Outcomes of Sexual Assault Victimization in Early Adulthood: National Estimates for University and Nonuniversity Students

Abstract

Across the United States, 20% of women ages 18 and over are victims of penetrative sexual assault, with the highest rates occurring in early adulthood (i.e., ages 18-24). Despite the high prevalence and severe mental and physical health problems resulting from sexual assault, with few exceptions, little is known about how victims of sexual assault attribute subsequent academic and career outcomes. Approximately 901 adult participants were recruited from a probability-based nationally representative sample to examine the prevalence of and outcomes attributed to sexual assault victimization experienced during early adulthood. Of the 36% of female participants who reported sexual assault perpetrated against them between the ages of 18 and 24, 69.5% attributed at least one negative academic or career outcome to the sexual assault. Participants who identified as White and who were over the age of 30 at the time of the survey were more likely to attribute negative academic and career outcomes as a result of a sexual assault perpetrated against them during early adulthood than women of color and younger women (i.e., ages 25-29). Our findings expand the knowledge on negative outcomes attributed to sexual assault and yields more questions about the larger societal impacts. More research is needed to understand the intersection between an assault during young adulthood and the demographic characteristics of survivors.

Keywords

sexual assault young adult education income career outcomes

Introduction

Across the United States (U.S.), 20% of adult women are victims of sexual assault, with early adulthood (i.e., ages 18-24) being the period of greatest risk (Black et al., 2011; Sinozich & Langton, 2014). While much attention has focused on university campuses, the risk is just as high or higher for young adults who never enroll or do not complete university (Mumford et al., 2020; Lugo & Przybylski, 2019). Despite the high prevalence of sexual assault and ensuing acute and chronic mental and physical health problems (Dworkin et al., 2017; Lévesque et al., 2016; Ullman et al., 2013), with few exceptions, little is known about how survivors of sexual assault attribute subsequent academic and career outcomes later in life (Potter et al., 2018). Recent research documents that sexual assault victims report lower grade point averages, academic efficacy, and institutional commitment, and greater university-related stress, including higher dropout rates, than nonvictimized students (Banyard et al., 2017; Mengo & Black, 2015; Potter et al., 2018). In addition, sexual assault can result in human capital losses, including missed career opportunities and a lifetime cost of $121,000 per sexual assault (Peterson et al., 2017; Potter et al., 2018). In this exploratory report, we examine how a nationally representative sample of women attribute career and academic outcomes to the sexual assault perpetrated against them during young adulthood.

Methods

Participants and Procedures

A probability-based sample of 901 adults (ages 18 and older) was recruited from the AmeriSpeak panel in October 2019, with approval of the NORC Institutional Review Board. AmeriSpeak is a nationally representative panel that covers over 97% of U.S. households using U.S. Postal Service and FedEx mailings, phone contact, and in-person visits by NORC field interviewers. The weighted panel response rate was 24.1%, which is the cumulative weighted response rate for panel recruitments at the household level (Mumford et al., 2020; Bilgen et al., 2018). Participants completed an online survey, which included demographics, sexual assault victimization in early adulthood, and negative outcomes attributed to the sexual assault. To distinguish academic and career paths, participants were asked, “Are you now or were you at some point enrolled in college courses or a college program after high school?”

The current study sample includes female participants who reported sexual assault victimization in early adulthood (n = 167). Of the 167 women, approximately 29.9% were ages 18-29 (vs. age 30 or older) at the time of interview, 62.8% were White (vs. other race/ethnicity), and 66.2% had some university or a Bachelor’s degree (vs. high school degree or less). Participants’ annual household income was reported in quartiles: less than $30,000 (28.2%), between $30,000-$60,000 (29.8%), $60,000-$100,000 (23.4%), or $100,000 or more (18.5%).

Measures

Sexual assault. Sexual assault victimization “between the ages of 18 and 24” for those who did and did not enroll in university was assessed using three items based on the Sexual Experiences Survey (i.e., Touched respondent directly or through clothing or kissed respondent; Made a substantial but unsuccessful effort to have sex [oral, vaginal, or anal attempted sex] with respondent; Had sex [oral, vaginal, or anal] with respondent) and two additional items from the American Association of University Women Survey (i.e., Someone touched the respondent in an unwelcome sexual way; Physically intimidated respondent in a sexual way) (Hill & Kearl, 2011; Koss et al., 1987). Sexual assault victimization was dichotomously coded (1 = any victimization, 0 = none).

Sexual assault outcomes. Participants who reported a sexual assault in early adulthood also answered a series of questions regarding negative outcomes that they attributed to the assault, indicating “whether the change was sudden or gradual,” based on the lead author’s past qualitative research and iterative review by the research team (Potter et al., 2018). Respondents who reported more than one sexual assault during the recall period were asked to think of “one specific assault” in considering the list of outcomes. Nine items about the impact on academic goals, motivation, and transitions following the assault were asked of participants who reported university enrollment. For participants who had not enrolled in university, eight items were adapted to inquire about the impact on career or work goals, motivation, and job transitions. While the small sample precluded analyses of subsets of items, qualitatively, we present both university and nonuniversity participants’ outcomes in three categories of impact, motivation, and transitions (Table 1). All items were presented with a binary response option (yes = outcome attributed to sexual assault, no = not experienced or attributed to sexual assault), and a summary indicator of any negative outcome across all of the potential outcomes was coded 1, otherwise coded 0.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Negative Outcomes Following a Sexual Assault (N = 118).

	N	%
Impact
I did not notice any change in my academics or endeavors (work, volunteer) overall (reverse coded)	72	61.0
I changed my course of study and academic goal(s)	8	6.8
Any negative impact	73	61.9
Motivation
I did not feel the same motivation to do my schoolwork, work, or other activities	32	27.1
I did not go to class, work, or other activities as often as beforehand	22	18.6
My grades or work performance were lower overall	17	14.4
I received incompletes or warnings because of missed work	15	12.7
Any negative motivation	46	39.0
Transition
I transferred to a different school or switched positions at my workplace	6	5.1
I took time off from school or work	16	13.6
I dropped out of school or switched jobs	13	11.0
Any negative transition	24	20.3
Any negative outcome	76	64.4

Note. Participants could report more than one negative outcome.

Data Analyses

Analyses were conducted in SPSS (Version 27) with the sample of female participants who reported a sexual assault during young adulthood and completed the questions on academic and career outcomes attributed to the assault (n = 118). First, chi-square tests of independence were performed to explore the relationship between negative outcomes and participants’ demographic information. A binomial logistic regression was then conducted to examine the relationship between sexual assault outcomes and demographics using sample-specific poststratification weights. The weights (ages 18 and older) adjust for unequal selection probabilities, survey nonresponse, and frame coverage issues, and are benchmarked to population demographics derived from the American Community Survey (U.S. Census Bureau, 2021).

Results

Sexual Assault Among Female Victims

Of the 453 female participants, 167 (36.0%) reported a sexual assault perpetrated against them during early adulthood. Of the 167 victims, 118 (70.7%) completed the series of questions regarding impact of the sexual assault on academic or career outcomes. Among these 118 participants, approximately 64.4% (n = 76) reported at least one negative academic or career outcome that they attributed to the sexual assault.

Sexual Assault Outcomes and Demographic Information

Negative academic or career outcomes were significantly related to race, χ²(3) = 6.60, p < .01, Φ = –.23, and income, χ²(3) = 8.28, p < .05, Φ = .26 (Table 2). Participants who reported at least one negative academic or career outcome following a sexual assault during early adulthood were more likely to identify as White and report lower annual household income than participants who did not report negative academic or career outcomes following the sexual assault.

Table 2.

Relationship Between Negative Outcomes Following a Sexual Assault and Demographic Information (N = 118).

Chi-Square Tests of Independence
	Negative Outcome (n = 82)		No Negative Outcome (n = 44)		χ²
	N	%	N	%	χ²
Age 18-29 years	24	75.0	8	25.0	ns
30+ years	58	61.7	36	38.3	ns
Race
White	62	72.1	24	27.9	6.60, p = .01 Φ = –.23
Non-White	20	48.7	21	51.3	6.60, p = .01 Φ = –.23
Current income
Less than $30,000	23	71.9	9	28.1
$30,000-60,000	26	81.3	6	18.7
$60,000-$100,000	18	51.4	17	48.6
$100,000 or more	15	55.6	12	44.4
Education
No university	28	80.0	7	20.0	ns
Some university	19	63.3	11	36.7
Graduated university	35	57.4	26	42.6
Binomial logistic regression
	Wald
Age	3.98*			2.86
Race	9.37**			.24
Education	.79			.79
Current income	2.05			.74
Constant	9.91			8.49

Note. *p < .05. **p < .01.

As shown in Table 2, the binomial logistic regression model was statistically significant, χ²(4) = 17.51, p < .01, although the association between variables was relatively weak (Cox and Snell’s R² = .13 and Nagelkerke’s R² = .18). Participants who identified as White and who were older at the time of the survey (representing a longer period of survivorship) were significantly more likely to report having experienced negative academic or career outcomes following a sexual assault than non-White and younger victims reported.

Discussion

As has been reported elsewhere (Mumford et al., 2020), more than a third of the women in the United States are estimated to have been sexually assaulted between the ages of 18-24, a higher rate than found in other nationally representative research (Sinozich & Langton, 2014). The current study builds on this research by investigating demographic differences in young women’s experiences of sexual assault, and the perceived academic and career outcomes that follow.

In the present nationally representative study of adults, non-White women, compared to White women, reported significantly fewer negative outcomes following the sexual assault perpetrated against them. Because it is unlikely there would be systematically fewer negative outcomes for non-White women, we propose three alternative explanations for consideration that may play a role, although additional data is needed to support these claims. First, the institutional racism faced by women of color and accumulated experiences of microaggressions (e.g., via professional and/or school community interactions) reduces their expectations of and confidence in their potential achievements (Bonifacio et al., 2018; Luzzo & McWhirter, 2001). Therefore, women of color might not attribute subsequent negative educational and occupational outcomes to the sexual assault specifically.

Second, minority stress unrelated to sexual assault can contribute to physical and mental health problems, which may be perceived as the principal attributable causes of negative outcomes that women of color experience even following a sexual assault (Meyer et al., 2008; Remedios & Snyder, 2015). Future research would benefit from using a continuous rating to measure how much survivors attribute negative outcomes to the sexual assault. This would also allow researchers to measure the impact of additional factors like minority stress on academic and career outcomes. Finally, women of color may develop resilience in the face of minority stressors that may result in more effective coping in the aftermath of a sexual assault and, thus, lead to fewer negative academic or career outcomes (Meyer, 2015).

Our findings also suggest that older participants (i.e., ages 30 and over) report more negative outcomes than younger participants. Older adults are farther away from the assault than the younger adults, and, thus, have had more time to acknowledge that a sexual assault was perpetrated against them (Donde et al., 2018; Fisher et al., 2003) and to process that the sexual assault may have been a fundamental barrier to their career development (Potter et al., 2018). While research shows that both women who acknowledge and do not acknowledge sexual assault are affected emotionally (Donde et al., 2018), acknowledged victims report higher levels of posttraumatic stress than nonacknowledged victims (Conoscenti & McNally, 2006; Littleton et al., 2006). Finally, the finding that lower income women reported more negative academic/professional outcomes than higher income women may reflect prior research indicating sexual assault during early adulthood negatively affects occupational outcomes and results in lower than anticipated subsequent earnings (Potter et al., 2018).

Limitations

The current study was exploratory and cross-sectional in nature and, thus, cannot establish causal links. Longitudinal studies are needed to fully understand the long-term impacts of sexual assault on academic and career trajectories. Although the data collected was retrospective, research shows that memories of traumatic experiences, such as sexual assault, are likely to persist over time (Berntsen, 2001). Even so, survivors were not asked for specific details related to the assault that may be subject to inaccurate recall as part of this study. A key limitation is the absence of information about participants’ other traumatic exposures before, during, and after young adulthood. Given that victims who experience repeated or multiple forms of abuse report worse outcomes later in life (Finkelhor et al., 2011; Mitchell et al., 2020), it is important to consider the impacts of an isolated incident compared to multiple incidents.

In addition, the sample of sexual assault survivors was small. Therefore, the generalizability of findings is limited although the data was collected from a nationally representative panel. Additionally, we only accounted for demographic variables in this study as opposed to more proximal variables. Racial and gender identity, for example, may serve as a proxy for systemic racism and sexism faced in early adulthood that result in biased expectations of educational and career potential. Further research is also needed to understand how non-White and White people attribute the barriers to expected educational and occupational outcomes following a sexual assault, as opposed to barriers faced due to race and the intersection of these factors.

Conclusion

The nationally representative sample findings of women ages 18 and over who were sexually assaulted during young adulthood supports research illustrating the negative academic and career outcomes following sexual assault (Banyard et al., 2017; Mengo & Black, 2015; Potter et al., 2018). This research expands knowledge on the well-documented short- and long-term physical and mental health outcomes resulting from sexual assault (Dworkin et al., 2017; Lévesque et al., 2016; Ullman et al., 2013) and lays groundwork for further research on the larger impacts from sexual assault on our economy, society at large, and subgroup experiences.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was supported by the authors’ institutions, NORC at the University of Chicago and the University of New Hampshire Prevention Innovations Research Center.

ORCID iD

Sharyn J. Potter

Author Biographies

Sharyn J. Potter, PhD, MPH, is a professor in the Department of Women’s and Gender Studies and the cofounder and executive director of Research at the Prevention Innovations Research Center at the University of New Hampshire. She has been a leader in the development, dissemination and evaluation and of theory- and research-based bystander intervention prevention strategies, including the uSafeUS® campus sexual violence prevention and response app, the uSafeHS^TM healthy relationship app for high school students, the Know Your Power® Bystander Social Marketing Campaign, two bystander video game that models prosocial bystander behaviors, Mindlfock^TM and ShipHappens^TM. She also led a study for the White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault to examine sexual misconduct policy delivery methods. Her TEDx Talk describes the individual and societal economic and human capital losses attributed to sexual violence.

Elizabeth A. Moschella, PhD, MA, is a postdoctoral research fellow at Prevention Innovations Research Center and graduated with a PhD in social psychology and a MA in justice studies from the University of New Hampshire. Dr Moschella’s research interests include outcomes of bystander intervention in situations of interpersonal violence and factors that promote resiliency and growth in survivors of violence.

Elizabeth A. Mumford, PhD, a social epidemiologist, conducts research regarding contextual explanations for risky behaviors with a central focus on sexual harassment, sexual assault, and interpersonal aggression.

Bruce G. Taylor, PhD, is a senior fellow at NORC at the University of Chicago. His research focuses on the intersecting areas of violence, health and criminal justice. He has conducted studies on violence prevention, victimization, violent offenders, substance use, mentoring, policing, and more than a dozen randomized controlled trials on the effectiveness of different policing and school-based strategies to prevent violence.

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