 72.1 % (n = 147) had less sexual double standards. In case of female students, 29.1 % (n = 86) were found to have more sexual double standards, while 70.9 % (n = 210) had less sexual double standards. The findings for sexual double standards have indicated that female students have slightly higher endorsement of sexual double standards than male students. However, the difference in percentages between male and female students is not significant one.

Comparison of Groups Indicating Belief in Rape Myths and Sexual Double Standards

The obtained data were analyzed to find out group differences among male and female participants on the basis of other variables such as gender, age, educational qualification.

Prevalence of belief in rape myths and sexual double standards among both genders was explored through independent sample t test. The values showed that male students have a stronger belief in rape myths as their mean score is less than that of female students (See Table 2). The lower mean score on RMS indicates a stronger belief in rape myths. Nonsignificant difference was found among the scores of male and female students for sexual double standards.

Table 2.

Gender Differences Between Males (n = 204) and Females (n = 296) on Rape Myths and Sexual Double Standards Among Youth (N = 500).

Variable	Gender				t	p	95% CI		Cohen’s d
	Men (n = 204)		Women (n = 296)				95% CI
	M	SD	M	SD			LL	UL
RMS	38.58	7.60	43.71	7.42	−7.52	.00	−6.47	−3.79	.68
SS	58.74	15.17	59.15	14.89	−0.303	.76	−3.09	2.26	.03

Note. RMS = Rape Myth Scale; SS = Scale for Assessment of Sexual Standards Among Youth; CI = confidence intervals; LL = lower limit; UL = upper limits.

To explore the prevalence of belief in rape myths and sexual double standards among Pakistani university students, the family system—either nuclear (parents and children) or joint (parents, children, grandparents, and extended family members)—they lived in was considered. Independent sample t test was applied using SPSS software.

Table 3 indicated that belief on rape myths is higher among participants living in joint family system as low score on this scale indicates higher belief. For sexual double standards, nonsignificant difference was observed among mean scores of participants for joint and nuclear family system.

Table 3.

Mean Differences of Nuclear (n = 320) and Joint (n = 178) With Belief on Rape Myths and Sexual Double Standards Among Pakistani University Students (N = 500).

Scales	Family system				t (500)	p	95% CI		Cohen’s d
	Nuclear (n = 320)		Joint (n = 178)				95% CI
	M	SD	M	SD			LL	UL
RMS	42.38	7.74	40.35	8.03	2.75	.00	0.579	3.46	.25
SS	59.13	14.37	58.54	16.06	0.40	.68	−2.25	3.43	.03

Note. RMS = Rape Myth Scale; SS = Scale for Assessment of Sexual Standards Among Youth; CI = confidence intervals; LL = lower limit; UL = upper limits.

Results From FGDs

Results from the FGDs showed that rape myths and sexual double standards are highly prevalent in Pakistani society. 89% (n = 24) of the participants shared that these rape myths and sexual double standards are practiced in daily life everywhere, for example, institutions, organizations, and homes, and so on. The reason given by most of the participants was “Highly prevalent due to lack of education and awareness” (89%).

Seventy-five perecent (n = 18) of the participants also shared that Pakistani government and civil society are not focused to resolve these issues and this is why rape and sexual harassment cases are rising in number. Also, no statistical data are available on national level that may indicate the current number and ratio of cases of rape and sexual harassment. “Our government has no specific data on these issues and exploitation of women is occurring at a very high rate in Pakistan. 70% role is played by men in this exploitation.”

Eighty three percent (n = 20) of the participants were of the view that the female are victims of such exploitation in these cases, whereas the male are the perpetrators. It has also been observed that the latter are not given punishment even if they are found guilty. This, in other words, is a good and indication of patriarchy being largely prevalent in society. Due to patriarchal culture, the female are always given a lower position and status, whereas the male are considered to having the authority over the female. Consequently, if the male go against the established norms, it is not considered as punishable. “Existing up to 60 to 70% and culprits should be given strict punishment to eradicate these ills from society.”

All participants (100%, n = 24) also shared their views/opinions regarding negative attitude/ behavior of society (individuals) toward rape victims. Rape victims are treated very badly and are blamed for the incident of rape, and their character is judged as low. It is believed that rape victims cause an irreversible damage to the (so-called) honor of family and that they should be killed to save the repute of the family. “In our society, rape victim woman is killed in the name of honor irrespective of either she is guilty or not. Victim is further treated like animal.”

Furthermore, the participants’ response revealed that there is no acceptance for rape victims in Pakistani society. Due to the social pressure on the family of rape victim, the latter, if not killed, is asked to leave the house as it is believed that their presence is a curse for the entire family. “Rape victims have no social standing, no value. Their families do not support them. And they are shifted to centers like Edhi homes (A shelter home).”

It was apparent from the responses of FGDs that false beliefs about rape and sexual double standards are highly practiced in Pakistani society. Its consequences include honor killing of rape victims, sending them to shelter homes, providing no familial and social support to them, character assassination. Sometimes, the attitude of society and family forces a rape victim to commit suicide.

Discussion

This study revealed that rape myths and sexual double standards are highly prevalent among Pakistani university students. It was found that men are more inclined to endorse rape myths as compared with women. The less score on RMS indicates more endorsement and acceptance of rape myths. Such less score also corresponds with the findings from FGDs that men are perpetrators in most cases of rape and they always blame and accuse a woman’s character, dressing, and attitude as a major cause of rape. As the Pakistani society is conservative in nature, it is quite obvious that men will blame women in such cases and also indulge themselves in activities such as rape and sexual harassment to show their power (Sadruddin, 2013). Previous findings showed that Pakistani men were found to be followers of conventional gender roles and also have more belief on rape myths (Ahmad & Kamal, 2000). Literature suggests that people who accept rape myths are likely to blame victims (women) and that a higher rate of acceptance of rape myth is found in men (Frese, Moya, & Megias, 2004). Sexual double standards were found to be the same among both male and female university students. It means that the level of practice and endorsement of the rape myth is almost of the same level in both men and women and is a clear indication of the sexual double standards. However, the previous researches (e.g., Emmerink et al., 2016; Gul, 2017) have shown that men endorse more sexual double standards than women. Literature also indicates that individuals may have a tendency to portray their own favorable image through questionnaires which is known as social desirability (Mortel, 2008). Another reason could be that because the sample was collected from educated individuals from both genders, there may be a possibility that both of the genders have same sexual double standards, especially when both are studying and have an exposure to similar kind of environment.

The study has also showed that individuals in joint family system have more firm belief in rape myths as compared with those living in a nuclear family system (Table 3). Previous literature on rape myths also revealed that in Asian societies, traditional gender roles are more frequently followed. It is believed that pious women are only those who follow the proper dress code according to their culture, are passive, and remain silent on most of the matters. If a woman deviates from these established sociocultural norms, she is considered as dirty or promiscuous and, if raped, all the blame rests on her shoulders. Individuals who follow traditional gender roles thus are more inclined toward accepting the pre-established rape myths (Mittal, Singh, & Verma, 2017). Having a collectivistic culture, a similar trend is observed in Pakistan where most of the people follow traditional gender roles and stick to their stance (Avais, Chandio, & Brohi, 2014). This indicates that there are more restrictions on thinking and actions of women, whereas men enjoy unlimited freedom and power. In other words, if anything bad happens to a woman, it is likely that people would always blame women for being raped or harassed.

The findings of the present study clearly elucidated that there is significant increase in belief in rape myths and sexual double standards as compared with the rate reported in previous studies (e.g., Ahmad & Kamal, 2000). This highlights the need to initiate mass-level awareness campaigns focusing on psychological and other grave consequences of rape. Such issues must be openly discussed and talked in educational institutions to change the mind-set of educated population. These students are the future policy makers and if they are able to understand the depth of these issues at this stage, only then they would be able to incorporate effective policies to combat such issues.

Conclusion

This research has highlighted the high prevalence of rape myths and sexual double standards among both male and female university students. In Asian societies, men are socialized in ways to be more masculine, dominant, authoritarian, powerful, and superior. They are encouraged to exercise their authority and power over women. Rape is also considered as a demonstration of power of men over women. Based on these findings, it is recommended that awareness programs must be developed in Pakistan focusing on masculinity, femininity, and rape, and so on to encourage open talks and discussions with students to change their mind-sets. This research was significant as its findings can be used in developing relevant intervention programs in Pakistan that would ultimately play an effective role in changing the narrative of people regarding such issues. It is also recommended to conduct more prevalence studies in Pakistan using larger sample sizes to get a better picture as literature has also shown that there is scarcity of prevalence studies in this part of the world.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Nida Jamshed

Author Biographies

Nida Jamshed, MPhil, scholar at National Institute of Psychology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. Her areas of interest include women issues, domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment, patriarchy, and gender and sexuality.

Anila Kamal, PhD, director and professor at National Institute of Psychology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. Her areas of interest include gender issues, gender and sexuality, women issues, sexual harassment.

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