Abstract
Gender-based violence (GBV) is a reproductive health issue prevalent among persons in conflict and post-conflict situations, but is largely under-reported in Nigeria. Although GBV affects both sexes, the prevalence is higher in women as compared to men. The objective of this study was to assess the experiences of female internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Nigeria during conflict and post-conflict situations. The study was conducted among IDPs in Edo State, south-south region of Nigeria. Data were collected with a semi-structured questionnaire administered on 300 female IDPs. Descriptive and inferential analyses were conducted. GBV perpetrated by non-family members during conflict was experienced by 22.2% of the respondents while 13.5% experienced post-conflict violence. Up to 12.2% reported violence by intimate partners. Physical violence was commonly experienced during conflict, while sexual violence was most common post-conflict. Logistic regression analysis showed that the vulnerable categories of women were adolescents, unmarried women, women of Hausa origin, women who never attended school, and those whose displacement took place in the year prior to the study. The IDP camp appeared to offer some protection against GBV as those who had stayed in the camp longer were less likely to experience post-conflict GBV. The lack of implementation of effective laws and regulations that prevent violence against women and punish perpetuators in the country, and the ineffective security systems are some of the factors that sustain GBV. The results of this study have implications for the design of programs for the prevention of GBV during conflict and post-conflict situations.
Introduction
Gender-based violence (GBV) has been recognized as a foremost public health and human rights issue affecting one in three women globally (World Bank, 2019). Although GBV affects both sexes, the prevalence is higher in women as compared to men and is particularly high among young girls and women all over the globe. The high prevalence of GBV is attributable to its engrossment in social, structural, and gender inequalities that have evolved in many parts of the world over a long period of time (United States Department of State and United States Agency for International Development, 2012). Recent reports indicate that up to 35% of women globally have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) or non-partner sexual violence (World Bank, 2019). With respect to other relationships, available evidence indicates that nearly 7% of women have been sexually assaulted by someone other than their partners (World Bank, 2019).
To date, the Istanbul Convention has provided the benchmark legislative framework for tackling GBV. The Convention defines violence against women as a gendered act. It is
a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination against women and shall mean all acts of gender-based violence that result in, or are likely to result in, physical, sexual, psychological or economic harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life. (Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, 2011)
It encompasses, but is not be limited to, physical, sexual, and psychological violence occurring within the community, including rape, sexual abuse, sexual violence, sexual exploitation, harassment and intimidation in institutions and elsewhere, trafficking in women, forced prostitution, spousal or non-spousal battery; sexual abuse; and other traditional practices harmful to women (United Nations, 1993). A study conducted in 2013 by the World Health Organization (WHO), London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine and South African Medical Research Council in over 80 countries, reported that up to 30% of women worldwide had experienced physical and/or sexual violence in their lifetime from an intimate partner (WHO, 2013). Sub-Saharan African countries reported the highest prevalence rates of violence with up to 36.6% of women in the region reporting physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner (WHO, 2013).
Several studies have reported the prevalence of GBV in Nigeria. A high of 3 in 10 Nigerian women aged less than 15 years reporting physical violence was re-counted nationally in 2014 (NPC and ICF International, 2014). Before then, fewer reports of GBV were available in the Nigerian literature, mainly because of cultural tendencies which prevented women from reporting violence carried out against them by their spouses and other family members. However, things are changing especially with the increasing wave of insurgency in the country and also with the emergence of the social media, which enables adverse events to be reported even when those involved are not willing to report them. The Boko Haram insurgency in the north-eastern region of the country and other forms of insurgencies began in the early 1990s but scaled in the mid to late 1990s (Awojobi, 2014). Since then there have been increasing numbers of GBV especially at the community level (United Nations Population Fund, 2017). The conflict specifically targets young women and girls for various forms of violence, including sexual exploitation due to the weakened and partially non-existent security systems (United Nations Population Fund, 2017). In April 2014, more than 300 girls were kidnapped by bandits from a secondary school in Borno State, northeastern Nigeria without many of the girls being located till date. Many such episodes involving vulnerable women and girls have taken place in different parts of the country which makes physical and sexually related GBV an increasingly important public health and gendered concern in the country. Other natural disasters such as flooding, disease outbreaks have affected millions of Nigerians in various parts of the country, many of whom have been forced out of their homes, with women and children being the most vulnerable (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2018). Additionally, inter-communal clashes, ethnoreligious disputes, and tensions between Fulani herdsmen and farmers have been reported to account for the displacement of over 700,000 people in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria (Owoaje et al., 2016). According to the UN Refugee Agency (United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affiars, 2019), there were more than two million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Nigeria by October 2019, with over 500,000 Nigerians displaced to neighboring countries including Cameroon, Chad, and Niger.
With the country unable to cope and not having a strategic policy to handle the upsurge, the displaced persons usually find their way to government-established or religious camps where they seek shelter (Ibeanu, 1999; Oladepo et al., 2011). In these camps, there have been reported cases of violations of human rights including acts of discrimination against women resulting in their forced submission to acts of violence, sexual exploitation, and other forms of undue treatment in exchange for food, assistance, and other livelihood opportunities (Alobo & Obaji, 2016; Amnesty International, 2018). These clearly violate the sexual and reproductive rights of women as well as their inherent right to dignity, freedom from torture, and all forms of inhuman and degrading treatment. GBV can be in form of physical violence, social violence, psychological violence, including stigmatization, threats, or isolation of a woman. In severe cases, it may result in adverse mental and psychological health outcomes and even death in some extreme cases (Onsrud et al., 2008; Ellsberg et al., 2008; Amowitz et al., 2002; Adams, Girardin & Faugno, 2001).
Ascertaining the actual prevalence of GBV is usually difficult as there is often under-reporting and therefore likely to be an underestimation of the true prevalence owing to the multiple existing barriers associated with disclosure (Vu et al., 2014). Nevertheless, the high vulnerability of women in conflict and instability situations to violation of their fundamental human rights and exposure to GBV has been reported in different studies (Human Rights Watch, 2014; Nnadi, 2012; Oladeji et al., 2018; Osadebe & Nnamani, 2017; Vu et al., 2014).
It is thus important to conduct a self-reportage of experiences of GBV among female IDPs in order to inform the design of evidence-based policies and programs for addressing GBV among this vulnerable group. Existing studies among IDPs focused on sexual and reproductive health issues without capturing detailed GBV experiences (Oladeji et al., 2018; Owoaje et al., 2016; Westhoff et al., 2008). Other studies focused only on either GBV experiences during conflict or post conflict (Aham-Chiabuotu, 2019; Anastario et al., 2009; Hynes et al., 2004; Logie et al., 2017). A recent descriptive study that included community members adopted a mixed-method approach to report prevalence and pattern of sexual and GBV in North-East Nigeria (Ojengbede et al., 2019). However, much remains to be understood about the nature of violence experienced by women during conflict, when in transit and after they have been lodged in internally displaced camps the country.
The present study was carried out in a camp where females and males are separated from each other with minimal and regulated interactions between both sexes. Hence, the objective of the study was to assess the experience of physical and sexually related GBV during and after conflict among female IDPs in a camp in Edo State, Nigeria and to identify the factors that increase vulnerability to GBV among the residents in the camp. We believe the study will be relevant in identifying evidence-based policies and programs for reducing the prevalence and consequences of GBV in IDP camps in Nigeria.
Materials and Methods
Study Setting
This study was conducted in an IDP camp located at Uhogua in Benin City, Edo State in South-South Nigeria (the “IDP camp”). Edo State is one of the 36 federating states of Nigeria and is located in the southern-most Niger-Delta region of the country, with Benin City being the State .headquarters. Uhogua is a sub-urban town in north-western part of Benin City, and is mainly occupied by persons from other parts of the state and the country. The IDP camp was established in 2012 by the International Christian Center, a religious organization, for the care of IDPs and the needy from various states across the country. Being far removed from Borno State, the epicenter of the Boko Haram insurgency, it provides a safe sanctuary for the most affected victims, and to date, no single episode of repeat insurgency has ever been reported in the Centre. The IDP camp is one of four camps in Southern Nigeria, and the only IDP camp in Edo State. There are camps scattered all over northern Nigeria in states such as Yobe, Borno, and Adamawa, where the incidence of Boko Haram insurgency is high. The current trend of insecurity in these three states fueled by suicide bombing and attacks by gunmen is alarming, and it has resulted in significant morbidity and mortality. This has led the remaining residents to flee to other parts of the country for safety.
Study Design and Population
A descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out among IDPs in the International Christian Center Camp, at Uhogua, Benin City, Edo State Nigeria to determine their experiences of GBV during conflict, in transit from the conflict location, and in the IDP camp. Participants consisted of women of reproductive age (15–49 years) who were IDPs residents in the camp. Individuals who stayed in the camp but were not IDPs were excluded from the study.
Sampling Methods
There were 300 internally displaced women of reproductive age in the camp. Consequently, a total sampling of all registered and in-camp internally displaced women (age 15–49 years) who consented to participate, were recruited into the study. Out of 300 women, 288 (96%) of them gave informed consent and were successfully interviewed. No compensation was given to the participants.
Research Instrument
A pre-tested semi structured interviewer administered questionnaire was used to collect data from the participants. Prior to data collection, we pre-tested the questionnaires among ten victims of trafficking at the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) shelter house in Benin City. The responses were used to further modify the questionnaires. The interviewers were experienced field officers from the Women’s Health and Action Research Centre (WHARC), a non-governmental, non-profit organization, postgraduate students from the Centre of Excellence in Reproductive Health Innovation (CERHI) at the University of Benin, and from among staff of the University of Medical Sciences, Ondo State, Nigeria. They were trained on the project methodology, especially on ways to identify previous episodes of physical and sexual violence, and how to probe for accurate answers to the questions. They were to ask the questions in a value-free and non-intimidating manner. Any questions for which answers were not volunteered or not satisfactorily answered by the respondents were classified as “unknown answers.” The data collection and field work were completed during the month of August 2018. Some of the questions were adapted from the 2013 Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) questionnaire, while others were specifically developed for the study, based on the forms of violence explained in the Istanbul Convention.
The questionnaire was organized into two sections. In the first section, we solicited information on the socio-demographic characteristics of the participants—age, parental background, marital status, educational background, religion, and occupation prior to joining the camp, among others. In the second section, questions were asked on their experiences of gender based violence and the specific circumstances under which the violence occurred including during the conflict leading to their displacement (“during the conflict”) and while in transit to and during the time of residency at the camp (“post-conflict”). We also elicited information on the perpetuator of the violence, the circumstances under which the violence occurred and the mode of occurrence. Other questions included the forms of GBV experienced, frequency of experience, location, details of injuries sustained, disclosure or non-disclosure of their experiences and reasons for non-disclosure.
Ethical Approval
Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Medical Sciences/Teaching Hospital Research Ethics Committee (UNIMED/THREC). The managers of the IDP camp gave written informed consent for the conduct of the study, while individual consents were obtained from all participants who completed the questionnaires. All participants were assured of highest level of confidentiality of data collected. They were informed that their names are not required in the forms, that the answers will only be used for the study, and that the documentation will not be used for any other future activity.
Variable Measures
The meaning and dimensions of GBV were adopted from the Istanbul definition of GBV. The European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) segregates GBV into four main components – physical, sexual, psychological and economic components (European Institute for Gender Equality [EIGE], 2019). For the purpose of this study and based on the inherent experiences of IDPs, we concentrated on physical, sexual and psychological forms of GBV. We used the definition of physical GBV by the EIGE as “any act which causes physical harm as a result of unlawful physical force” in form of serious and minor assault, deprivation of liberty and manslaughter the definition of sexual violence by the EIGE as any “sexual act performed on an individual without her consent, which often takes the form of rape or sexual assault;” and the definition of psychological violence by EIGE as any act including coercion, defamation, verbal insult or harassment which causes psychological harm to an individual (EIGE, 2019).
The outcome of interest was the respondents’ self-reporting of GBV. The respondents were asked if they experienced any of 12 indicators of violence during the conflict and post-conflict. The 12 indicators included measures of (a) physical violence (physically hurt such as slapped, hit, choked, beaten or kicked; threatened with a weapon of any kind; shot at or stabbed; detained against their will; shouted on; slapping and beating); or (b) sexual violence (subjected to improper sexual comments; forced to remove or stripped of their clothing; subjected to unwanted kissing or touching on sexual parts of their bodies; forced or threatened with harm to make them give or receive oral sex or have vaginal or anal sex; or unnecessary touching without consent); (c) emotional violence (verbal abuse).
In the analysis, GBV was presented in three forms: GBV by non-family members during conflict, GBV by non-family members post conflict, and GBV by an intimate partner. GBV during conflict refers to the experience of violence perpetrated by non-family members at the time of conflict, while post-conflict GBV is defined as violence experienced in transit from the conflict location and in the IDP camp. GBV perpetrated by an intimate partner (in a married or unmarried relationship) was referred to as IPV. All the respondents who reported IPV experienced it during the conflict, thus the IPV analysis is not categorized into conflict and post-conflict.
The 12 indicators of GBV were aggregated to generate a single measure for each type of GBV (during conflict, post-conflict GBV, and IPV). The response option for each indicator was Yes (coded 1) and No (coded 0). Thus, the expected range of scores was 0–12. A single measure was categorized into experienced none and experienced at least one form of GBV.
The potential explanatory variables included respondent’s age (15–19, 20–24, and 25+); marital status measured as married, and not married; religion (Christian, and other), ethnic origin (Hausa, Igbo, and others), duration in the camp (<1 year, 1–3 years and >3 years), and the respondent’s State of displacement (Borno, Adamawa, Nasarawa, and others). Education was measured as ever attended school, the response was yes if respondent has ever attended school and no if respondent never attended school.
Analytical Plan
The prevalence of GBV and distribution by selected socio-demographic characteristics were presented in absolute numbers and percentages. To identify the factors that increased vulnerability to GBV perpetrated by non-family and intimate partner, and the magnitude of the association (effect size), between the dependent variables and the various independent variables, Cramér’s V test was used. The dependent and independent variables were all nominal. Following Cohen’s recommendation, a value of .10 was considered a small effect, .30 a medium effect, and .50 a large effect when the df is 1; when the df is 2 small effect was .07, medium effect .21, and large effect was .35; for df 3, .06 was considered a small effect, .17 a medium effect and .29 a large effect (Cohen, 1988). Unadjusted exact logistic regression was further used to estimate the magnitude and direction of relationship. The odds of experiencing GBV during conflict and post conflict were also examined. The level of significance in all the analyses was .05; the results were presented as associated effect size, p-value, odds ratios with 95% confidence interval.
Results
Profile of the Study Population
The socio-demographic characteristics of the population are presented in Table 1. A total of 288 questionnaires were analyzed. The majority of the respondents were adolescents (54.2%) and were not married (80.4%). Most of them were affiliated with the Christian religion (93.4%); 38.8% were of Hausa origin, while 55.2% were of other minor ethnic groups in Nigeria. Most of the respondents attended school (87%) and are currently attending school (90.3%). The highest attained educational levels for the respondents were primary (48.5%) and secondary (44.2%). A total of 80% of the participants were from Borno State, while 40.4% of them have been resident in the camp for one to three years. The main reason for the displacements for 92.7% of the respondents was the Boko Haram insurgency in the north-east region of the country. Other reasons include flooding, disease outbreaks, inter-communal clashes, ethno-religious disputes, and tensions between Fulani herdsmen and farmers.
Percentage Distribution of the Study Population by Selected Background Characteristics.
Experience of Gender-based Violence by Internally Displaced Women
The experience of GBV as reported by the respondents is presented in Table 2. Slightly more than one-fifth of the respondents experienced one form of GBV during the conflict. About 14% reported experiencing at least one form of violence post conflict whereas violence perpetrated by an intimate partner was experienced by 12% of the respondents. The most common form of violence during conflict was physical; by contrast, sexual violence was predominant after conflict. Intimate partner violence was largely emotional and physical. Most of those who experienced violence by a non-family member during and after conflict experienced it on more than two occasions. Non-family member GBV during conflict was mainly perpetrated by the Police; other perpetrators were paramilitary personnel, medical personnel, religious workers, and community members. Perpetrators of post-conflict GBV were mainly members of paramilitary personnel and Police accounting for 37 of the 39 incidents. Notable is that most of the respondents did not respond to the question on perpetrators during conflict.
Gender-based Violence by Family and Non-family Member During Conflict and Post-conflict.
Experience of GBV by Selected Background Characteristics
The distribution of GBV experience by selected background characteristics of the respondents, and the results of Cramér’s V test showing effect size and p-value are presented in Table 3. A larger percentage of those who reported violence during and post-conflict were adolescents aged 15–19 years. The association between age and experience of GBV during conflict was significant with a large positive effect size (.522), but insignificant post conflict. Also, IPV was more predominant (48.6%) among adolescents as compared to their older counterparts but the association with age was insignificant. Most victims of GBV during conflict (70.3%) and post-conflict (64.1%), and IPV (85.7%) were unmarried. The association between marital status and experience of GBV was significant and the effect size was small during conflict (.199), and post conflict (.214). All those who experienced GBV post conflict and IPV were Christians, and the majority of those who experienced GBV during conflict (76.6%) were also of Christian religion. Religion was significantly associated with experience of GBV during conflict with a medium effect (.363). Except for IPV, most of the victims of GBV during conflict (73.4%), and post conflict (61.5%) were of Hausa ethnic origin. The association between ethnic origin and experience of GBV during conflict, post conflict, and IPV was statistically significant with a large effect size for GBV during conflict (.398), and small effect for post conflict (.185), and IPV (.209) The majority of victims of GBV during conflict (98.4%), and post conflict (61.5%) ever attended school whereas all the victims of IPV ever attended school. The association between ever attended school and experienced GBV during conflict, post conflict, and IPV was significant, but the effect size was negative and small during conflict (−.186), medium post conflict (.307), and small for IPV (.137). A larger percentage of the respondents who had stayed less than one year in the camp reported experiencing GBV during conflict (46%), post conflict (61.5%), and IPV (51.4%) than those who had stayed longer than one year. Duration of stay in camp was significantly associated with GBV during conflict, post conflict and for IPV; the magnitude of association was small during conflict (.162), medium post conflict (.236), and small for IPV (.162). Most of those who reported experience of GBV were from Borno and Adamawa States, and the association between State of displacement and experience of GBV during and post conflict was significant with a large effect size during conflict (.375), post conflict (.446).
Cross Tabulation of Experience of GBV by Selected Background Characteristics.
The result of the unadjusted exact logistic regression is presented in Table 4. Although a larger number of adolescents reported GBV, the odds for reporting GBV during conflict was higher among respondents aged 25 and above (OR 8.37, CI: 2.99–27.2). Respondents who were unmarried were less likely than the married IDPs to experience GBV during (OR .33, CI: .16–.69). and post conflict (OR .27, CI: .12–.62). The likelihood of GBV during conflict was significantly higher among respondents of other religions (Islam and others) than Christians (OR 16.6, CI: 5.00–71.72). Compared to respondents of Hausa ethnic origin, the odds of experiencing GBV during conflict (OR .12, CI: .05–.24) and post conflict (OR .34, CI: .16–.74) was less among respondents of other ethnic origin. In contrast, IPV was more likely among respondents of Igbo (OR 9.10, CI: 1.53–51.5) and other ethnic origin compared to IDPs of Hausa origin (OR 4.04, CI: 1.46–13.9). The likelihood of experiencing GBV during conflict was less among respondents who never attended school (OR .08, CI: .00–.24). However, the odds of post-conflict GBV were significantly higher among those who have never attended school as compared to those who ever attended school (6.39, CI: 2.69–15.09). The respondents who had stayed 1–3 years in the IDP camp were 57% less likely than those whose duration of stay in the camp was less than one year to report having experienced GBV during conflict (OR .43, CI: .20–.88). Compared to the respondents who had stayed less than one year in the camp, post-conflict GBV (OR .05, CI: .00–.34) and IPV (OR .15, CI: .02–.68) were significantly less among respondents who had stayed three or more years in the camp. Experience of GBV during the conflict was significantly associated with the reporting of experience of GBV post conflict (OR 8.27, CI: 3.80–18.60). Respondents who reported GBV during conflict were at least eight times more likely to report GBV after conflict. This relationship remained positive after adjusting for marital status (result of the adjusted model is not shown in table).
Unadjusted Exact Logistic Regression Predicting the Likelihood of Gender-based Violence Among Women in IDP Camp.
Note. ***p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05.
CI = Confidence interval.
! Indicates categories with cells that have 0 for the outcome, the estimation was median unbiased estimates (MUE).
Discussion
The study was designed to ascertain the experience of GBV among female IDPs in a segregated camp in southern Nigeria. We focused exclusively on persons that had been displaced from the northern to the southern parts of the country due to the Boko Haram Insurgency, other natural disasters such as flooding, disease outbreaks, inter-communal clashes, ethno-religious disputes, and tensions between Fulani herdsmen and farmers. These incidents have affected many Nigerians, more than half of which are women and children who were forced out of their homes due to the weakened and partially non-existent security systems and exposing them to different forms of violence (United Nations Population Fund, 2017; UNHCR, 2018). The consequence has been the setting up of camps and residences by governments, non-governmental agencies, and international organizations in more secure parts of the country that provide temporary residences and security to those affected.
The IDP camp in Uhogua, Benin City, south-south Nigeria was established in 2012 by the International Christian Center, a registered Nigerian Christian based organization for the care of the victims. Over 90% of the residents in the camp are from the States of Borno and Adamawa in the north-eastern region of the country, which are the epicenters of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. These parts of Nigeria are normally largely populated by Muslims. However, the fact that over 93% of residents in the camp are Christians suggests that the camp managers may have specifically targeted Christians for evacuation from the affected locales to the camp.
Based on the circumstances of the insurgency and the fact that the insurgents are mainly men, we hypothesized that GBV would be a major feature, and possibly a motivation for the attacks. This was borne out by reports of Boko Haram attacks in northern Nigeria that specifically focused on the kidnapping and abduction of women (Ahmed, 2019; Matfess, 2017; UNICEF, 2018). We therefore fielded our questioning about the women’s experiences of GBV around two phases during conflict) and post-conflict when (in transit to their current places of abode and after they have arrived in the camp). The results show that slightly more than 20% of the women reported GBV during conflict the predominant proportion of which were physical violence. This relatively low reporting of GBV by displaced persons is of interest, as it demonstrates the inherent low reporting of violence by women as has been reported in previous studies (Nnadi, 2012; Oladeji et al., 2018; Osadebe & Nnamani, 2017; Vu et al., 2014). We had however expected that the actual experience of harassment and threats resulting in the forced displacements of these women from their homes due to the “superior power” of their attackers, would be identified by them as GBV. This was not the case as many of the women did not report such cases as violence. The results of this study appear to suggest that unless women are physically or individually beaten they would not consider threats of such acts, coercion, harassment, and intimidation that led to their displacement as violence. Clearly, the tendency for women not to recognize the circumstances and the full ramifications of GBV and therefore not to accurately report them is a major drawback that needs to be overcome in efforts to prevent and report cases of GBV. This suggests that efforts ought to be made to conscientize women about the different forms of violence and its social ramifications.
Apart from the understanding of the different ramifications of GBV, Vu et al. (2014) in their systematic review of GBV studies reported the low-reporting of GBV by women to be due to social stigma associated with sexual assault; shame and fear of reprisal by survivors of sexual violence; inadequate or non-existent justice system response to prosecute perpetrators in conflict situations; law enforcement system likely to maltreat and further victimize survivors; a lack of capacity to receive and give adequate attention to the various and complex needs of victims. In the context of this study, apart from stigma, shame, and fear associated with sexual assault, the fact that the IDP was a religious setting may have further influenced the low reporting with the women not wanting to revisit or expose their past experiences.
With regards to the experience of GBV post-conflict, the results of this study indicated that up to 13.5% of the women reported GBV post-conflict. In contrast to the reported nature of violence during conflict, more than 92% of reported GBV post-conflict were attributable to sexual violence. This is consistent with reports of similar studies which indicate that sexual violence is a common feature of post-conflict insurgency in Nigeria (Ojengbede et al., 2019; Read, 2020). Sexual violence as epitomized by rape and sexual harassment were the main features of GBV reported by the participants post-conflict. Of interest was the observation that more than 96.0% of the reported perpetrators of sexual violence were Policemen, and Paramilitary personnel. Only one case each was reported against a relief worker and a fellow refugee, while none were reported against medical and religious personnel. These results point to the need for the careful selection of police officers and paramilitary personnel who work in IDP camps, and their continuous training, re-training, value orientation/clarification, and regular monitoring. Specific rules and regulations also need to be put in place to discourage and punish public officers who carry out sexual offenses against vulnerable women and girls. There is currently a Gender Desk Unit (GDU) at many police stations across the country. This Unit which was created in 2014 tackles all gender-related cases including GBV (British Council, 2014; Premium Times, 2020). The 2010 Gender Policy for the Nigerian Police Force also seeks to sensitize members of the force on the manifestations of GBV and to cause a reorientation from the cultural normative order and beliefs regarding GBV (Nigeria Gender Policy for Nigerian Police Force, 2010). However, in terms of training and implementation, only pockets of training have been carried out at various times and in collaboration with different organizations focusing on GBV and related issues at State levels. In 2019, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) developed a training Manual to strengthen law enforcement agents’ response to GBV in Borno and Adamawa states of Nigeria (International Organization for Migration, 2019). There is however need for frequent nationwide training for officers and not just for few officers or only those in the GDU. This is particularly because the country’s law enforcement agencies are not state based as law enforcement officers are transferred across states of the federation at different times. The training and retraining should focus on sensitization of officers on the manifestations of GBV and re-orientation to address any beliefs that may encourage or justify GBV. Training modules should also re-emphasize the respect and protection of the human rights of displaced persons particularly, their dignity and respect for their privacy notwithstanding their displacement status.
As evidenced from the results of this study, slightly more than 12% of the respondents reported GBV by family members. The majority (>90%) were emotional and physical violence perpetuated by family members, while 8.6% of reported cases were attributed to sexual violence. This percentage is lower compared to the family-based violence rate of 21.2% (15.4% by intimate partners and 5.8% by relatives) reported in northeastern Nigeria (Centre for Population and Reproductive Health, 2016). This is also lower than another study which reported experience of IPV by one in four women (Adebowale, 2018) and the National Demographic Health Survey report of 16% prevalence of IPV in Nigeria (NPC and ICF International, 2014). IPV is reportedly the most common form of GBV (Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security GIWPS and Peace Research Institute Oslo, 2017). Although lower than previous studies, the reported cases of GBV by IDPs in which family members were the perpetrators remains noteworthy and suggests the need for the involvement of family members in the design and implementation of programs aimed at preventing and managing the consequences of GBV.
The results of Cramer V test show that the experience of GBV during conflict was significantly related to age, marital status, religion, ethnic origin, ever attended school, duration of stay in camp, and State of displacement, but the effect size was only large for age, ethnic origin, and State of displacement. Marital status, ethnic origin, ever attended school, duration in camp, and state of displacement were significantly associated with experience of post-conflict GBV, the magnitude of association was large for State of displacement. Intimate partner violence was only significantly related to ethnic origin, ever attended school, and duration in the camp, and their effect size was small. The results of the logistic regression analysis showed that the odds of experiencing GBV were higher in older adolescents, married respondents, Muslims, and among Hausa ethnic groups. This suggests that more efforts should be made to identify the most vulnerable groups so as to target interventions to address specific needs. The reporting of GBV during and post conflict was particularly high among Hausa women as compared to women of other ethnic groups. This may be because Borno State where the Boko Haram insurgency is located is largely populated by the Hausa ethnic group. The Hausa women are therefore more likely to experience the primary effects of insurgency while women from the other ethnic groups may have been secondarily affected and may have left their homes for fear of being affected by the insurgency.
Education had a dual effect. While attaining any level of education exposed the participants to higher risk of violence during conflict, it actually reduced their risk post conflict and for IPV. During conflict, educated women may have been specifically targeted because of Boko Haram’s known dislike for formal education (Signé, 2018). However, after conflict, education may have the tendency to provide specific agency for camp residents to be able to negotiate their social circumstances and therefore to reduce their risk of sexual violence that tend to occur in the post-conflict period. The findings that educated women and girls were more likely to experience violence during conflict suggests the need for the government and policymakers to develop specific policies and programs to protect educational institutions and their attendees from the ravaging effects of the Boko Haram insurgency. This is consistent with findings of Simister (2010) which indicate that education reduces risk of GBV and may empower women to resist violence. Continuing education both in general terms as well as those specifically related to the prevention of GBV is therefore an essential component of any prevention initiative. In this regard, it was of interest to note that those who have been in the camp for more than one year were less likely to experience GBV as compared to more recent residents of the camp. This may be related to the continuous formal and informal educational activities that take place in the camp.
This study has some weaknesses as well as specific strengths. The interviewed IDPs are not representative of the IDPs in Nigeria. They were self-selected, and most were Christians who were specifically rescued by a Christian organization. It is therefore possible that some of the responses provided, and therefore the results of the study may have been influenced by the Christian faith of the respondents rather than being the general inclination of all IDPs in the country. Christianity has been found to motivate attitudinal change especially in male-female relationships such that what was once acceptable by a person may become rejected and vice-versa (Bradley, 1990; Eves, 2012). Teaching of Christian virtues such as patience and submission of women also enjoins women to accept their situation and rather than addressing the issue of aggression, there is emphasis on the victim making efforts to change (Hermkens, 2012). Recall bias may also have been a problem, as some of the respondents may have forgotten the specific violent events that occurred before coming to the camp. Omanyondo reported that recall bias was introduced to influence women’s ability to accurately remember experiences of GBV in circumstances where interviews take place long after the incidents occur (Omanyondo, 2005). We also worried about the context of the study, whether the respondents being interviewed within the camps would be able to give accurate and truthful answers to questions that appeared private and sensitive. However, we addressed this later concern by ensuring that the respondents were interviewed in private and outside the immediate vicinity of the camp managers in order to prevent undue interference. Another limitation of this study’s method was the fact that the definition of GBV provided to participants did not include environmental factors. We recommend that future research on GBV among IDPs should include questions on witnessing potentially traumatizing violent events by participants.
To the best of our knowledge, this is one of the few studies that address GBV within the context of the increasing wave of insurgency in Nigeria. Without a research contextualization of the issue, it will be difficult to identify evidence-based solutions to the various social manifestations of the challenge that increasingly affects a sizeable proportion of the population. The internal validity of the study is of high quality as we used a purposefully designed questionnaire that targeted all the female residents in the camp, out of which more than 96 % agreed to be interviewed after informed consent had been obtained. Consequently, we believe that the results of the study are valid for IDPs in the southern region of Nigeria.
One of the major concerns about GBV in Nigeria is the poor implementation of laws and legislations that protect the rights of women and girls and that specifically prevent GBV and punish perpetrators (Okolie, 2019; Onyemelukwe, 2018). Although laws such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) (United Nations, 1981) are known internationally, they have neither been domesticated nor implemented in Nigeria. In July 2017, the CEDAW Committee reviewed the implementation record in Nigeria and published a damning report. In the report the Committee called on Nigeria to domesticate the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act, the Child Rights Act, and the CEDAW Convention in all states; to expedite the adoption of the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill; “and to address the root causes of trafficking in women and girls, including addressing their economic situation” (United Nations Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women [CEDAW], 2017). Since this report was published, there has been limited evidence to suggest that the country has systematically changed its strategies in protecting the rights of women and girls (Okolie, 2019; Onyemelukwe, 2018). The non-implementation of laws that protect women against GBV appears to influence the prevalence of GBV reported in this study. Implementation of these laws will ensure that perpetrators are punished, their punishment is expected to serve as a form of deterrent for others whether acting in official or non-official capacities.
We conclude that the prevalence of GBV among female IDPs in a camp in Southern Nigeria is noteworthy. The significant risk factors for GBV include older age of adolescents, lower level of education, Muslim religion, and reduced time of residency in camp. The police and paramilitary are the major perpetrators of GBV. We believe GBV has been perpetuated by the Nigerian government’s failure to implement laws and regulations consistent with the CEDAW (United Nations, 1981) to prevent GBV and to punish its perpetrators, as documented by finding from the United Nations CEDAW committee (2017), and ineffective security systems. We recommend that the findings from the study about the risk factors for GBV be incorporated into efforts to reduce the prevalence and consequences of GBV for internally displaced women in Nigeria.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors wish to thank the camp manager and staff of the International Christian Center Uhogua camp in Benin city for granting access and allowing data collection for this study.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The African Centre of Excellence in Reproductive Health Innovation (CERHI), University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria funded the study.
