How Race and Gender Stereotypes Influence Help-Seeking for Intimate Partner Violence

Abstract

This qualitative study investigated how stereotypes affect help-seeking behaviors for women in abusive relationships. It consisted of in-depth interviews of 15 female victims of intimate partner violence (IPV): five White and 10 African American women. It compared and contrasted the ways in which internalized stereotypes affected the IPV-related help-seeking of African American women and White women. The findings indicated that African American women were affected by the “strong Black woman” stereotype, did not utilize formal institutions for help, and instead, turned to close family and friends for support. White women were affected by stereotypes about IPV victims, felt less strain associated with utilizing formal support systems, and also utilized informal support networks. Results are interpreted and recommendations are developed through an intersectional Black feminist criminological theoretical framework.

Keywords

intimate partner violence help-seeking stereotypes “strong Black woman”support networks

This study explores how Black and White women navigate stereotypes and seek help in response to intimate partner violence (IPV). IPV is the willful intimidation as part of a systematic pattern of coercive and controlling behaviors and tactics perpetrated by an intimate partner against another to gain power and control (National Coalition Against Domestic Violence [NCADV], 2018). IPV includes “physical assaults, threats, verbal, emotional, and psychological abuse, stalking, sexual assault, harassment, and humiliation by an intimate partner” (NCADV, 2018). It is a significant public health issue, especially for women (Campbell & Soeken, 1999; Hampton, Oliver, & Magarian, 2003). One in every four women will experience IPV in their lifetime (NCADV, 2012). Over half of all female homicide victims are killed by an intimate partner (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2017). African American women experience IPV at higher rates than the general population, women overall, and their White counterparts (Bureau of Justice, 2015; CDC, 2014). In 2015, Black women were twice as likely as White women to be killed by a spouse (Bureau of Justice, 2015) and four times more likely than White women to be killed by a boyfriend or girlfriend (Bureau of Justice, 2009).

Racial Differences in Social Support and Help-Seeking for IPV

Research suggests that help-seeking differs by race or ethnicity (Bridges, Karlsson, Jackson, Andrews, & Villalobos, 2018). The social support networks of White and Black women differ. African American women’s networks consist of family members and extended kinships where the act of pooling resources aids in survival (Dominguez & Watkins, 2003; Jarrett, Jefferson, & Kelly, 2010; Liebow, 1967; Roschelle, 1997; Smith & Landor, 2018; Stack, 1974). Research suggests that White women are more involved in friendship networks than African American women, and African American women rely on family and fictive kin networks that may include friends (Griffin, Amadeo, Fassler, & Ellis, 2006). While both African American and White women rely on friends for support and define friendships as “emotionally supportive” by spending time and giving advice, the support friends provide differs (Greif & Sharpe, 2010). White women were less likely to help a friend with money, but more likely than African American women to help with employment opportunities and bridging networks for upward mobility. Furthermore, relative to their White counterparts, African American women are more likely to draw upon religion for emotional support (Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation, 2012), including for IPV (Brome, Owens, Allen, & Vevaina, 2000; Constantine, Wilton, Gainor, & Lewis, 2002; Gillum, Sullivan, & Bybee, 2006).

These racial differences persist among victims of IPV, although IPV victims are generally more likely to seek help from informal sources of support, such as family and friends, as opposed to formal sources of support, such as domestic violence help centers and mental health providers. In addition, religious leaders are often sought for assistance with IPV (Sabina, Cuevas, & Schally, 2012; West, 2004). When experiencing IPV, White women are more likely to utilize formal supports (i.e., police and IPV help centers) than Black women (Anyikwa, 2016). Barriers related to Black women’s formal help-seeking behaviors include racial biases within law enforcement and lack of access to and inability to afford health care (Andersen, 1995; Anyikwa, 2015; Cho, Shamrova, Han, & Levchenko, 2020). African American women, thus, are more likely to call upon their informal social support networks involving friends, neighbors, and family (Anyikwa, 2015; Lockhart & White, 1989; Rose, Campbell, & Kub, 2000; Van Hook, 2000). Even then, however, African American women may not utilize family and friends due to concerns about burdening family and friends by asking for assistance (Hattery & Smith, 2017). When African American women experiencing IPV seek help from informal support networks, they face several problems. For example, their friends and family members often advise them to leave the abuser, advice that is associated with an increased risk of death (Goodman & Kocot, 2003). Consequently, the women experience greater emotional distress, than White women, when trying to manage the violence.

Stereotypes and Help-Seeking for IPV

Stereotypes of IPV Victims

IPV victims are subjected to the battered woman stereotype, which characterizes victims as stupid, passive, helpless, and in denial (NCADV, 2018). People commonly believe that IPV victims choose to be subjugated by their partners and that socio-structural factors play no role in exposing victims to violence (Nash, 2007). They ascribe greater decision-making agency to the victims than is typically the case (Anyikwa, 2016). As a result, IPV victims are often labeled as “stupid” and “foolish” for staying in the relationship due to the misconception that leaving the relationship will stop the violence. These labels reflect a belief that the responsibility for ending IPV lies with the victim and not the abuser (Enander, 2010). IPV victims consider prevailing attitudes about battered women, which tend to blame victims for their victimization, when deciding how to respond to the violence (Meyer, 2016). They consider the possibility that their friends and family will think that they are stupid for staying in their relationships (Morrison, Luchok, Richter, & Parra-Medina, 2006). Thus, how much women and the people in their social networks endorse stereotypes of IPV victims relates to woman’s help-seeking for IPV.

Stereotypes of Women

Gendered stereotypes hold that women are responsible for keeping the family together (Hurtado, 1989). Thus, if victims do leave, they may be labeled home wreckers. IPV victims consider the reaction of friends and families when deciding how to respond to the violence (Morrison et al., 2006).

Stereotypes of Black Women

Social constructions of Black womanhood may inhibit Black women’s help-seeking, even among family and friends. African American women may be reluctant to ask for help for fear of being judged as weak and unable to handle their own problems, that is, deviating from the stereotype of the strong Black woman who can handle anything (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Collins, 2004). The strong Black woman stereotype perpetuates ideas of invincibility and superhuman powers that allow Black women to endure extreme amounts of physical and emotional pain, including IPV (Collins, 1990, 2004). Because the stereotype is widely held in the African American community and broader society, Black women may internalize it and, in turn, not seek assistance when they need it (Collins, 1990; Nelson, 2012). Furthermore, they may try to physically fight back against their attackers (Collins, 1990; Jones, 2010; Potter, 2006, 2008). The stereotype enlists African American women to participate in their own oppression (Collins, 2004); the women do this stereotype by staying in violent relationships longer than their White counterparts and not seeking institutional help, such as domestic violence help centers. Instead, they turn to friends and family members for help, where resources are more likely to be scarce.

The appeal of the seemingly “positive” stereotype of the strong Black woman lies in its contrast to “negative” stereotypes about Black womanhood, including the jezebel and the mammy. The jezebel is a caricature of Black women that depicts them as lascivious, sexually seductive, and oversexed; it was created to justify the rape of Black women slaves by slave holders (Anderson, 1997; Collins, 1989; Hill, 2009; Morgan, 1999). The mammy stereotype consists of images of Black women with a wide grin, hearty laugher, and loyal servitude; this caricature was offered as evidence of the supposed humanity of the institution of slavery (Bogle, 1994). Thus, attempts to embody the stereotype of the strong Black woman represent a form of resistance to negative stereotyping. That said, the less internalized the stereotype of the strong Black woman, the more likely Black women are to seek help, especially formal help, for IPV (Richie, 1996).

African American women may also resist help-seeking because they worry about reinforcing the stereotype of Black people, in this case, their Black male partners, as violent (Hattery & Smith, 2017; Jones, 2010; Richie, 1996; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005).

In addition to Black women, other people may endorse stereotypes about Black women. Black women are stereotyped as domineering, insensitive, and tough. Thus, when they do seek help, other people may view them as unworthy of care and concern because they can “hold their own” (Collins, 1990; Hurtado, 1989). Black women may experience discrimination and culturally insensitive care in the criminal justice system and public domestic violence help centers¹ (Anyikwa, 2016; Hampton et al., 2003). Society’s internalization of the stereotype of the strong Black woman, including among law enforcement, IPV help centers, and the criminal justice system, leaves African American women to believe that legal authorities have little interest in protecting their welfare, and in turn, affecting their decisions to utilize these services (Richie, 2012). Even the abusers themselves may internalize the stereotypes about Black women, anticipate the victim to physically fight back, and in an effort to ensure that the beating is successful, they may use excessive force (Collins, 2004; Wyckoff & Simpson, 2008).

Stereotypes of White Women

For White women, there is no equivalent to the strong Black woman stereotype. Though class-based and gendered stereotypes apply to White women, there is no racialized stereotype, particularly because White women belong to the dominant racial group to which all others are compared (Bonilla-Silva, 2003). The general stereotype of women as demure, sensitive, and delicate applies narrowly to White women (Higginbotham, 1992). This stereotype may translate to privilege for White women in that they are viewed as being worthy of care and concern (Collins, 1990; Higginbotham, 1992). For poor White women, class-based stereotypes, such as laziness, may inhibit their help-seeking, which can result in staying in an abusive relationship (NCADV, 2018).

Consequences of Diminished Help-Seeking for IPV

The longer a woman remains in an abusive relationship, the greater the severity of victimization is (Cho et al., 2020). Women who stay in abusive relationships due to attempts to manage stereotypes may experience more life-threatening injuries that increase the trauma they experience, exacerbating other long-lasting effects of abuse, such as anxiety, depressive symptoms, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Anyikwa, 2016). Black women’s greater reluctance to seek help and preference for specific kinds of help, relative to White women, places them in further danger with their abusive partners and contributes to greater severity of their injuries as a result of IPV (Wyckoff & Simpson, 2008). Because Black women have to navigate stereotypes associated with not only being IPV victims and women but also, specifically, Black women, they are subjugated in relation to their White counterparts (Cooper, 2018).

The Present Study

This study adds to the IPV literature by examining racial differences in the role of stereotypes in IPV victims’ help-seeking. As such, it contributes to the broader literatures on race, gender, and crime by examining how raced and gendered stereotypes contribute to inequities in victimization and help-seeking for that victimization. Because gender, race, class, and sexuality contribute to IPV risk (Cho et al., 2020; Sokoloff, 2003), this study employs intersectional theory to understand racial differences in help-seeking for a gendered crime. Specifically, it examines differences between White and Black women of different social classes who experience IPV at the hands of a male partner. Intersectional theory provides a framework to examine classifications of power and privilege based on race, class, gender, and sexuality, as well as the intersecting nature of multiple systems of exploitation and oppression that operate at the structural level (Crenshaw, 1991; Hattery & Smith, 2018). Intersectionality combines critical race theory and legal perspectives by conceptualizing the social locations of individuals to include the analysis of race, class, gender, and sexuality as integral components of oppression to examine not only individual experiences but also social phenomena (Collins, 2015; Crenshaw, 1991).

Methods

Participants

To investigate the relationship between stereotypes and IPV-related help-seeking, I conducted interviews between 2011 and 2012 with a snowball sample of 15 working- and middle-class women living in Colorado. Working class is defined as a person with one or more of the following characteristics: highest education completed is a high school degree or some vocational education; employment in supervised, wage jobs or a hands-on small business; and renting or modest homeownership (Leondar-Wright, 2005, 2014). Middle class is defined as someone with one or more of the following characteristics: highest education completed is a 4-year college degree or more; employment in professional or managerial jobs with relatively more autonomy and often higher income and security; and homeownership trading up to bigger homes (Leondar-Wright, 2005, 2014). The qualitative, in-depth interview method was chosen to generate a rich understanding of the women’s experiences and perceptions of stereotypes to gain a deeper understanding of how they might affect the women’s help-seeking behavior in the women’s own words (Weiss, 1994). Using a qualitative framework, the aim was to interpret and disseminate the meanings respondents gave to their experiences (Becker, 1996).

Respondents were selected via a snowball sampling of women who identified as having been in an abusive relationship. Of the 15 women interviewed, seven of the 10 African American women self-identified as working class and three self-identified as middle class. Three of five White women self-identified as working class and two self-identified as middle class. Their ages ranged from 24 to 57 years. Four of the respondents were professionals working in the field of IPV and who previously experienced IPV. The remaining 11 respondents were not working in the field of IPV but exhibited knowledge about the dynamics of IPV based on their own experiences. All of the women had been out of the abusive relationship for more than 5 years. Some were volunteers at a local domestic violence help center.

Procedures

Respondents were recruited via hand-outs and flyers distributed at a domestic violence help center and by word-of-mouth, snowball sampling. Semi-structured interviews of about an hour were conducted with each respondent. A total of 11 interviews were conducted at the respondent’s location of preference, and four interviews were conducted via phone to accommodate the respondent’s schedule. Interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. The interviews focused on (a) the resources that were available to and used by the women, including help agencies and support networks, such as friends and family; and (b) factors affecting their decisions to seek help of various types, including stereotypes, such as the battered woman stereotype and the strong Black woman stereotype.

Drawing on qualitative methods (Becker, 1996), I engaged in multiple readings of the transcriptions to ascertain whether commonalities and differences existed in how the women described their experiences of IPV, their help-seeking behaviors, and the role of stereotypes. Findings were analyzed using Potter’s Black feminist criminology (BFC) theory, which uses the concept of intersectionality to account for the interconnected variables of race, class, gender, and sexuality (Potter, 2006). BFC “incorporates the tenets of interconnected identities, interconnected social forces, and distinct circumstances to better theorize, conduct research, and inform policy regarding criminal behavior and victimization among African Americans” and other racial groups (Potter, 2006, p. 109). Like Black women, White women are raced, though their whiteness is framed as invisible because it is constructed as dominant, to which all others are compared (Bonilla-Silva, 2003; Ferber, 2009). BFC makes the invisible visible by acknowledging the dominance associated with whiteness as a necessary factor to compare and contrast Black and White women’s differential experiences, in an effort to highlight the impact of the racialized inequities that Black women face throughout society (Potter, 2006). Because women’s experiences with IPV and help-seeking are influenced by their social location which are based on the intersections of race, class, gender, and sexuality (Crenshaw, 1989; Potter, 2006), this study examines the role of raced and gendered stereotypes as experienced by Black and White women of different social classes.

To ensure confidentiality, no identifying characteristics of respondents were shared, and only the primary investigator knew which respondents were based on those codes. The data were coded for the types of support the women sought. Help-seeking themes in the data included the following: familial support, extended kin support, friend support, and institutional support. The data were also coded for the stereotypes mentioned, either directly (i.e., by name) or indirectly, by the women. Stereotype themes in the data included stereotypes of Black women, stereotypes of IPV victims, stereotypes of women, and stereotypes of White women. Additional coding captured the relation of stereotypes to help-seeking. Findings showed that, regardless of race, the women discussed the concept of strength: (a) all women viewed strength as a fundamental characteristic upon which they drew when facing IPV; (b) Black women considered formal help-seeking as a sign of weakness, relied on informal support to embody the strong Black woman stereotype, and simultaneously acknowledged the burden stereotypes placed on them; and (c) White women considered help-seeking as a sign of strength and were more likely to use formal help resources.

Results

Disclosure of IPV to Family and Friends

All of the women reported that they eventually disclosed the IPV to friends and family, even if they felt some reluctance. Cindy, a 41-year-old African American woman, reported that her friends and family were emotionally supportive, but she was still reluctant to tell them that she was being abused. She did not want to be a burden on her family and friends, and she felt capable of handling the situation on her own. She told her family about the abuse only after she was away from the abuser and the relationship was over. Similarly, Michelle, a 57-year-old African American woman working in the field of IPV advocacy, did not tell her family and friends about the abuse while she was still in the relationship but disclosed that information once she left the abusive relationship. She said, “I did not want my brothers to go to jail.” Her assumption was that if she were to tell her family, her brothers would retaliate against the abuser with physical violence and possibly end up in jail themselves. These two cases demonstrate why African American women are reluctant to tell friends and family: they are afraid of being a burden and of the repercussions that telling would have on their friends and families. These women embody the strong Black woman stereotype by “holding their own” and protecting the well-being of other people, even if that means neglecting their own needs.

In contrast to the African American respondents, the five White respondents reported that they disclosed the abuse to their friends and family and felt comfortable doing so because their family was very supportive. For these respondents, friends and family gave advice to leave the abuser but did not make it a requirement for their continued support of the victim. Wendy, a 29-year-old White woman, recounted her experience with her friends and family after disclosing the abuse to them:

I was so glad to have my parents. They kinda knew but didn’t know . . . you know? He would hit me where no one could see the bruises. So, they were not sure what was going on, but they knew something was going on. I just told them one day because I was not going to stay with him anymore and I knew I could always live with my mom. My mom, my dad and my cousins helped me move, I think, because they were afraid of what he might do. He was at work, though, but he knew . . . I know he knew because he kept calling, but my dad told me to not answer the phone. My dad was so pissed; he wanted to kick his ass.

When asked about her feelings about telling her friends, Wendy said:

I did not feel embarrassed or anything because I would talk to them anyway. I actually told my friends before I told my mom. They all told me to leave. I think I was encouraged, and they gave me strength to finally leave him.

The White women in the study all reported that they told their friends and family about the abuse when it occurred, with the exception of one respondent. Jamie, a 24-year-old White college student, did not openly tell her family that she was being abused. Her sister recognized that “something was wrong” and told other family members. Jamie reported that it was during a trip to visit extended family members in California that she made the decision to leave the abusive relationship for good.

Familial and Friends’ Responses and Support

All respondents reported that they received emotional support from their family and friends when dealing with IPV, but that they felt isolation and loneliness throughout the abusive relationship, even though family and friends provided emotional support. Abusers use isolation from family and friends as a tactic to maintain control over their victims (NCADV, 2012). When asked about support from her friends, Jamie (24-year-old White woman) became visibly upset. She recalled incidents where her ex-boyfriend used sex with her friends as way to isolate her:

He used to sleep with my friends, all of them, except for one that stood by my side. They never told me to leave him or anything. They just acted like the abuse was no big deal and slept with him behind my back, and really, they were helping him emotionally abuse me.

Although Jamie initially reported that her friends were supportive, in hindsight she feels differently; she said, “they weren’t really my friends.” She acknowledged that they were used as tools by her ex-boyfriend to further victimize her. For Jamie, those friends empowered him to emotionally manipulate and control her. However, Jamie emphasized the importance of one very good friend who did not sleep with him. This friend would allow her to stay at her house while she was in the process of leaving the abusive relationship. She explained that this particular friend was of great support to her both during and after the abuse, and that she continues to value and cultivate this friendship.

Deidra, a 33-year-old Black woman, recalled that even though her friends were all experiencing abuse in their lives too, they were still emotionally supportive. She emphasized the importance of talking with them about the abuse and noted that regularly sharing experiences with them was helpful to her because they understood. The ability to discuss these experiences and to be understood by friends played a role in Deidra’s disclosure of the abuse and her help-seeking. She reported “They were the ones that gave me the strength to leave, even though they were going through it too.”

The respondents in this study did not report receiving financial help from friends or family during the abusive relationship. These findings suggest that the emotional support was a major factor in helping the women navigate their IPV relationships, including the women who did not disclose the abuse right away.

Support From Agencies

Institutional agencies, such as emergency services, law enforcement, and the legal system, are often the first responders in IPV cases. Only one respondent reported that she used an institutional agency for help with the abuse. Kelsey, a 34-year-old White woman, recalls her experience with calling the police after being attacked by her abusive boyfriend:

I didn’t care. He went to jail and had to do classes, but that was it. Yah, I called. He said that I hit him, but they saw my clothes and my face was all swollen too. So they took him. I was so pissed off I didn’t care. I told him that I was calling the police. But I felt bad. I didn’t want to get him in trouble, but he kept doing it. He’d say he wouldn’t do it anymore, but he always did. Every time, he always did. Twice I called the police on him. The first time he lied and said that I hit him. The second time he tried to leave out the back, but they got him on the street.

When asked if she assisted prosecutors to convict her partner, she stated:

No, I didn’t have to. They (district attorney’s office) did it all. I mean . . . I felt bad, but you know I’m glad I didn’t have to do anything. He had to go to classes twice, and he blamed me. I know it sounds silly, but I felt kinda stupid because I was the one who ended up having to take him anyway.

Kelsey’s decision to call the police was based on her perceived threat. She did not consider any institutional forces that would affect her or her abusive boyfriend negatively, in terms of the type of punishment her boyfriend might receive. She felt that the police were there to help her and was grateful that the district attorney’s office did not enlist her help in prosecuting. Her comment that she felt “kinda stupid” suggests that she may have internalized the stereotype of IPV victims as stupid for staying with a partner after having been abused by him.

None of the other respondents sought help from an agency. Reasons for this included the fact that during the time they were being victimized, IPV agencies did not exist. With regard to the police, all of the African American respondents expressed sentiments that calling the police “was out of the question.” Cindy explained:

Oh, no. I never called the police. I just took it. We were taught that the police were not our friends. You know what I mean? The police are not there to help Black people. For Black people, we don’t tell our business. Calling the police was out of the question. My therapy was work. My friends were there, but they were going through the exact same thing . . . the exact same thing. And we kinda just helped each other when necessary. They’d come stay at my house, you know, that kind of deal and they’d show up on the doorstep in the wee hours of the night with the kids. (She waved her hand, to gesture.) “Come on.” And we kinda helped each other, just talking about it and what we thought we could legally get away with, even though we were scared to death. But, you know, that’s what we did. We just sat around and just talked about it, talked real bad about those men, real, real bad.

Cindy and her friends relied on each other as an alternative to the police. The sentiment about the police “not being our friends” speaks to the history of discriminatory police treatment of African Americans in the United States (Alexander, 2010).

Black women’s ability to share their experiences with other Black women who have a thorough understanding of the symbolic function of the strong Black woman stereotype allows Black women to be vulnerable among one another, without judgment. Tiffany, a 35-year-old African American woman, stated:

I did not feel the need to call the police. I was alright. . . . I mean I’d be hurt, but I did not want the police coming to my house. You know how they are always fucking with somebody. They want to blame you. They don’t care. They blame you for them having to come out. I wasn’t going anywhere anyway (laughter). And plus, I didn’t want him to get in trouble, you know? I mean, you know, what’s the point? I wasn’t going anywhere, and I was alright.

For Tiffany, calling the police meant further trauma in the form of being blamed by the police; as she stated, “they don’t care.” Her sentiments reflect the widely held idea that the police do not view Black women as worthy of assistance in IPV cases, an idea that indicates broader society’s belief in the strong Black woman stereotype. Furthermore, Tiffany’s insistence on the fact that she was “alright” also speaks to the stereotype, particularly the notion that she did not need any help.

When asked what she meant about not wanting to get her boyfriend in trouble, Tiffany responded:

I don’t want him in the system. I don’t want him being put on probation or incarcerated. I have to think about the long-term ramifications. . . . I just didn’t want him being locked up. I could handle it. So many of them (Black men) are in the prison system. I don’t want him getting caught up.

Tiffany’s comments reflect her to desire to protect him from the institutional racism Black men experience within the criminal justice system. She did not want to reinforce negative stereotypes about Black people.

IPV Victims’ Attitudes About Seeking Professional Mental Health Help

All of the women described experiencing stress while they were in the violent relationship and after they had escaped it. Two White respondents reported utilizing professional psychotherapy as a way to address mental health issues that arose from the abuse they suffered. Jamie reported that her family advised her to seek professional help and were very supportive. She was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, and obsessive-compulsive disorder as a result of having experienced abuse.

None of the African American women said they received professional mental health services, though they experienced mental health consequences of the abuse. They said they were unwilling to receive professional treatment because it is a “white thing.” Within the African American community, going to therapy is frowned upon and perceived as “airing our dirty laundry,” as Cindy asserted. When asked about the cultural competency of domestic violence agencies, Cindy indicated that she felt that “word of mouth” advertising might encourage more African American women to utilize therapy services. She stated:

Most Black people, you know, we don’t go to therapy, unless maybe if it’s a Black therapist, which in this state, I don’t know of any. I may go and talk with them, but yah, that’s something that we do not ever do and I don’t know nobody that did. I think you would really have to advertise yourself out there or word of mouth as for . . . especially with African American women . . . it would be word of mouth. “Girl, I talked to this lady, and she’s a sister.” And that’s how it would work. You can advertise on TV or whatever, but that’s not gonna work. But you can go talk to grandma or older ladies—someone that has been there. That’s how we relate.

When asked about seeking mental health services, Lisa, a 37-year-old African American woman, stated:

I know I should have went ‘cause I was crazy for a minute. I know now. I didn’t want to though. I still don’t. I think I do okay. I just talked to my friends. That’s all I needed, you know? My friends were there the whole time. So they knew ‘cause they been through it too. I mean we were together for a minute, and they knew he was hitting on me, but I couldn’t go to no counselor, you know? They don’t know, and they don’t need to know.

Lisa’s responses indicate that the abuse she endured had a negative psychological impact on her. However, she felt that she did not need formal mental health support because she already had friends to support her. Furthermore, by stating that mental health professionals “don’t need to know” about the abuse, she conveyed a mistrust in whether they would handle the information properly.

Impact of Stereotypes on IPV Victims

Some respondents spoke of how stereotypes affect IPV victims’ help-seeking. The White respondents spoke about the stereotypes and stigma associated with being an IPV victim, especially as a woman. For instance, Jamie, a 24-year-old White respondent, commented, “I knew that there was a stigma about victims of domestic violence, but I did not realize that I was in an abusive relationship until I got out.” In this instance, the negative stigma did not affect her decision to leave because she was not aware of the fact that she was an “abused woman” until she was out of that relationship completely. Jamie was aware of the stigma attached to victims of IPV: “The stigma is there, but I don’t care.” This comment reflects the sense of the empowerment that Jamie and other abused women felt after they are liberated from the abuse.

Debra, a 49-year-old White woman and an executive at a domestic violence and sexual assault help center, spoke about the importance of removing the stigma that victims of abuse are subjected to within the criminal justice system and general society. She also discussed implementing a culturally competent model of intervention for women of color, acknowledging the differential treatment that people of color are subjected to within institutions. She stated:

It is very difficult for women of color to find programs and agencies that are culturally inclusive. This is important because even in the DA’s office . . . well, there are people of color there but not in any positions of power. It is still a very white, male-dominated society. We need more not only women but people of color in the judiciary to provide services that are culturally inclusive.

Her insight can be attributed to her professional status in the field of domestic violence, where she had been working for over 20 years.

The African American respondents expressed awareness of stereotypes that exist about African American women. They acknowledged that part of their decision not to tell anyone in their family was due to the ideology that they should be able to “handle it on their own.” When asked about the stereotype of the strong Black woman, Michelle responded with a vigorous nod, stating:

Yep, that’s what we’re taught from a very young age: we got to be strong. You don’t want to be a burden on your family, you know; they got their own problems. It’s not fair to burden people with my problems. Besides, I’m a very private person, and I don’t like to tell people what’s going on inside my home. It’s none of their business.

Like Michelle, Cindy described familiarity with the strong Black woman stereotype:

Because there were times in my life I felt, yah, I can’t be this strong Black woman everybody thinks I am. And we do try to live up to it, and it’s hopefully a goal of most Black women at some part in their lifetime, but we can’t. It is very hard, hard to live up to that. And I got over it. As I got older, I went to my mother, said, “I can’t do it.” And I had no children, okay, but I was working two jobs, just trying to make it in this world. And even when you go to jobs, they say, “there goes a strong Black woman.” And really, I’m not. I’m not, but I’m not gon’ tell them that.

Barbara, a 35-year-old African American woman, described her embodiment of the strong Black woman stereotype:

I am a strong Black woman. I work. I take care of my kids. I do it all. I’m not saying I don’t need no one, but if I have to do it all, then I do it all. You know what I’m saying? Yah, we would fight, but I would make it a point to get my licks in. You know what I’m saying. You know how it is (laughter).

Barbara’s pride in being a strong Black woman was consistent with her characterization of the abuse as “fighting,” which would imply that the violence was mutual. The desire to not be viewed as a victim is indicated in her response.

The responses from the African American women in this study reveal the impact of the stereotype that African American women are exceptionally strong. The desire to want to live up to this stereotype is apparent. However, these women are aware of the unrealistic demands imposed on them to achieve this standard. Black women also desire the agency that would allow them to be emancipated from this impractical burden.

Discussion

This research explored the ways that African American and White women navigated partner violence while examining the effects that stereotypes have on their decision-making and help-seeking. The results found that there were racial differences in the ways that Black and White women seek help for IPV and in the stereotypes that influence their help-seeking. The strong Black woman stereotype has evolved from being a White person’s justification for inhumane treatment of African American female slaves to African American people’s rationalization of IPV against African American women. African American women’s internalization of the stereotype results in a distorted self-image when they assess their own physical and psychological needs. It puts them at a great disadvantage when navigating IPV because they feel they do not need help and can handle it on their own. The stereotype is another manifestation of how social forces position marginalized groups in society. In the case of battered African American women, they are further marginalized, with their needs remaining unmet, for fear of not embodying the strong Black woman stereotype. In contrast to Black women who had to contend with race and gender in stereotypes, White women were affected by the battered woman stereotype which is gendered but not overtly raced. Although this stereotype affected the White women’s self-image, it was less likely to affect the women’s help-seeking. Stereotypes of poor White women were not salient in this sample.

While not generalizable to the population of Black women at large, the data gathered were consistent with many of the themes regarding the expectations of Black womanhood and victims of IPV cited in the literature. The findings in this study are consistent with the overarching argument that stereotypes can have damaging effects. Some women reported that they did not disclose the abuse to their close family and friends while they were still in the relationship because they felt shame for being victimized. Others did not disclose the abuse because they did not want to be a burden on their families. Stereotypes affected the decisions that both White women and Black women made to either stay in the relationship or leave. The findings suggest that while African American women rely on family and close friends for support, they simultaneously feel an external social obligation to not become burdens on their families in an effort to appear strong. They are also aware of the impact that racism has on their friends and family members and do not wish to subject them to further oppression by other actors, such as police. In doing so, and by staying in the relationship, they actively subject themselves to longer periods of more severe abuse.

Both the Black and White women respondents were aware of the stereotype of the battered woman and discussed how they navigate it in reference to help-seeking. In addition, the Black women respondents were affected by the strong Black woman stereotype. It is essential to the health of Black women to remain cognizant of the fact that IPV is happening in African American communities at an alarming rate. The added injustice of having a stereotype imposed upon Black women compounds this problem. The internalized stereotype of having superhuman strength should be examined more closely as a factor for African American women experiencing more severe injuries than their White counterparts and for why they make the decisions they do while navigating IPV. The stereotype of the strong Black woman has been embedded in the minds of African American women and men. African American women are indoctrinated at a very young age that they have to “be strong” to overcome issues of racism and be the catalyst that preserves the dignity of African American men and the community at large (Collins, 2004; Cooper, 2018; Crenshaw, 1989). The burden this places on Black women is devastating to their physical and mental health. When Black women suffer through IPV with this internalized stereotype, the damaging effects are compounded even further (Richie, 2012).

Advocates of non-violence against women argue for having a culturally competent framework when advocating for victims of IPV (NCADV, 2018). The findings in this study suggest that cultural competence does not mean simply validating whatever form of help-seeking members of a racial group pursue. Formal help-seeking and informal seeking do not yield equal results. Since Black women are more likely to rely on informal help-seeking, a culturally competent framework would recognize the differential risks associated with the different forms of help-seeking. It would encourage better outcomes of informal help-seeking, such as by educating African American communities about IPV and how stereotypes can hinder help-seeking so that Black women experiencing IPV, when they turn to family and friends, are not encouraged to “tough it out.” It would also encourage more formal help-seeking, by educating providers and practitioners (e.g., law enforcement and domestic violence agency staff) about how stereotypes about IPV victims as well as raced and gendered stereotypes, including the strong Black woman stereotype, can hinder help-seeking and can affect Black and White women differently. In other words, what is needed is more of an intersectional approach than what has been pursued to date. Domestic violence advocates have worked hard to highlight the gendered nature of IPV. What is needed now is to add race to the equation and improve recognition of the ways in which race and gender operate together to affect the experience of IPV and help-seeking in response to it. Future research should explore how racialized and gendered stereotypes can be addressed in intervention.

Although differences between Black and White women were salient in the study’s small sample, a larger sample would have been ideal. Women experiencing IPV are a difficult-to-reach population. While the present study did not offer any tangible incentive to participate, future research might involve offering tangible incentives for participation to ensure greater participation and a larger sample size.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Allison E. Monterrosa

Notes

Author Biography

Allison E. Monterrosa is a PhD candidate in the Department of Sociology at the University of California Riverside. Her areas of specialization are criminology and sociolegal studies, medical sociology and the intersections of race, class, gender and sexuality. Research topics include gender-based violence, the criminal justice system, public policy and social stratification, racial socialization and the health implications of racism.

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