Polyvictimization Risk Among North Korean Refugee Women in South Korea

Abstract

North Korean (NK) refugee women living in South Korea are known to be vulnerable to interpersonal violence, but little is known about the possible link between or co-occurrence of acts of sexual violence (SV) and intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetrated against NK refugee women. This study examined the prevalence of polyvictimization and explored the association between SV in different settings (i.e., North Korea, intermediate countries, and South Korea) and various types of IPV. A convenience sample of 140 adult NK refugee women was analyzed, and logistic regression analyses were conducted to examine the link between SV and polyvictimization in IPV. NK refugee women with a history of SV reported a significantly higher rate of IPV over the previous 12 months (51.2%) compared to those without a history of SV (20.4%). NK refugee women with a history of SV are significantly more likely to become victims of most forms of IPV. SV victimization in intermediate countries significantly increased the odds of being physically victimized by their male partners in South Korea (OR = 3.31, p =.05). An SV victimization history in North Korea (OR = 4.50, p =.04) and SV victimization experienced outside their intimate relationship in South Korea significantly increased the odds of sexual IPV from their current intimate partner (OR = 4.74, p =.03). This study showed that victims of human trafficking and sexual assault during their journey to South Korea were at a greater risk of IPV in South Korea. Male partners of NK refugee women with a history of SV may shame and physically sanction NK refugee women for “breaching honor.” Therefore, screening for potential risk of physical and sexual IPV among NK refugee women with a prior exposure to SV is needed to develop programs in safety planning for NK refugee women experiencing SV and IPV.

Keywords

sexual violence (SV)intimate partner violence (IPV)North Korean refugees polyvictimization revictimization violence against women

Introduction

Violence has always been a central component of the flight and resettlement experience for North Korean (NK) refugee women, who represent approximately 75.4% of the NK refugee population in South Korea (Korea Hana Foundation, 2019). In general, NK women have greater mobility than men and are often deceived by traffickers of a better chance at marriage and employment in intermediary countries or South Korea (Kim et al., 2009). Consequently, NK refugee women are at a disproportionally higher risk of gender-based victimization (e.g., sexual violence [SV] and human trafficking) during the defection process, as evidenced in many empirical studies (Kim et al., 2009; Lee, 2011; Yeon, 2018). Most NK refugee women experience some form of victimization or trauma while in North Korea and defecting—the process of illegitimately leaving one’s country to enter another—and, as a result, are likely to suffer severe and persistent physical and psychiatric consequences (Chang et al., 2008; Choi et al., 2017; Lee et al., 2001).

NK women, in particular, are financially and socially more vulnerable than NK men, given the specific circumstances surrounding North Korea, an economically fragile country with a patriarchal society that has strongly embedded gender roles (Chang et al., 2008). In North Korea, women are often victims of both structural (Park, 2012; United Nations Human Rights Council, 2014) and domestic violence (Choo, 2006). Government officials perpetrate SV and enforce their exploitation (Park, 2012) and use physical violence directed against NK women to maintain the country’s regime when needed (Jung & Dalton, 2006). In a NK household, women are seen as subordinate to their husbands; they are expected to fulfill their traditional gender roles and have no legal recourse to address domestic violence (Jung & Dalton, 2006). As a result, approximately 70% of NK women are victims of violence perpetrated by their husbands (Kim, 2011). Even after fleeing from North Korea, NK refugee women remain vulnerable to gender-based victimization. NK women, who are caught while fleeing, are forcibly repatriated and subjected to violence, rape, torture, and detention in concentration camps (Davis, 2006; Ko et al., 2004). Moreover, recent studies have found that many NK refugee women are victims of violence, including intimate partner violence (IPV), even after their resettlement in South Korea. Researchers are increasingly concerned with the increased risk of polyvictimization—exposure to multiple types of victimization—in the form of SV and IPV among NK refugee women. However, previous research on NK refugee women has focused on identifying risk factors of specific kinds of victimization. Little attention has been paid to the possibility of polyvictimization and past victimization elevating the risk of subsequent victimization in different settings.

Most NK refugees travel through intermediary countries (e.g., China, Cambodia, and Vietnam) before entering South Korea (Korea Hana Foundation, 2019). Many NK refugees are likely to reside in intermediary countries as illegal immigrants for at least three years (Chang et al., 2008) before they get an opportunity to move on to South Korea. Although the experience of violence and trauma of refugees while fleeing is universal to some extent (Freedman, 2016; Ward & Vann, 2002), many studies on NK refugees have highlighted the traumatic experiences and the alarmingly high rate of SV during their stay in intermediary countries (Jeon et al., 2008; Lee et al., 2001). In particular, these studies extensively discuss SV and the exploitation of NK refugee women and suggest that a significant proportion of NK refugee women are sexually victimized (Kim et al., 2009; Lee, 2011; Muico, 2005; Yeon, 2018). In China, approximately 80%–90% of NK refugee women are allegedly victims of SV and human trafficking (Human Rights Watch, 2005).

Despite overcoming victimization in intermediary countries, NK refugee women are at risk of other forms of victimization following their arrival in South Korea. A few qualitative studies that have documented the lives of NK refugees after their resettlement suggest that NK refugee women are often the victims of IPV (Cho & Jeon, 2005; Jin & Lee, 2007; Lee, 1999; Lee & Sung, 2001). Additionally, the prevalence of IPV among NK refugee women is significantly higher than its prevalence among South Korean women. According to a nationwide survey on IPV, more than 41% of NK refugee women reported physical IPV victimization, which is 2.5 times higher than its prevalence among South Korean women. To summarize, the high prevalence of IPV among NK refugee women—likely related to their past SV victimization in intermediary countries—suggests that there is a possible link between the two types of violence.

Literature on polyvictimization suggests that multiple victimization is common and victimization risks are intercorrelated (Finkelhor et al., 2007). In other words, being a victim of SV can be a risk factor for subsequent victimization in South Korea (Campbell et al., 2008; Capaldi et al., 2012). One explanation for this association is a patriarchal and Confucius belief system that is strongly embedded in East Asian cultures. NK refugee women who are victims of SV may be stigmatized and shamed by their male partners and thus physically punished for “breaching honor.” However, there has been limited research on the risk of polyvictimization among NK refugee women in South Korea and this requires hypothesis testing.

Current Study

The present study extends the literature on victimization among NK refugee women by examining (a) the prevalence and sociodemographic characteristics of SV and IPV, and (b) the association between exposure to SV in different settings (i.e., North Korea, intermediary countries, and South Korea) and IPV perpetrated by their current intimate partners. We hypothesized that the history of SV is associated with past-year IPV experience.

Method

Sample

This study used data from the Customized Support Plan for Victimized NK Female Refugees, which is supported by the Korean Ministry of Gender Equality and Family (2012). Snowball sampling was used to recruit participants; it was the best available method to recruit adult NK refugee women (aged 19 or older) due to limited access to the sampling frame of this population. Of the 142 NR refugee women who participated in the survey, 140 were included in the analysis after excluding two cases with incomplete data. Participation in this study was voluntary and informed consent was obtained from all the participants. A gift card valued at approximately 10 USD was provided to the participants at the end of the survey as compensation for their participation.

Sample characteristics are displayed in Table 1. Most participants were in the age group of 30–49 years and had lived in South Korea for approximately five to ten years. Only about 7% of the respondents had arrived in South Korea via a direct route, whereas over 90% had to go through intermediate countries, such as China, Cambodia, and Vietnam. As for the nationality of their current partner, 40% were NK and about 30% were foreigners (e.g., Chinese or Korean Chinese). Although we were not able to track when they met their partners, about 10% had a South Korean partner. The study participants’ household income level was relatively low, as over 70% earned less than 2,000 USD a month in 2012.

Table 1.

Descriptive Characteristics of the Study Sample.

Demographic Characteristics		N (%)
Age	20–29	10 (7.1)
	30–39	46 (32.9)
	40–49	57 (40.7)
	50–59	21 (15.0)
	≥60	4 (2.9)
	No response	2 (1.4)
Duration in South Korea	<1 year	4 (2.9)
	1–5 years	46 (32.9)
	5–10 years	77 (55.0)
	>10 years	5 (3.6)
	No response	8 (5.7)
Escape route	Directly to South Korea	10 (7.1)
Educational attainment	Elementary school	1(0.7)
	Middle school	57 (40.7)
	High school	42 (30.0)
	University and above	40 (28.6)
	No response	0 (0.0)
Nationality of current partner/husband	North Korean	56 (40.0)
	South Korean	27 (19.3)
	Other than Korean	42 (30.0)
	No response	15 (10.7)
Monthly household income	<USD1,000	53 (37.9)
	USD1,000–USD1,999	45 (32.1)
	USD2,000–USD2,999	26 (18.6)
	≥USD3,000	16 (11.4)
	No response	0 (0.0)

Measures

IPV victimization. The past-year IPV was assessed using 15 items of the revised conflict tactics scale (CTS2, Straus et al., 1996). The CTS2 generated four subdimensions of IPV: economic control (e.g., restriction of financial resources), psychological violence (e.g., insulting and threatening to hit), physical violence (e.g., slapping, choking, and beating up), and SV (e.g., forcing to have sex). Four binary variables were generated from the scale indicating the presence of each type of IPV in the past year.

SV victimization. Measures of SV included sexual harassment, sexual assault (e.g., unwanted touching or kissing and groping), attempted rape, and rape. Respondents reported whether they had ever been exposed to any of the five items of SV in three different settings—North Korea, intermediate countries, and South Korea. As for SV in South Korea, victimization was assessed separately from the CTS2, so it measured SV victimization perpetrated outside their intimate relationship. Three binary variables indicating the existence of SV at three different phases of migration were generated from these 15 items.

Covariates. Age, educational attainment, and household income were included as continuous covariates.

Analysis

The characteristics of the study sample and major variables were analyzed using descriptive analyses. Bivariate analyses were conducted to explore associations between SV and IPV; the prevalence of IPV by SV and their associations were examined with chi-square tests, and the strength of the associations between major variables of this study were explored using Spearman’s rank order correlation, the nonparametric version of the Pearson product–moment correlation. A set of logistic regression analyses was used to examine the relationship between SV and various types of IPV, which was conceptualized as polyvictimization. Age, educational attainment, and household income were adjusted in each logistic regression analysis predicting various types of IPV victimization from SV in three different migration phases (i.e., North Korea, intermediate countries, and South Korea).

Results

Prevalence and Bivariate Associations Between SV and IPV

The prevalence and bivariate associations between SV and IPV are presented in Table 2. About 29.5% of NK refugee women in this study had been exposed to SV over the course of their migration. SV victimization rate was the highest in intermediate countries (23.0%), followed by North Korea (15.1%) and South Korea (14.6%). As for IPV, almost one in two NK refugee women in this study experienced psychological IPV, and one in three experienced physical IPV from their current intimate partner in South Korea. More than half of NK refugee women were exposed to at least one type of violence, and about 21% were victims of both SV and IPV.

Table 2.

Prevalence of Sexual Violence and Intimate Partner Violence Victimization.

Violence Victimization		N (%)
Sexual violence (SV)	In at least one of the three settings	41 (29.5)
	In North Korea	21 (15.1)
	In intermediate countries	26 (23.0)
	In South Korea	19 (14.6)
Intimate partner violence (IPV)	Economic control	21 (16.5)
	Psychological violence	60 (47.2)
	Physical violence	41 (32.3)
	Sexual violence	24 (18.9)
Polyvictimization	No victimization	55 (43.3)
	Only SV	36 (28.3)
	Only IPV	9 (7.1)
	Both SV and IPV	27 (21.3)

The results of the chi-square tests showed that SV and IPV was significantly associated (

χ^{2}

(1) = 13.20, p < .001). NK refugee women with a history of SV reported a significantly higher rate of IPV (over the preceding 12 months, 51.2%) when compared to those without a history of SV (20.4%). The same pattern appeared when all four different types of IPV were examined separately. NK refugee women with SV showed a significantly higher rate of economic, psychological, physical, and sexual IPV (Table 3). The gap in IPV rates between NK refugee women with SV and without SV was greatest in physical and sexual IPV; NK refugee women with a history of SV had a significantly higher rate of being physically and/or sexually abused by their current intimate partner. On the other hand, the differences in IPV rates between the SV group and the non-SV group was relatively smaller in economic control than in the other types of IPV.

Table 3.

Results of Chi-square Test and Prevalence of IPV by Sexual Violence Victimization.

Variable	Overall IPV		Economic Control		Psychological IPV		Physical IPV		Sexual IPV
Variable	No	Yes	No	Yes	No	Yes	No	Yes	No	Yes
No SV	78 (79.6)	20 (20.4)	81 (89.0)	10 (11.0)	55 (60.4)	36 (39.6)	71 (78.0)	20 (22.0)	83 (91.2)	8 (8.8)
SV	20 (48.8)	21 (51.2)	25 (69.4)	11 (30.6)	12 (33.3)	24 (66.7)	15 (41.7)	21 (58.3)	20 (55.6)	16 (44.4)
χ²(df)	13.20 (1)***		7.17 (1)**		7.60 (1)**		15.60 (1)***		21.39 (1)***

Note. Numbers in parentheses indicate row percentages. SV = sexual violence; IPV = intimate partner violence.

**p < .01; ***p < .001.

The strength of associations between major variables was explored with Spearman’s rank order correlation and the results are presented in Table 4. Four different types of IPV were significantly associated with each other and the association was strongest between psychological and physical IPV (r_s = .81, p < .001). As for SV, SV in North Korea and intermediate countries had a significant moderate level of association (r_s = .56, p < .001). On the other hand, SV in three different settings (i.e., North Korea, intermediate countries, and South Korea) were significantly associated with most types of IPV. Among the significant associations, SV in all three migration phases showed a relatively higher association with sexual and physical IPV than economic control and psychological IPV.

Table 4.

Correlation Matrix (Spearman’s Rank Order Correlation).

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10
1. Age	1.00
2. Educational attainment	.03	1.00
3. Household income	–.03	.18^*	1.00
4. Sexual violence: N Korea	.05	.00	–.02	1.00
5. Sexual violence: I Countries	.03	–.06	–.06	.56^**	1.00
6. Sexual violence: S Korea	.08	–.05	–.05	.38^**	.37^**	1.00
7. IPV: Economic control	–.02	–.09	–.01	.25^**	.21^*	.22^**	1.00
8. IPV: Psychological violence	–.02	–.21^*	–.09	.26^**	.23^*	.11	.41^**	1.00
9. IPV: Physical violence	.04	–.23^*	–.10	.31^**	.31^**	.18^*	.44^**	.81^**	1.00
10. IPV: Sexual violence	.00	–.20^*	–.09	.46^**	.34^**	.36^**	.50^**	.57^**	.64^**	1.00

Note. N Korea = North Korea; I Countries = intermediate countries; S Korea = South Korea; IPV = intimate partner violence.

*p < .05; **p < .01.

Polyvictimization Risk

Logistic regression results for polyvictimization risk are presented in Table 5. The results of the logistic regression analyses predicting various types of IPV from SV in different migration phases showed that NK refugee women with a history of SV are more likely to become the victims of IPV. SV victimization in North Korea significantly increased the odds of sexual IPV in South Korea (OR = 4.50, p = .04) and SV victimization in intermediate countries significantly increased the odds of NK refugee women being physically victimized by their partners in South Korea (OR = 3.31, p =.05). In addition, SV victimization outside their romantic relationship in South Korea significantly increased the odds of being sexually abused by their current romantic partners (OR = 4.74, p =.03). At a marginal level (p < .1), SV victimization outside their intimate relationship in South Korea increased the odds of economic control (OR = 3.65, p =.06). On the other hand, SV victimization was not associated with psychological IPV.

Table 5.

Polyvictimization Risk Among North Korean Refugee Women in South Korea.

Variable	Type of IPV
	Economic Control		Psychological Violence		Physical Violence		Sexual Violence
	OR	p	OR	p	OR	p	OR	p
Constant	0.55		3.92		1.00		0.68
Age	0.98	.63	1.00	.93	1.02	.48	1.01	.83
Educational attainment	0.89	.66	0.67	.10	0.65	.10	0.63	.14
Household income	1.00	.64	1.00	.92	1.00	.36	1.00	.30
Sexual violence (N Korea)	1.63	.54	2.72	.18	2.16	.26	4.50	.04
Sexual violence (I Countries)	1.47	.60	2.36	.18	3.31	.05	1.69	.47
Sexual violence (S Korea)	3.65	.06	0.39	.18	1.12	.87	4.74	.03
Chi-square (df)	9.22(6), p = .16		11.10(6), p = .09		17.39(6), p = .01		25.55, p < .001
–2 Log likelihood	90.87		127.53		114.40		82.30

Note. IPV = intimate partner violence; N Korea = North Korea; I Countries = intermediate countries; S Korea = South Korea.

Discussion

NK refugee women are often exposed to traumatic events, and a small but significant number of NK refugee women experience sexual assaults en route to South Korea (Lee & Lee, 2020; Korean Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, 2012). NK refugee women are vulnerable to different types of victimization, and this state continues even after they settle in South Korea. One previous study found that, about 51% NK refugee women experienced physical IPV and about 76% experienced psychological IPV in South Korea (Korean Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, 2010). Previous studies suggest that IPV and SV often co-occur and could take place multiple times throughout a victim’s lifetime (Black et al., 2011; Campbell et al., 2008; Classen et al., 2005). Despite this, little research has been conducted to examine the potential intersection between sexual assault and IPV victimization. Besides, most studies examined refugee women’s exposure to violence without differentiating their victimization based on migration phases and setting. This study examined the prevalence of polyvictimization and explored a potential intersection between SV and IPV, with a focus on understanding SV victimization during three different phases of migration. The prevalence of SV, particularly in intermediate countries (23.0%), is alarming, and the prevalence of physical violence (32.3%) and psychological violence (47.2%) is also higher than experienced by ordinary South Korean women (15.3% physical violence and 33.6% psychological violence; Korean Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, 2010). Many NK refugee women experience SV or IPV, and about 21.3% of NK refugee women are exposed to both SV and IPV. NK refugee women with a history of SV in intermediate countries are more likely to become victims of physical violence from their intimate partner in South Korea. The findings also indicate that SV experienced NK refugee women in North Korea and outside their intimate relationship in South Korea is significantly associated with sexual IPV within their current intimate relationship.

Data suggest that various forms of IPV co-occur in any population (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006); however, the risk of polyvictimization can be higher in certain groups of women or women under certain circumstances. For example, the risk of sexual revictimization is greater among African American women (Miner et al., 2006), and female veterans show higher rates of both SV and IPV than the general population (Campbell et al., 2008). Risk of victimization increases for refugee women (Hynes & Cardozo, 2000). In prevailing conditions of insecurity and vulnerability during ongoing wars, in refugee camps, and journeys to destination countries, women are subject to various types of violence (Ferris, 2007; Freedman, 2016). Insecurities during armed conflicts and displacement impose an increased risk of physical and SV against women (Hynes & Cardozo, 2000). Besides, refugee women are further exposed to the risk of sexual abuse from smugglers or traffickers during their journey to host countries (Korean Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, 2012). The traffickers force sexual relations in return for assisting women in escaping to their final destinations (Freedman, 2016). Polyvictimization across migration phases has been less studied, but this study showed that refugee women’s trials do not end when they enter the host country. Almost one in three NK refugee women in this study experienced SV during their escape period. The victims of human trafficking and sexual assault during their journey to South Korea are at a greater risk of physical and sexual IPV from their male partners in South Korea. It is conceivable that NK refugee women’s male partners with a history of SV may shame and physically sanction NK refugee women for “breaching honor” or may easily employ physical violence in the face of conflicts and arguments. Revictimization can lead to difficulties in building interpersonal relationships, controlling emotions, and/or developing a positive self-image (Classen et al., 2005). Therefore, for NK refugee women with prior exposure to SV and IPV, we need to screen for the potential risk of physical and sexual assaults and develop programs on safety planning.

Limitations

This study has several limitations that need to be considered. The cross-sectional nature of the data prevents an understanding of temporal and causal relationships between the variables included in this study. The significant association between SV outside their intimate relationship in South Korea and economic control at a marginal level can be attributed to the small sample size. Additionally, the use of a small, nonprobability sample of NK refugee women might mitigate the generalizability of the study’s findings to the population, but the findings may still be applicable to other NK refugee women, as the demographic characteristics of this sample resembles its population. Further, the association between SV and IPV found in this study may be more generalizable to refugee women who are exposed to SV during the migration phases, especially refugee women and their partners with an Asian cultural background or Confucianism. Future studies using a larger sample with participants from more diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds could help us with a more precise testing of this relationship.

Conclusion

Refugee women are exposed to violence in every phase of their journey to their destination country. NK refugee women experience various types of violence, especially SV in intermediate countries, and this victimization is also evident in IPV in South Korea. Victimization generally leaves victims with feelings associated with psychological and physical; however, its impact can be graver in refugee women due to circumstances specific to them (e.g., lack of social support, volatile social and legal status, social exclusion, and economic hardship). The professionals working in the areas of physical, psychological, and social well-being of refugee women need to consider the risk of IPV in conjunction with a history of SV.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Boyoung Nam

Lisa Fedina

Author Biographies

Boyoung Nam, PhD, is an assistant professor at the Department of Social Welfare at Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea. Her research is focused on understanding factors that contribute to physical and mental health of women and immigrants, including various types of violent victimization. She conducts social work and research with women, children, and immigrants. The current focus of her research is work–life balance and family, especially among women.

Jae Yop Kim, PhD, is the underwood distinguished professor at the Department of Social Welfare at Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea. He has served as principal investigator for national surveys. He has developed a family therapy methodology for older adults, youth, North Korean refugee women, and cancer patients. His research interests include domestic violence, family therapy, and neurobiological perspectives for social work practice.

Yujin Lee, MSW, is a PhD student in the Graduate School of Social Welfare at Yonsei University. Her research focuses on family relationships, with specific interest in domestic violence and child maltreatment.

Lisa Fedina, PhD, is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Her research interests include human trafficking, sexual violence, intimate partner violence, and health outcomes as well as improving systems-level responses to survivors.

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