Like a Caged Bird: The Coping Strategies of Economically Empowered Women Who Are Victims of Intimate Partner Violence in Bangladesh

Abstract

This article identifies coping strategies used by economically empowered Bangladeshi women who are victims of intimate partner violence. Interviews were conducted with 19 employed women who experience abuse at the hands of their husbands and with eight community leaders. A “Cultural Biography” approach was used to determine respondents’ understanding of cultural phenomena and to gain life histories from victims in order to explore coping strategies in response to the harm experienced. Findings indicate that even though these women have access to financial resources due to their employment, many of them cope with the abuse by continuing to live in the home with the abuser because of the stigma surrounding divorce and the lack of laws that would grant them guardianship of the children or access to their property. Others live with family or friends in order to avoid the harassment experienced by divorcees. The few who sought more formal help from community leaders (4 of the 19) experienced pressure to remain in the marriage and, thus, the cycle of abuse continued. Community leaders supported the perceptions of the respondents emphasizing how cultural expectations for women’s role in Bangladesh limit her ability to leave an abusive home, even if she is employed. As presented by Welby’s patriarchal theory, we see that public patriarchy (oppression through norms, laws, and other social forces) supports private patriarchy (where men individually dominate their intimate partner), even for those women who are economically empowered.

Keywords

intimate partner violence economic empowerment public patriarchy coping strategies Bangladesh

Introduction

Garcia-Moreno et al. (2006) estimate that between 15% and 71% of women worldwide have been a victim of physical or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV), or both, across their life. The World Health Organization (2013) narrows the global estimate of IPV among women who have ever had a partner to 30% (based on data from 79 countries) with the South East Asia region reporting the highest prevalence of physical and/or sexual IPV at 37.7%. When looking specifically at intimate partner abuse within Bangladesh, the lifetime prevalence numbers for ever-married women who experienced one or more forms of violence by their husbands was nearly double at 72.6% (54.7% within the last 12 months) making Bangladesh one of the most dangerous countries for women in intimate relations (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2016).

“Bangladesh is a society which is characterized with stark patriarchal domination of women” (Hadi, 2010, p. 13). Numerous cultural and economic-related causal factors for IPV in Bangladesh have been identified including dowry practice, a woman’s economic dependence on her husband, stigma associated with divorce, and cultural support of male dominance within the family (Das et al., 2015). While it is understandable how a lack of resources may limit options for victims of IPV to escape abuse, what about those women who work for a salary? Thus, our article asks the question, What are the coping strategies used by economically empowered Bangladeshi women who are victims of IPV?

Economic Empowerment

While studies reveal that women worldwide tend to keep their abuse private due to individual, economic, and cultural reasons, it is less clear as to whether economic empowerment of women serves as a protection against or an instigation for IPV. Some researchers state that economic dependence will force women to stay in abusive relationships (Kaur & Garg, 2008), while others have found that both the employment status of the woman and the economic development of the state (as measured by the Human Development Index) were positively related to help-seeking behavior of victims of IPV (Linos et al., 2014). However, it is improper to assume that if the woman works that she will be paid fairly for her labor. Data from the 2014 Bangladesh Demographic & Health Survey (BDHS) reveal that 85% of employed women are paid cash, 6% are paid cash and in-kind earnings, 1% are paid with in-kind earnings only, and 8% are not paid at all for their labor (National Institute of Population Research and Training et al., 2016). Additionally, women who are paid for their labor may not be allowed control over their earnings. Only 32% of married women in the BDHS reported being the person who mainly decides how to use her earnings (National Institute of Population Research and Training et al., 2016). More frequently (54% of the respondents) the decision is made jointly with her husband. A total of 13% of respondents reported their husbands alone decided how to use her earnings, while for less than 1% of the respondents, it was others who made the decisions. Cross-nationally, studies have shown that joint economic decision-making reduces IPV, whether the decisions are made concerning the wife’s earnings (Svec & Andic, 2018) or those of the husband (Zegenhagen et al., 2019). Finally, Koenig et al. (2003) note the issue is complicated further by context-specific levels of conservativism in an area: autonomous women in a culturally conservative area are more likely to experience increased levels of violence, while women’s levels of autonomy had no impact on risks of violence in less culturally conservative areas.

A review of published data examining the impact of women’s economic empowerment and risk of IPV worldwide by Vyas and Watts (2008) highlights how complex the topic is. “Evidence about women’s involvement in income generation and experience of past year [intimate partner] violence was mixed, with five finding a protective association and six documenting a risk association” (para. 1). The assumption, though, is that once she has economic resources her position within the household should rise and the abuse should decrease. Similar findings have been made by Hadi (2005) who found women in Bangladesh were better able to negotiate with their spouses a less abusive relationship as their economic productivity within the household increased.

However, others argue that economic empowerment within a marriage actually increases the abuse, in part because she has become a threat to the husband’s position within the relationship and the community. Numerous studies in India report that the odds of experiencing physical and sexual violence increase significantly for married women who are employed (e.g., Biswas, 2017; Kimuna et al., 2012; Krishnan et al., 2010). Within Bangladesh, women’s economic empowerment has been associated with a higher risk of IPV, especially within rural areas and areas that are culturally conservative (Bates et al., 2004; Koenig et al., 2003; Naved & Persson, 2005; Samuels et al., 2019). As Rahman et al. (2011, p. 411) note, “[p]romoting women empowerment in the household without men’s support may put women at more risk of IPV.”

Coping Strategies

Coping strategies by female victims of IPV in Bangladesh mirror those of women in other countries. The majority of women worldwide fail to seek assistance from those outside the relationship, but when they do, these women turn to the informal members of their family and friends, rather than the more formal legal agencies or community members (Afghanistan: Metheny & Stephenson, 2019; Australia: Ragusa, 2012; Ghana: Tenkorang et al., 2018; India: Leonardsson & Sebastian, 2017; Adjei, 2017; Mexican immigrant women in the United States: Kyriakakis, 2014; New Zealand: Fanslow & Robinson, 2010; Nigeria: Linos et al., 2014; Turkey: Ergöçmen et al., 2013). A 2016 report by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics reveals that 72.7% of victims of IPV never reported their harm, but when they did it was to members of their immediate family, in-laws, or neighbors. Formal sources were rarely told about the abuse: local leaders were told by 2.1% and police were told by 1.1% (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2016).

Worldwide, battered women may seek help for individual, economic, and cultural reasons. But as Gumani and Mudhovozi (2013) note about their South African subjects, the women who sought help did so for secondary reasons (e.g., to address their depression or because they had been referred by others) and not for the purpose of leaving their abusive relationships. Others, however, never report their abuse. Naved et al. (2006, p. 2924) state Bangladeshi women stay silent about their abuse for “fear of jeopardizing family honor; stigma that will tarnish the woman’s own reputation; securing their child’s future; fear of repercussion from the husband; hopelessness; expectation that things would change; threat of murder; and belief that violence is the husband’s right.”

Inhibited culturally, victims know that if they were separated or divorced from their abuser, “it would bring about untold miseries to their lives, as they were financially and emotionally dependent on their husbands. In Bangladeshi culture, while a woman remarrying after a divorce is difficult, remarrying when she has had children is almost impossible” (Das et al., 2016, p. 14). The preference is to try to mend the relationship privately to maintain family bonds and honor. The women would not take formal action against their abusive husbands for fear of divorce or losing custody of their children.

Theoretical Framework

Patriarchal Theory

Welby (1996) explains patriarchy from a multi-dimensional perspective. She defines patriarchy as a system of social structures and practices in which men exploit and oppress women. For Welby, there are two forms of patriarchy: private and public. Private patriarchy within the household fosters a dyadic relationship whereby men control women individually. Public patriarchy, on the other hand, is a form of exploitation and domination of women that is performed collectively. Private patriarchy is maintained by excluding women from the public sphere; however, when women’s participation in the labor market and other public places increases, men’s domination over women in the household declines. Data on domestic abuse and women’s participation in the labor market has variable results. The correlation between women’s work and intimate partner abuse depends on the length of women’s participation in the labor market, location of the labor (i.e., agriculture, industry, or service), and position in the workplace. The current study, then, examines whether cultural expectations within Bangladesh (public patriarchy) will limit the women’s options for coping with the IPV to informal outlets and not formal outlets (private patriarchy).

Method

The article is based on data from a larger field-based ethnographic study conducted among victims of domestic violence who were living with their abusive partner during the time of the interview.

Study Participants

The participants of this study were accessed through the health workers and community workers of a clinic located at Araihazari, Naraynganj, as well as friends of an author. Nineteen employed women and eight community leaders were interviewed. The average age of the employed women is 30 years. All of the respondents are employed in different economic sectors: research university professor (2), school teacher (2), CEO of a multinational corporation (1), manager of telecommunications firm (1), NGO worker (3), garments worker (6), domestic worker (2), and other (2). All of the respondents were married at the time of the interview with an average age at marriage of 19. Nine respondents report an arranged marriage, while eight stated they entered a marriage based on love for their partner. Nearly all of the women, 17 of the 19, have children. The education level of the respondents varies from being able to read and sign one’s name only to a post-graduate level education. Sixteen of the employed women are Muslim and one is Hindu. The average age of the community leaders is 32 years. Except for one, all other community leaders were married and have children. The community leaders are employed as a lawyer, a teacher, development field workers, health aides, and a doctor. A few of the community leaders were politicians and some had businesses. Our sample included four male and four female community leaders (see Appendix 1).

Study Design

We have used “Cultural Biography,” a method that combines an understanding of cultural phenomena and life-history interviews to explore coping strategies of economically empowered victims of IPV (Creswell, 1994; Emerson et al., 1995). As it is essential to understand what effect our respondents’ culture has had on their lives, values, actions, and decisions, we have chosen a cultural biography approach. Cultural biography enables us to understand the social values and social regulations instilled in our respondents through their upbringing, which is essential for us to comprehend in order to determine what keeps them in abusive relationships. We have let our respondents talk about their lives from their childhood until the day of the interview. As the topic is very sensitive, the approach allowed the respondents to give out information whenever they felt comfortable as they shared their life stories. However, the interviewer guided them through the questions or statements that are relevant to the study.

Further, we have interviewed community leaders who have worked to resolve domestic violence issues in the community. These leaders have given us more information about how social institutions operate to keep women in abusive relationships through informal and mandatory mediation, such as Shalish, the legal system that does not provide child custody and any properties to the victims, and social stigma faced by divorcee women. Information that we have gathered from these community leaders on social systems has helped us to understand the victims’ decision to stay with an abusive partner.

Life histories of the respondents include experiences of early childhood, the type of relationship victims’ parents had, educational experience, marital life, reasons for abuse, their coping strategies, reasons for not leaving the perpetrator, work experience, decision-making roles in the household, their health status, and overall quality of life they are having. In the summer and winter of 2017, one of the authors visited Bangladesh and interviewed 19 IPV victims who are working in different sectors of the economy. As a Bangladeshi, she has a good understanding of the cultural phenomena, such as the norms, taboos, and values of Bangladeshi society. Hence, she could relate to the coping strategies using cultural lenses.

Sampling and data collection procedure

Our sample population includes 19 victims of domestic abuse, who are economically active, and 8 community leaders. Keeping our research question in mind, we have chosen women who have been physically abused by their husbands and are currently working in any economic sector. Past studies have argued that women can come out of an abusive relationship once women are economically independent. Contrary to this, the Demographic Health Survey of Bangladesh suggested that economically active women in Bangladesh do not take help from the legal system to come out of the abusive relationship. We wanted to explore why economically empowered women stay in an abusive relationship in Bangladesh. Our first eight respondents were chosen by the health care workers working in a clinic at Dhaka, and at Araihazari, Naraynganj. These victims visited these health care facilities several times with health issues related to physical abuse. Later these eight respondents referred us to other domestic violence victims who work with them.

All data comprising life-history interviews, field notes, and information from secondary sources about the existing legal system were collected in June 2017 and in December 2017. In May–June, 12 life histories of female victims and 8 in-depth interviews of community leaders, lawyers, and health care providers who are in this field were collected and in December 7 life histories of female victims and documents regarding the legal system and Shalish (an informal restorative justice system) procedure were collected. The life histories of the victims helped us to capture socio-cultural factors that force economically active women into abusive relationships. The in-depth interviews of community leaders and lawyers helped us to have a better understanding of societal expectations and how legal systems help or do not help the victims of domestic abuse. Because of the diverse nature of the respondents, we could generalize our findings to the broader society.

In order to incorporate the heterogeneous experiences and perspectives of diverse groups of economically empowered women, such as women of various educational and occupational backgrounds, we have used a purposive snowball sampling strategy. We have selected women who were physically abused by their husbands and still living with the perpetrator. Although a purposive sampling strategy is adopted, we aimed to include all extreme viewpoints within the population by maximizing the diversity in the sample. For instance, women who have a few years of schooling might have different coping strategies and different reasons for staying with an abusive partner than women with a college education.

All of our sample populations are not complete strangers to us. Besides purposive

sampling we have also recruited our respondents through the snowball method. Our first eight respondents were chosen by the health care workers working in a clinic at Dhaka, and at Araihazari, Naraynganj. These victims visited these health care facilities several times with health issues related to physical abuse. Later these eight respondents referred us to other domestic violence victims who work with them. Prior to beginning the interviews, the interviewer spent some time with them to build a relationship. This helped to build trust and rapport with the interviewee. Many of our respondents referred us to the other victims they know after their interview. Interviews were taken at a clinic located at Araihazari, Naraynganj; boutiques at Malibagh, Dhaka; residences of employers (domestic workers) at various places in Dhaka; a public library at Dhaka; and one of the authors’ homes at Dhaka. Respondents chose places where they felt safe to discuss their life events. Some interviews were taken at one point in time, while some required meetings several times. Because of the nature of the study (ethnographic), the interviews were longer than regular in-depth interviews. Some of our respondents (domestic workers, garments workers) took the day off and given me ample time, and discussed their life events with me in one meeting. Other respondents required two to four meetings. All of these meetings happened within one to two days of interval. We have obtained written and oral permission from all of our respondents. The informed consent was translated into Bangla (the native language of Bangladesh). Except for one respondent (who could not read, thus the consent form was read to her), all other respondents read the consent form prior to signing the form. The purpose of the research was explained to each respondent prior to their formal interview and they were given time to seek any clarification regarding the research project. The 19 life histories included the following information: demographic questions (age, spouse’s age, age at marriage, and number of children), socioeconomic questions (education, profession, and income range), early childhood history, how she met her spouse, marital life history which included reasons for abuse and coping strategies, health status, history of employment, and types of problems encountered at her workplace and to her career because of the abuse.

The interviews were semi-structured and carried out utilizing the contact summary sheet as a guide. However, the questions were not asked in a standard order. The open-ended questions allowed women to discuss several factors that resulted in their choice of coping mechanisms for themselves. The interviews were conducted in Bengali, spoken fluently by two of the authors. To maintain privacy and confidentiality of the participants we have not asked their names and we have used pseudonyms. This study was funded by the University Research Council and approved by the Institutional Review Board of the University of Central Arkansas. Twelve participants received remuneration of 13 dollars (1,100 taka), while 7 participants did not accept the money stating they wanted to contribute to the study by sharing their life history. If any of the women reported psychological or emotional distress resulting from participating in the interview, domestic violence counseling services were available for her free of charge.

Data Analysis

To analyze the data, all audiotaped life-history interviews of the victims were transcribed and translated into English by the author who speaks Bengali and English fluently and who conducted the interviews. The audiotape of the in-depth interviews of community leaders was transcribed and translated into English by another author who speaks Bengali and English fluently. Each of the transcripts was read and coded for the prominent themes emerging regarding coping strategies of IPV victims and reasons for staying in an abusive relationship.

Findings and Discussion

We have used Patriarchal theory as explained by Welby who defined patriarchy as “a system of social structure and practice in which men dominate, oppress, and exploit women” (Welby, 1996, p. 21). Welby divides patriarchy into two forms and explains how men keep women in place at home and at work: private patriarchy—where men individually dominate their intimate partners and public patriarchy—a form of oppression of women performed collectively through norms, laws, and other social forces. We have seen both forms of patriarchy in the responses of our respondents.

Regardless of their different socioeconomic statuses, these victims of IPV mentioned the following reasons for the abuse prior to the discussion of coping strategies:

Spouse is hot-tempered and insecure

To keep her under his control, showing off his masculinity

When wives make decisions about their income

Husbands were in a relationship with other women but because of family pressure married the respondents whom the family chose

He wants a divorce but does not want to file to avoid the financial cost of divorce

Additionally, the community leaders mentioned these reasons as the cause of IPV in the community. Patriarchal themes of dominance and oppression at both the individual and societal levels can be seen in these reasons for abuse.

Coping Strategies

The main research question of this study was how do economically empowered victims of domestic violence protect themselves from the abuse? Whom do they turn to for help? Why do they stay with the perpetrators when they are bringing financial resources into the family through their employment? All respondents are victims of physical abuse by their husbands and have adopted certain coping strategies that enabled them to be protected from the perpetrator to some extent. The coping strategies are as follows:

Living separate yet under one roof for various reasons—10 respondents.

Living with family members or friends as roommates—5 respondents.

Seeking help from community leaders who sanction informal punishment against the perpetrators (the cycle continues)—4 respondents.

Each of the three themes will be discussed below.

Coping strategy: Living separate yet under the same roof for various reasons—10 respondents

Distancing physically as much as possible, yet staying with the perpetrator because of stigma associated with divorce

Because of stigma associated with divorce, many women prefer to stay separate from the abuser, but live with him under one roof (Das et al., 2015; Schuler et al., 2008). Usually victims who have a higher education and earn a decent salary mentioned that they fear the stigma associated with divorce as it affects their children, too.

The people of this society not only look down at a divorcee woman, they also look down at the children of a broken family. I have a daughter. Each time I wanted to come out of this abusive and disrespectful relationship my family and others reminded me how painful my daughter’s life will be. Once, I started living alone. After couple of months, the teachers learned that she is living alone with me. The school authority informed me that they do not prefer to have any student from a broken family. I had to come back to my in-laws house, so that no one utter any demeaning words to my daughter. I earn enough income, more than my husband. Still I have to remain married to him, just for sake of my daughter. Women’s work is not enough to break a stigma. (Sigma, Manager at a Telecommunication Company)

In Bangladesh, stigma related to divorce is maintained through public institutions, such as schools, the workplace, and religious sanctions, and the lack of information about women’s legal rights during divorce proceedings. Stigma is also maintained through the widespread misinterpretation of the Quran by arguing that Allah hates divorce as a means to resolve marital problems or differences. Patience is perceived as a virtue for women, thus necessitating chastisement as a means to keep the righteous women in their place. In reality, the Quran (Sura Nessa, vr: 129) states that “If a wife fears cruelty or desertion on her husband’s part, there is no blame on them if they arrange an amicable settlement between themselves. And such settlement (divorce) is best” (Abdullah, 1999). Hence, it is clear that the Quran has given priority to self-respect of both women and men. However, the religious and community leaders misinterpret the verse of the Quran regarding amicable settlement by giving overemphasis on trying to resolve the problem through discussion and family interventions. Zakia, a community worker and Shalish member said, “Many women become tired of endless discussions on how she (victim) can bring peace and harmony in the family by remaining silent and obeying her husband.”

During the data collection, the interviewer felt that there was a strange feeling of utter helplessness in the respondents regarding the stigma surrounding divorce, even though they are economically solvent. The women mentioned that they feel bound to stay in the relationship, as their children will be stigmatized too. This is reflected in the words of Sabina, a university professor and mother of two teenage daughters:

I have two daughters. If I divorce my husband, I will not be able to arrange my daughters’ marriage in decent families. People may sympathize with me but will consider me as “Mondo Ma” (bad mother) if I leave their father. People will think my daughters have not learned how to fulfill their marital obligations and do not have patience. I do not want to destroy my daughters’ life just to have a peaceful life. My life is already ruined and I cannot ruin my daughters’ life. It is better for me to stay in the same house. But we do not live together, you know what I mean. Only my close relatives and friends know about it. (Sabina Azim, University Professor)

Bangladeshi culture also discourages men and women to live alone. It is difficult for a single woman to rent a house or apartment, especially if she is from the middle-class or working-class. Such women are referred to as “Mondo Meye” or a woman who has lost her honor. Rima, a domestic worker echoed the same sentiment:

When my daughter became 18 years old, I arranged her marriage in a decent and well-off family. If I were divorced or separated, do you think I would be able to arrange my daughter’s marriage in such family? Her in-laws respect me because despite my husband’s second marriage and physical abuse, I have stayed at his house like a good wife. I am not Mondo Meye (bad woman). They believe my daughter will be as patient as I am. (Rima, Domestic Worker)

All of the lawyers and community leaders we interviewed mentioned that they give emphasis to mediation and keeping the families together. Pointing towards the social stigma surrounding divorce, all community leaders and lawyers mentioned that, as stigma impacts children and their future lives, they feel that it is their responsibility to save the marriages of the victims. Community lawyers also mentioned that they do not inform victims about their legal rights on properties or alimony because if she feels helpless she might be willing to adjust.

One person in the relationship should give 100% effort and women are good at it. When I counsel women, I emphasize on how he will change over time and everything will be ok. But if she leaves now then she and her children will suffer forever because of stigma. (Zabin, Lawyer)

This indicates how public patriarchy (i.e., stigma and cultural expectations) maintains private patriarchy (i.e., domination of husbands over their wives within the family) thus forcing women to stay with an abusive partner. Because of the stigma associated with divorce, abused women cannot dissolve the marriage even though they have the financial ability to live alone.

Living with the perpetrator as the law does not provide guardianship of the children to the mother

In Bangladesh, according to the Family Court Ordinance, 1985, and Guardians and Wards Act (GWA), 1890, the mother is not entitled to guardianship of her children after divorce. Guardianship rests with the father and, after him, with his father and brothers. However, the mother is entitled to the custody of her sons until they are seven years old and of her daughters until puberty (Wahed, 2018; Yasmin, 2017). The deviation from the literal application of the age rule is permissible where a child’s welfare is in question. Even though the father is not the sole financial contributor, the mother shares the financial responsibilities, and in many cases, they are the main contributors. However, the legal system considers the father as the guardian and society considers men as the head of the household; hence, a father’s presence is very important for the children. Therefore, it is always perceived that a child’s welfare best lies in staying at the father’s house. Almost all of the respondents mentioned that fear of losing children refrained them not only from divorce, but also from asking for help from others when they are abused by their partners. Some fear that if they ask for support from others, their husbands might not like it and file for divorce.

I have three children. If I leave my husband, I will not get custody of my two children (male) as they are teenagers now. How can I live without them? I have to fight for my younger child’s custody too. I know my husband. He will not let me take any children with me, just to punish me. Fighting for child’s custody is a long battle. I do not have enough money to give to the lawyer and get custody of my children. (Asma, NGO Worker)

Regardless of who files for the divorce, mothers do not get custody of their children after the children reach a certain age. Community leader Matin explained to us that he feels helpless in many cases where he could not assist the victims in keeping their children. During the interview, he became very emotional when he discussed his sister’s situation. Matin tearfully said,

They threw her out of the house when she was pregnant. She took shelter at our house. When her son turned one year old, her husband and her two sisters-in-law came and took the child with them. Community lawyer told us as per law; the father is the guardian of the child. I was in the Shalish, and we had to give verdict in favor of the father considering the welfare of the child too. The father is financially well off and we cannot deprive the child from good living. (Matin, Community Leader and Member of Shalish Committee)

Matin and other community leaders felt that the law needs to be revised and women should have the custody regardless of their financial ability. They also felt that the father should be held responsible for child support. One of the lawyers mentioned that the law requires the father to pay for child support, but many women do not have the means to file a case against the child’s father. It is also difficult for the court to monitor if the father is paying or not.

Lacking a property settlement law during divorce, many women stay with their abusive husbands

Another reason for living separately yet under the same roof as the abuser is the lack of property settlement laws during divorce. Bangladeshi women have little access to the property even though they contribute financially to the building of those resources. The patriarchal society supports the message that women should fulfill their financial, emotional, and caregiving responsibilities only towards their husbands, children, and members of their in-law’s family. Almost all of the respondents in our study mentioned that their husbands appropriated all of the income of their wives and made all the major financial decisions. Respondents who are in professional jobs and earn 1–4 lakh taka (1,500–5,500 dollars) per month reported that their husbands bought significant amounts of properties (e.g., land, houses, and businesses), but did not include their wife’s name on the properties. When wives asked their husbands to include their names, they experienced physical abuse. One of the respondents said,

I earn 3 lakh taka per month and I do not have any savings. Can you believe it? My husband keeps track of my money and I have to deposit my salary in the joint account. He used my money to buy the apartment we live in but did not put my name in the title. Whenever I ask him to add my name, he gets mad and physically abuses me. (Sabah, Telecommunication Sector)

Even those who earned around 110 dollars (9,020 taka) a month (garments workers and domestic workers) mentioned that they have to give a significant amount of their income to their husbands whenever they buy lands in the village or had to invest in the business.

In Bangladesh, divorce law does not specify how the properties would be distributed. It only mentions that the husband should pay the Mahr money (a mandatory security money) that is mentioned in the marriage certificate. In most cases, the amount is very insignificant compared to the amount she has invested during her marriage to build the properties. A majority of the women mentioned that even though they have earned income all along in their marital life, they do not have access to their income or savings. One of the respondents said,

Throughout my life I could not buy properties in my name, even though I contributed the most to buy those properties. I had to give him all my savings, otherwise he beat me continuously till I agreed. I even have stitches in my head. I am stuck in this relationship, like a caged bird. According to Bangladesh Divorce law, if I divorce my husband, I will only get alimony for three months. I have three children. We live in separate floor of the same house. Many may think I am greedy, but these are my properties too. I think this is the best solution. (Rabeya Begum, University Professor)

Bangladesh has undertaken significant legal reforms since its independence in 1971. This includes matters related to women’s rights and protection against violence within the family. However, matters such as marriage, divorce, and economic rights of women have remained largely untouched. Hence, a woman does not have any rights over properties after divorce if her name is not included in the title of the property. In Bangladesh, 42% of the women are in the labor market (World Economic Forum, 2013). So, a significant proportion of women are contributing to the family’s economy. Numerous studies confirm that when women earn money they invest in their family’s education and health (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2018; Kurz & Johnson-Welch, 2001; Ukwuani & Suchindran, 2003). As with most women, our respondents invested money to meet the family’s basic needs and to build wealth. From our respondents, we have found that abusive partners control the lives of the victims by keeping assets in their names. As argued by resource control theorists, when men equate providership and masculinity and earn less than their spouse, they are likely to use control over the victim’s income and mobility to compensate for their lack of income (Atkinson et al., 2005). In this case, the perpetrators have taken advantage of the lack of a law that ensures equal distribution after divorce of the wealth that the couples have built together.

Women’s income is perceived as essential to the family since 1980, but decision-making regarding how the money would be spent is solely in the hands of the head of the household. Wives are expected to hand over their salaries to their husbands. Patriarchal family arrangements concentrate the power and resources in the men’s hands, while women remain dependent on men. When women refuse to give their income to their husbands or want to participate in decision-making, they become subject to domestic abuse. However, social norms support men’s control over the property. We see a reflection of this in some of our community leaders’ statements. One of the social workers who mediates at Shalish mentioned that,

Nowadays most of the women are working, which is a good thing. However, some problems arise between husband and wife if the wife earns more than the husband. It’s a very common occurrence. Husbands may suffer from inferiority. From, my point of view we women can minimize this problem by letting our husbands make all the financial decisions. I convince women at Shalish that there is no harm if husbands buy all the properties in his name. After all, these are household property and it is not possible for women to maintain properties. And that is why as per religion and law women always get less properties than men. (Shamima, NGO Worker [legal aid])

As argued by Welby (1990), this is an example of the interaction between public and private patriarchy which ensures women’s subordinate position in the society. Here, men’s control of resources is ensured through social institutions, like the legal system and subsequent laws in Bangladeshi society. This has enabled perpetrators to keep women under their control and limit women’s mobility.

Misinterpretation of religious doctrine also maintains private patriarchy. Many of our respondents echoed what Fariya (one of our respondents who is a garments worker) said: “Religious leader constantly preach that it is a girl’s religious duty to make husband and his family happy. Her heaven lies in his pleasure.” Such explanations have created the cultural expectation that a married woman’s income, wealth, and nurturing roles are meant for her husband and his family members. Married women need not take any responsibility for their own parents. As a result, the natal families do not feel the need to provide her with support as she is a burden for them and it also justifies little or no inheritance of property from her parents.

Some of the community leaders mentioned that if women seek out help regarding financial matters at the early stage of the conflict then they can get information that they have legal rights to have their own account. One lawyer mentioned that,

In a traditional and conservative society like Bangladesh women seek help from informal sources before happening something extreme. These informal networks do not have any legal knowledge. Even those who go for Shalish, mostly hear about negotiation or counseling for both. The family, friend, and Shalish members always suggest them to compromise with the husband for the sake of the family. By the time, they come for legal help the victim has lost most of her savings to her partner. Even I as a Shalish member cannot go against everyone in the Shalish and give legal advice. (Mahbuba, Lawyer)

Coping strategy: Living separately with family members or friends as roommates to avoid the sexual harassment that divorced or single women experience—5 respondents

It is a cultural practice in Bangladesh, that when a woman is abused by her partner, she returns to her family for a few days. However, the majority of our respondents mentioned that the frequency of the incidents of abuse is so high that they prefer to live with their relatives or friends and share the rent. When the husband comes back and asks for forgiveness, the husband stays with them for a few days until the tension between the couple escalates and the husband is forced to leave the house. One of the garments workers explained her reasons for choosing such a coping strategy:

I have realized that I do not need a husband in my life. When I lived with him I had to cook for him, give him my entire salary that I earned, and had to sleep with him even on days I was sick. On top of everything, I was someone whom he could beat anytime he wanted. Now I live with my brother and his family. I pay rent and share meal with them. They are happy that I am paying the rent. At least I get some rest after coming home, I have some leisure time. I do not want to divorce my husband as being married protects me from sexual harassment at work. (Alo, Quality Control Officer at a Garments Factory)

Welby (1990) argued that sexual harassment is a form of public patriarchy. In the public arena, sexual harassment is a common phenomenon for women. Negative perceptions about divorced women make them easy targets for sexual harassment and rape. Girls are taught to remain silent about it as the victims are always blamed for the act. Such social learning has taken away the power to protest from women as they are taught to believe that they are responsible for the sexual harassment. Shima, A community leader explained,

Ours is a patriarchal society. Without male counterpart’s support, it’s almost impossible to live in this society. Father, brother, husband plays a crucial role in a female life. They give us the social security. However, after a girl reaches marriageable age, she must have a husband. Only a husband can give her the security against social harassment or sexual harassment at workplace. (Shima, Community Leader)

Marriage is perceived as a protection for women. Hence women try their best to maintain their status quo as a married woman.

Coping strategy: Seeking help from community leaders who sanction informal punishment against the perpetrators (the cycle continues)—4 respondents

Our respondents with less education and who work in the garments industry or work as domestic workers sought help from community leaders through Shalish. We have found that many of our respondents have depended on Shalish to resolve domestic violence problems. However, they were told to maintain an abusive relationship as marriage is a sacred institution. Instead of solving the problem, the Shalish members assured them that they would keep an eye on the issue. Our respondents also mentioned that they have to spend money to organize a Shalish. One respondent said that not all Shalish members take money but, in most cases, the ward member who coordinates the meeting asks for money.

One garments worker explained her situation which is similar to that of other respondents.

When I started to work at garments factory my husband who left me for another woman came back. I had to give him my entire salary. One day he beat me so bad that I could not work for one week. So, I lost my job. He left me again. When I got job at another garments factory as assembly worker, he returned. I sought help from the members of the Shalish. They told me marriages are made in heaven and Allah hates those who initiate divorce. They will protect me if he abuses me. I know no one will protect me, but do I have a choice? At least he remains scared for a while. The cycle of Shalish continues, for which I pay and do not get any fruitful outcome. (Sahana, Garments Worker)

Here we can see that religious leaders and community leaders perpetuate patriarchy through Shalish. Shalish can be an efficient way to mediate the relationship. However, if the community leaders’ and religious leaders’ focus is to save the marriage using any tactics, then the abusive relationship continues. Once victims do not see the benefit of Shalish and do not receive justice, then they lose their hope in any effective judicial system. Such Shalish indicates how public patriarchy nurtures private patriarchy. Welby (1990) argued that in societies where women gain some economic power, men maintain their power and control women using other public spheres, such as religion, community organizations, and law.

Limitations of the Study

Studies on domestic abuse highlight women’s economic dependence as the main reason for staying with the abusive partner. This study highlighted other factors such as social stigma associated with living alone, the legal system’s position on child custody, and the lack of a law that ensures marital property rights for a wife as main reasons for staying with the perpetrators. Even though the study has revealed additional issues that need to be addressed by policy planners, our subjects come from Dhaka city, a metropolitan city, and its adjacent towns; therefore, the findings may not capture the coping strategies of women living in small towns and rural areas. Because of limited resources, we could not collect data from other districts of Bangladesh. Despite this limitation, the study has captured coping strategies of women across all classes. Many of our samples have migrated from rural areas of different parts of Bangladesh to the Dhaka area. The cultural biography method has enabled us to capture their lives in rural areas and cultural values that they have internalized from those areas. An additional limitation relates to our use of the snowball method to recruit subjects for our study. While the familiarity the subjects had with the interviewer meant it was easier to establish rapport and build a level of trust prior to asking questions concerning their experience with IPV, it does reduce our ability to generalize our findings beyond this group.

Policy Implications

While Hadi (2005) found that economically empowered women experienced less abuse in their relationship with their spouse, others (Koenig et al., 2003; Linos et al., 2014) recognize that women’s empowerment within the home has to coincide with the economic development of and decreased conservativism of the society as a whole. Although our study included employed subjects from a wide range of class distinctions, we found that all experiencing abuse within the home felt cultural expectations and restrictions meant they had to stay in the abusive relationship. Few felt they were able to cope with the abuse by turning to formal agencies or community members. The majority dealt with the abuse informally by turning to friends or family members.

Policy implications of our study center around addressing issues of public patriarchy. We have seen that little can be done about private patriarchy without significantly addressing issues of public patriarchy. Many of the policy needs pertain to divorce. First, Bangladeshi women should be informed of their legal rights related to how to gain a divorce, obtain rights to property, and receive custodial access to children. We have seen that they do not know how to file for divorce or that they have the right to Mohr money. Brassiolo (2016) identified a 30% reduction in spousal conflict when Spain reduced the cost of divorce, thus making it more economically available. Second, legislation should be developed that will provide women with access to property and children at the time of the divorce. Currently, much of the legislation protects the right of males to retain property, wealth, and children (especially older children). A more equitable distribution of property and finances, and child custody arrangements could be developed. However, as Kafumbe (2010) found in Uganda, statutory laws protecting women’s access to property may become ineffective in light of informal, customary rules within a community. Third, social programs to decrease stigma and penalties surrounding divorce will provide women with another option rather than staying with the abuser. As Buchbinder and Abu Tanha (2019) found, Arab women in Israel who were able to redefine the shame of violating sociocultural norms by divorcing their abuser reported feelings of empowerment, control, and independence. While divorce is an after-the-abuse option, it would be better if a before-the-abuse shift could occur that would decrease private patriarchy within the home. Policies at this level would have to call for social change in gender ideology—a much more challenging undertaking.

Conclusions and Future Study

In support of our first hypothesis, employed women in Bangladesh are not empowered enough to break free from their abusive relationship with their husbands, nor from the conservative restrictions and expectations of their culture. Welby’s (1990, 1996) contention that public patriarchy supports private patriarchy can be seen in the lives of these women. Although they contribute economically to the family, the patriarchal norms, values, and expectations of Bangladeshi culture maintain the dominance of men within the private sphere of the home. Additionally, women of all economic levels cope with the abuse from their husbands by turning to family and friends. Formal, public avenues of assistance serve merely to support men’s position of dominance in the family and women’s reliance on him for access to her children and property, and for the maintenance of an honorable reputation (which supports our second hypothesis). Future research should examine whether there is a “tipping point” or a level of economic empowerment that allows the abused woman to more easily leave the abusive relationship. Additionally, focus should be placed on the resulting impact of any public policy that facilitates divorce by Bangladeshi women. Until issues of public patriarchy are broadly addressed in Bangladesh, we can expect informal coping strategies by abused Bangladeshi women to continue.

Footnotes

Appendix

Socioeconomic and Demographic Profile of the Victims and the Community Leaders.

Participants	Age	Educational Attainment	Type of Marriage	No. of Children	Profession
DV Victim 1	19	Grade 8	Arranged marriage	0	Helper (garments factory)
DV Victim 2	32	High school	Love marriage	2	Sewing machine operator
DV Victim 3	21	High school	Arrange marriage	1	Sewing machine operator
DV Victim 4	20	High school	Love marriage	0	Supervisor
DV Victim 5	28	High school	Arrange marriage	2	Quality control officer
DV Victim 6	35	Undergraduate (BBA)	Arrange marriage	3	Factory manager (garments)
DV Victim7	31	Undergraduate	Arrange marriage	3	Office manager (NGO)
DV Victim 8	37	Grade 8	Arrange marriage	4	Janitor (NGO)
DV Victim9	28	Undergraduate	Arrange marriage	2	Program coordinator (NGO)
DV Victim10	47	Can read and write	Arrange marriage	2	Domestic worker (part-time)
DV Victim 11	25	Can read and write	Arrange marriage	1	Domestic worker (part-time)
DV Victim 12	26	High school	Love marriage	2	Online business (boutique)
DV Victim 13	31	Bachelor’s in engineering	Love marriage	1	CEO (telecommunication)
DV Victim 14	35	MBA	Love marriage	2	Manager (telecommunication)
DV Victim 15	33	Master’s in science	Arrange marriage	3	School teacher
DV Victim 16	37	MBA	Arrange marriage	2	School teacher
DV Victim 17	54	PhD	Love marriage	3	Professor (university)
DV Victim 18	62	PhD	Love marriage	3	Professor (university)
DV Victim 19	22	High school	Love marriage	1	Business (catering)
Community Leaders?
Male 1	48	High school	Arranged marriage	4	Business
Male 2	52	Masters/law	Arranged marriage	3	Lawyer
Male 3	33	Masters	Arrange marriage	2	FP inspector
Male 4	39	Bachelors	Arrange marriage	1	Business & ward member
Female 1	29	Masters/law	Not married	0	Lawyer
Female 2	47	High school	Arranged marriage	1	Ward member
Female 3	31	Masters/law	Arranged marriage	2	NGO
Female 4	21	College student	Arranged marriage	0	Student/health educator (NGO)

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported in part by two summer stipends from the University Research Council at the University of Central Arkansas.

ORCID iD

Rifat Akhter

Author Biographies

Rifat Akhter, PhD, is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology, Criminology, and Anthropology at the University of Central Arkansas teaching courses in Globalization and Development, Women Across Culture, Gender and Society, and Population. Her current research focuses on intimate partner violence in Bangladesh and around the world. She has published articles in the journals Critical Sociology, Journal of Family Violence, The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Science, and Global Studies Journal.

Janet K. Wilson, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Sociology, Criminology, and Anthropology at the University of Central Arkansas teaching courses in victimology, criminology, and social research methods. Her current research focuses on intimate partner violence within Bangladesh. She has published articles in the journals American Sociological Review, Sociological Inquiry, and Health Care for Women International. Additionally, she served as editor of The Praeger Handbook of Victimology.

Syed Emdadul Haque, PhD, is a global health researcher working under the University of Chicago and based in Bangladesh where the University is running several cohort studies in the field. He has published 36 articles in the peer-reviewed journal and mostly on the social and environmental’ impacts on health globally. One of his works on violence issue was published in American Journal of Prevention Medicine. He is serving as an Associate Editor in several peer-reviewed journals and has joined several conferences as a member of scientific committee and as a presenter.

Naim Ahamed, Masters in Sociology, has been serving as a humanitarian worker at Rohingya Response in Bangladesh since November 2017. Currently, he is working as a Hygiene Promotion Specialist (WASH) at BRAC. His work and research interests include public health and quality of life for minorities. He has worked as a research assistant in 30 projects from 2012 to 2017 with his professors as an undergraduate and graduate student.

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