Exposing the Secret: Listening to Bedouin Men Who Have Experienced Sexual Violence

Abstract

There are few indigenous men’s voices regarding sexual violence against them, particularly concerning Bedouin men’s views. How do Bedouin men who have experienced SV describe, perceive, and interpret their experiences in their cultural context? Seventeen Bedouin men, residents of either recognized or unrecognized Bedouin settlements in the Negev, Israel. Phenomenological semi-structured interviews were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and then translated into English. Themes were generated using thematic analysis. Three main themes were found: descriptions of the incidents, reactions to the experiences, and the need for keeping incidents of SV secret due to the stigma involved as a result of patriarchal, political (i.e., tribal hierarchy), and private (i.e., family loyalty) norms, and the matrix of multiple and often conflicting roles and identities that Bedouin men must assume despite their experiences. The incidence of SV against men in the Bedouin community is alarming and must be acknowledged by the research community and public health practitioners as a serious health issue that requires more holistic research to better understand the men’s experiences. More efforts are needed on the local, regional, and global levels to provide post-violence care for survivors and to prevent SV. In particular, there is a need to reduce the stigma associated with SV so that young men will be willing to speak up about their trauma without shame and receive help.

Keywords

bedouin men sexual violence muslim culture stigma

The Bedouin Society in the Negev

The Bedouin Arabs belong to a stream within Islam. They differ from other Arabs due to their unique family structure, culture, and habitation patterns in (often nomadic) desert settlements. Bedouin Arabs can be found in nomadic tribes in the Middle East and North Africa, particularly in Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Lebanon (Peters, 2009). The Bedouin society in the Negev (Israel) is similar in some of its sociodemographic and cultural characteristics to other Arab Bedouin societies in the Middle East, particularly with respect to the propensity of marriage among relatives, polygamy, the phenomenon of the extended family, and its traditional, patriarchal society structure.

The Bedouin Arabs in Israel belong to the country's Arab minority, which comprises 21% of the entire population (Central Bureau of Statistics [CBS], 2019). The Bedouin Arab population in the Negev region numbers 250,000, comprising almost a quarter (23%) of the total population (Jews and Arabs) in the Negev (Benatov et al., 2022). Approximately half of the Bedouin population in the Negev live in towns while the other half live in tents in what are termed “unrecognized settlements.” These areas are without access to basic services such as electricity, paved roads, transportation, education, and health services. The Bedouin population is considered a disadvantaged minority suffering from extremely low levels of education (the vast majority of adults are illiterate) and high levels of poverty (approximately 60% of the families live below the poverty line; CBS, 2019).

Historically, Bedouin society is a patriarchal, collectivist society in which the status of men is higher than that of women (Dwairy, 2004). An extremely strict patriarchal regime prevails in Israeli Bedouin society, which is also patrilocal and patrilineal (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1997). There is a clear division of roles between men and women. This attitude is ingrained into the members of the population from childhood and is expressed at every level of organization in the Bedouin family.

Men are in charge of all business and political matters in the public sphere (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1997) and are also in charge of representing the family in the public sphere; as such, they are the mediators in the relationships between the family and the outside establishment.

Sexual Violence as a Global Issue

SV is a global health issue that transcends borders and is rampant in virtually all societies and cultures (World Health Organization [WHO], 2014). SV includes any form of nonconsensual vaginal, anal, and/or oral sex, including any form of nonconsensual and/or forced unsolicited touch and/or other forms of unwelcome sexual advances (Rebeiz & Harb, 2010). It can take on different forms ranging from sexual harassment, sexual assault, and rape. Estimates of the prevalence of SV across the world vary, and meaningful comparisons across studies are hampered by the use of different definitions of SV, different legal definitions of rape and SV, different study methodologies, and different social norms that influence the acknowledgment and disclosure of SV (European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control & United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2010).

SV is widely believed to be underreported, and the WHO (2014) estimates that one in six adults have experienced one form of nonconsensual sexual abuse in their lifetime. They also claim that being a victim/survivor of SV accounts for a reduction of 5%–16% of one’s life expectancy.

A comprehensive study by Borumandnia et al. (2020) regarding temporal trends of sexual violence globally from 1990 to 2017 has shown a general decrease in SV against men, with the highest decrease occurring in Bermuda (107.64 per 100,000 persons) and smaller decreases in Andorra, Bhutan, Burundi, France, Grenada, Guyana, Italy, Liberia, Nigeria, Paraguay, Portugal, Saint Lucia, Swaziland, and the Bahamas (34.62 per 100,000 persons). On the other hand, a sharp increase has been observed in Equatorial Guinea and Luxembourg (72.39 per 100,000 persons) and a moderate increase in Angola, Cambodia, Cameroon, Estonia, Lithuania, Mozambique, Namibia, and Vietnam (to 30.25 per 100,000 persons). The aforementioned countries exhibited distinct trends; most of the other countries had slowly declining trends (an average rate of decrease of 1.2 per 100,000 persons) (Borumandnia et al., 2020).

There is a particular dearth of literature regarding the incidence of SV in the Middle East. The few studies that do exist focus on the prevalence of the phenomenon in colleges, such as the study by Aboul-Hagag and Hamed (2012) conducted in Egypt. A few studies focus on SV among males in a romantic relationship. The absence of research on SV in the Middle East is undoubtedly influenced by factors such as stigma (both internal and external) and discrimination related to sexuality, which may impede the disclosure and discussion of sexual victimization, as well as the willingness of the members of the population to participate in research (El Khoury et al., 2021). To the best of our knowledge, research that explores men's perspectives and vulnerabilities in general (Hearn, 2014) is rare, and no research thus far has focused specifically on Bedouin men who have experienced sexual violence.

Consequences of Sexual Violence

There are only a limited number of studies that discuss the consequences of SV against men. Following is a discussion of some of the consequences that have been examined.

Health. In the short term, SV can lead to physical injury and/or sexually transmitted diseases (Wong & Balemba, 2016) as well as mental health problems such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety (Dworkin et al., 2017; Tansill et al., 2012). Long-term consequences include a high risk of prolonged psychopathology, drug and alcohol abuse, suicide (Khadr et al., 2018), and chronic disease (Basile et al., 2020). Mood and anxiety disorders, high-risk sexual behavior, and substance abuse are among the health sequelae that can alter the life expectancy of someone who has survived such a traumatic event (Banyard et al., 2001).

Academic achievement. SV can be a cause of reduced academic achievement or actual dropout (Paquette et al., 2019; Mengo & Black, 2016). Hill and Silva (2005) found that college students who experienced SV were more likely to avoid participation in class, skip classes, and drop courses. They also tended to avoid particular buildings or places on campus associated with the SV (REF). Duffy et al. (2004) noted that high school students who had experienced SV tended to score lower on tests.

Unemployment. SV is also associated with an increased risk of unemployment, lower income, and poorer work performance (Loya, 2015). There is evidence that survivors of SV often require extensive time off from work and, as a result, experience job termination. One study reported that 19% of adult victims of SV reported losing time at work as a result of their experience (Jaden & Thoennes, 2006). Other findings suggest that sexual assault can diminish long-term earnings. For instance, Macmillan (2000), using a life-course perspective, argues that violent victimization during adolescence disrupts survivors’ educational and occupational attainment, leading to lower earnings in adulthood.

Interpersonal relationships. There is a dearth of knowledge regarding the impact that SV has on the social relationship between the survivors and the people with whom they disclose their experiences. Poorer interpersonal relationships are among the health sequelae that can alter a survivor’s life expectancy (Banyard et al., 2001). Survivors may tend to withdraw from interpersonal relationships (WHO, 2002). In her research, Moschella (2020) noted that experiencing SV had an impact on further romantic relationships in a variety of way: many victims were fearful of entering a relationship after the SV; of those who did enter a relationship, some had altered perceptions of healthy dating behavior and sexuality; some experienced PTSD symptoms within the dating relationship.

Little is known about the psychosocial and sexual sequelae of SV against men in particular, especially in diverse parts of the world, including the Middle East, (WHO, 2014).

Sexual Violence Against Men

SV in adulthood is a topic that typically focuses on females as victims, as they are disproportionately affected by such violence (Uggen & Blackstone, 2004). However, males also experience SV, as children, adolescents, and adults (McLean, 2013). Domestic violence against men tends to go unrecognized since men are less likely to file a domestic violence report because of embarrassment, fear of ridicule, and lack of support services (Barber, 2008). Thus, it may be impossible to provide general prevalence rates and it may be assumed that there is an even higher level of non-reporting in the case of violence against men and boys than there is among women (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2012).

Dills et al. (2016) conducted an extensive, world-class study on sexual assault among undergraduates and found that for male undergraduates, 3.1% had experienced sexual assault and 0.8% had experience completed rape. In Israel, data on (reported) incidents of sexual assault is available from the Association of Rape Crisis Centers in Israel (2021) which indicates that out of the approximately 50,000 people who contacted the Rape Crisis Centers in 2021, 11.2% were male. However, this may certainly be considered to be an underestimation, since people from several populations in Israel, the ultra-Orthodox or the Bedouin, for example, would refrain from contacting these centers. In fact, underreporting is one of the difficulties encountered when trying to determine the prevalence of sexual assault among males.

Sexual Violence Experienced by Indigenous Men

Studies regarding SV experienced by indigenous men are scarce, especially studies conducted in the Middle East. However, it is known that indigenous people experience alarming rates of SV (de Heer & Jones, 2017). Indigenous communities are frequently located in remote rural locations that often lack access to support services (Gauthier et al., 2021), and cultural accessibility is complex and sensitive.

Given these factors, a study examining the indigenous Bedouin population would be a welcome addition to the literature concerning this subject, and this study try to better understand the experiences of indigenous Bedouin men who have experienced SV.

Method

This study used the phenomenological approach, employing semi-structured ethnographic interviews.

Research Question

How do Bedouin men who have experienced SV describe, perceive, and interpret their experiences in their cultural context?

Participants

The study sample was a purposive sampling of men who had experienced the phenomenon under investigation (Patton, 2002), using a criterion sampling of Bedouin men who had called the Rape Crisis Center to report and ask for support after having experienced sexual assault. A request was made to a Bedouin community social worker who works at the center to introduce the goals of the study to every male who approached the center and met the requirements. Participants had to (a) be aged 20 or older, (b) have experienced SV at some time in their lives, and (c) agree to read the transcript of their interview and respond to them. Out of 22 men who were approached to participate in the study, 17 agreed. The first researcher coordinated and conducted the interviews.

Ethical Approval

Ethical approval to conduct the study was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the Ministry of Welfare as well as the Rape Crisis Center. All participants signed an informed consent form prior to their interviews and were assured that their identities would be kept private and they would remain anonymous.

The study adhered to the distress protocol (Draucker et al., 2009) (see Supplemental Appendix 1). An ethical matter of fundamental importance in the WHO methodology is that interviewees must be offered a valid support option after the interview including information on support systems that offer assistance that does not revictimize them (Ellsberg & Heise, 2007). Thus, at the end of the interviews, all the participants were given the telephone number of a Bedouin clinical social worker from the Rape Crisis Center who could be contacted within 6 months following the interview should they experience any distress as a result of the interview.

Interviews

An interview guide for semi-structured, phenomenological interviews aimed to focus on the research question was developed (based on Spradley, 1979). The interviewees were first asked for demographic details. The second part of the interview included open-ended questions that relied on two main types of questions: descriptive and structured (Spradley, 1979). The interview questions were designed to initially facilitate a structured conversation yet allow flexibility should the participants raise issues of interest and clarifying questions needed to be asked. A pretest was conducted with two interviewees to ensure the clarity and flow of the questions in the interview guide; after adjustment, the final list of questions was prepared.

The interview phase took place over the course of a year and a half. Due to the sensitivity of the subject and the stigma surrounding this issue within the Bedouin community, along with the need to protect the personal/demographic details of the participants, all interviews were conducted only by the principal author. Interviews were conducted at a location of the interviewees' choice and lasted between 50 and 90 minutes. The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim (Spradley, 1979). Each participant received US$ 30.

Data Analysis

A multi-step thematic analysis was performed by the two authors. The first step used Burnard’s technique of familiarization, highlighting, and writing memos or notes (Burnard, 1991), which involves repeated listening to all the recordings, reading transcripts, and documenting overall impressions.

The second step involved interpretation and analysis of the individual interviews to develop the themes, which were then cross-checked with the other interviews to compare individual and collective understanding. Some categories that were not raised in other interviews were merged with a broader theme as subcategories. This process of combining individual experiences into one group provided an overview of the men’s experiences and perceptions.

During the process of generalizing the themes and categories, the authors carefully followed coding practices (Burnard, 1991) so as to reflect the main message of the study while maintaining the participants’ original wording to the greatest extent possible. This coding system was tested for reliability using member checking by having two colleagues extraneous to the study perform a double-blind coding process This was followed by performing an apparent validation (Atkinson et al., 2001) by giving each participant a printed copy of his interview and the associated preliminary analysis, and asking him to read, approve it, and respond.

Research Findings

Demographic information . Table 1 presents the demographic information of the participants.

Table 1.

Demographic Background of the Study Participants.

Men	Age	Education	Single (S)/Married (M)	Religion
1	29	BA student	S	Secular
2	31	BA student	S	Secular
3	23	BA student	M	Secular
4	32	BA student	S	Secular
5	35	BA student	S	Secular
6	26	BA student	S	Secular
7	37	High school	S	Secular
8	28	BA student	S	Secular
9	40	BA student	S	Secular
10	39	BA student	S	Secular
11	26	BA student	S	Secular
12	33	High school	M	Secular
13	38	BA student	S	Secular
14	25	BA student	S	Secular
15	35	High school	S	Secular
16	28	High school	S	Secular
17	37	High school	S	Religious

The sample was mostly homogeneous with respect to age (between 23 and 40 years), occupation (12 were undergraduate students), marital status (15 were single), and religious orientation (all but one were secular).

The findings revealed three main themes: descriptions of incidents of SV, reactions to incidents of violence, and the need for keeping the incident secret for fear of stigmatization.

Theme 1: Descriptions of Sexual Violence

All the interviewees reported that the SV had not been a singular event. Some related that it had been ongoing for several months; others talked about several years: "It started when I was little.. and went on… . and on….” (I, 5).

Most of the interviewees reported that the sexual assault was also accompanied by incidents of verbal violence that included humiliation, swearing and debasement: "Every time he exposed his genitals to me, he would humiliate and debase me. After that, I would literally shiver in fear of him for days. You never know; he's crazy" (I, 9). The verbal humiliation included the use of lewd labels for genitalia, obscene language while exposing their genitals to the victim, insults and curse words, and slur words and debasement describing the victim. For example, “He said, ‘You see the size of it, you dog? You see? You see how big it is, you garbage? Watch out for me, you hear, you loser. I know you want me’" (I, 3); "He closed the door, pulled out his genitals, started yelling, and wiggled it around in front of my face. This went on for a good few minutes … then he raped me" (I, 2).

Some of the interviewees noted that the attacks were particularly violent: "He would hit me, kick me. He tried to strangle me several times, slapped me, threw things at me, bit me… . He pulled me by the hair, threatened me with a knife… " (I, 1); "You know how many times he broke my … . my whole body was covered with bruises and black-and-blue marks, wounds, cuts … . They had to take me to a hospital once" (I, 14).

Many interviewees emphasized that, for the most part, the SV took place in remote locations when nobody else was around.: "He followed me when I left the house, followed me and came up" (I, 7); “We children were walking around outside all the time. You would see children walking around here alone sometimes. Today I think that invites all kinds of lunatics to hurt those walking around alone… " (I, 11).

He would always show up when I was by myself and there was no one else around …. It happened every time I went out with the goats … to see them. … I cannot even count how many times this would happen … so many times this happened (I, 6).

I remember myself as a child…. My parents would kick me out of the house, and I lived and slept at the pig sty … for long periods … I would run into the desert and there he attacked me. … He raped me violently. (I,9)

They explained that the wide empty spaces in which the Bedouins live, especially in the unrecognized Bedouin villages, allow repeated attacks because there is nobody around to hear or help: "There is willful silence here. What happens in the unrecognized villages stays in the unrecognized villages… … " (I, 12).

The unrecognized Bedouin villages are lawless places, wide open spaces where no one is around, nobody ever comes. There is no rule of law; even the police do not approach. Even if the worst would happen here and we had a murder, a rape … of women or men … no one would see it and no one would hear it. Even if you scream…. (I, 9).

It is important also to note that the prevalence of child rape/SV for the sample is high.

Theme 2: Reactions to Experienced Incidents of Violence

All the interviewees made a distinction between their responses during or immediately after the events and the delayed consequences that they experienced long after the violent event had taken place.

Immediate responses

All interviewees noted that SV was coerced and their immediate response was feeling that resistance was futile. For example, "There was nothing I could do. You are waiting for this thing to be over. I was afraid that anything I did would complicate matters even more. … You never know. That is why I kept silent” (I, 2);

This loser comes out of nowhere, and that is why you're not ready and you cannot handle him … I screamed and cried… I kicked him but he did not let me go… I did everything I could to resist… to refuse, but he … It hurt me … He threw me forcibly on the … he was very strong (I, 12).

Most interviewees described an inability to respond during the violent incident itself: "I felt that I had no control over what was going on. I felt humiliated, helpless… Shout for help? If I had shouted for help, who would have come to help me?" (I, 8); "At first I did not even understand what was happening, and then when I did, I tried to stop it… . and stop him from going on… I kept praying in my heart that it would be over" (I, 15); "I froze… I felt helpless. I could not move" (I, 2).

Another interviewee described his sense of fear of the attacker: "I was afraid of him… you do not know how this thing could end. One moment of madness and things could have looked very different. I was afraid of him, and I was afraid of the situation" (I, 3).

Other interviewees spoke of feelings of embarrassment, humiliation, debasement, confusion, and anger. Some suggest that they still have these feelings to this day:

I felt… humiliated, I felt like I was trapped in a bad movie. It truly bothered me… The very fact that I could not react just made me feel an even deeper sense of shame, because if I had reacted, at least I would have felt that I had done something… (I, 13).

Another interviewee described an active attempt to resist that failed:

"I tried to stop him… I bit him… I kicked him… he was stronger than me… after a few times I stopped trying" (I, 15).

Some of the interviewees expressed an inability to understand their own lack of resistance: “…It comes back and overwhelms you again and again… I do not understand how it went on like that, without me doing anything, I am a man… I could have reacted… it is humiliating because you are expected to respond" (I, 1); "I felt disgust, humiliation, indignation, along with a real fear of the attacker You do not know where this can go next" (I, 10).

Long-term consequences

Most of the interviewees spoke with great pain about their feelings and experiences during the violent events. Most noted that the long-term consequences were mainly psychological: "It was a difficult time… I felt like I could not take it anymore and that I had no more strength… . At first, I did not even understand anything about what was happening to me" (I, 7); "You mostly feel helpless… a lot of anger" (I, 13).

Half of the interviewees talked about wanting to die: "I want it over… I don't want to live" (I, 1). As a matter of fact, most of the interviewees stated that they had attempted suicide: "I did not want to live anymore, I could not… . Once, I tried to hang myself from a tree, far away from here… but... . I actually tried to commit suicide several times..” (I, 4).

The interviewees emphasized that the consequences of the violence they had experienced has made an impact on their lives to this day, even years after the violent events occurred:

I stopped functioning… Every little noise makes me nervous… I cry a lot, I have nightmares at night… I have no patience for anything. I am constantly tired… I take sedatives. I almost never leave the house currently… often I simply run away into the desert… (I, 8).

Some of the interviewees talked about depression, anxiety, decreased self-esteem, and a decreased sense of life satisfaction, all of which are often expressed by difficulty functioning on a daily basis, for example: "I'm afraid to sleep… because that is when the dreams come… it is been years that I have not slept… I'm exhausted… Enough! I want to shut my eyes, open them and wake up to a different reality" (I, 5).

Many interviewees explained that, as mentioned, in the patriarchal Bedouin community, the male has special status and is supposed to head the family, make all the decisions, and be the strong one. This philosophy has led the interviewees to a great deal of suffering because being unable to live up to the social expectations reinforces their sense of loneliness and estrangement: "I feel humiliated… what kind of man am I… what will people think of me… I did not fight back" (I, 3); "I cannot tell anyone… . what kind of man am I?" (I, 7).

Other interviewees spoke about effects to their health: "For a long time now I have had headaches… I throw up every time I remember it… " (I, 11); "I wake up in the middle of the night with stomachaches… " (I, 12).

Theme 3: Keeping the Secret: Fear of Stigmatization

In their interviews, all of the interviewees talked about the stigma that being a victim of sexual abuse would confer upon them in their community. Specifically, they emphasized the fear that they would be labeled "a woman":

Look… in our community, the male is the most important person… He calls all the shots within the family. What the man says, the others do. He is supposed to be the strong one… And what about me? What am I? If I was hurt in that way, that means that I'm weak… so I cannot be the head of the family… I was afraid that people would call me “a woman”… so I kept quiet (I, 10).

All these years I have been afraid, and I'm still afraid that someone will find out and then my family will be stigmatized… that is why I did not go to the police…. Even today, when I know that it is possible to go to the police, I won’t go (I, 5).

Another reason given by the interviewees for their silence is threats from the man who abused them: "I was afraid. He kept saying that if I told my family, he would tell everybody… " (I, 1); "On one occasion, he said he would tell people that I was the one who attacked him and then I would be excommunicated… " (I, 14).

The interviewees explained that the issue of violence within the community, especially SV toward a male, is one that is never discussed. They stressed that keeping such things secret is an absolute requirement in the community in which they live. Secrecy is attained through silence and silencing. This is a social taboo that such issues must never be brought up or revealed: "In our community, this is a secret. No one ever talks about it… it is a great shame for my family… I'm truly anxious that people would find out… and my family would be shunned over it" (I, 6). "This is the … best kept secret in the community. Nobody knows, nobody talks about it. It is forbidden. A man who undergoes this is likely to be excommunicated and ostracized by his own family. So we live with the secret” (I, 13); "Look, it did not just happen one time, they could see it for years… they saw me coming back bleeding, shut down, scared… and they did not ask about it or do anything at all" (I, 11); "You learn from a very young age that there are things that are simply not talked about, and if you do talk, they will punish you for it… you will be ostracized." (I, 11); "People here just look away… . they could see that I was injured and nobody asked about it" (I, 3); "In the Bedouin community, it is not acceptable to talk about this. Things that happen within the family are kept in the family" (I, 9).

Another interviewee shared his feelings: "The difficult feeling is… I was just a kid when it started… there is nobody to watch out for you… I felt then, and have been feeling ever since for all these years, that I am invisible" (I, 8).

Some of the interviewees stated that even when they had approached a family member (usually their father or a cousin), they were asked not to bring it up again: "I told my cousin, but he did not believe me.. he said that men only rape women." (I, 7); "On one occasion, I tried to talk to my father about it… .. he said that he did not believe me… " (I, 9);

… I turned to my father, I told him and he told me to keep my mouth shut. He was very…very angry with me…. I truly did not have any choice, I kept silent… You feel helpless… you do not get any support here from anyone. You are alone… alone… alone (I, 2).

Another interviewee tried to explain why family members ignored any sign of violence:

There is nothing that the family can do. What can they do? They will not call the police. There is nobody here that can help. My mother, who is barely alive… she has 10 children. My father… ? Who exactly would help me? You understand what that means? Q U I E T! That is all! (I, 5).

It is important to note, as the interviewees emphasized, that all decisions related to the individual and the family are made by the father: in Bedouin culture it is obligatory to obey the father as the head of the family, even on the subject of sexual violence and its damage to the individual and the family.

Discussion

This article offers a phenomenological examination of Bedouin men who have experienced SV.

New Insights

This study is important not only because it fills the lacuna of studies based on interviews with male survivors of violence, particularly in the Bedouin community wherein males are usually expected to silently accept and ignore the violence. The participants’ accounts reveal a unique dialectic between structure and agency that expresses the voice of personal and social suffering and that encourages a complex, normative debate. As is the case in most studies of other patriarchal and authoritarian societies, the interviewees in this study described how their suffering from the violence they experienced was exacerbated due to the powerful social cultural structure that fully dominates their lives. As Moe (2007) stated, there are patriarchal principles that limit attempts to achieve a secure life. In a patriarchal collective society, there is the perception that men are superior to women. Bedouin culture is based on patriarchal and tribal collectivism (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1997) and individuals are expected to place the interests of their extended family above their own and perceive themselves as being representative of their families at all times. As a result, they must conduct their actions to maintain the family’s good name.

They are challenged by three distinct forces: patriarchal norms, political tribal norms, and family loyalty norms. The community’s patriarchal norms are illustrated in the third theme in which many interviewees explained about the special status that the male has in the Bedouin community and the fact that he makes all the decisions. The political norms of the tribal hierarchy are expressed in the second theme. As one interviewee pointed out: “I am a man… I could have reacted… it is humiliating because you are expected to respond. Those who are considered to be at the top of the hierarchy of the tribe, are expected to be strong, to react when they are being hurt.” The private norms of family loyalty come to light in the third theme, where some of the interviewees stated that even when they approached a family member, they were asked not to bring it up again.

It is this matrix of multiple and often conflicting roles, positions, and identities that forces males into keeping ongoing SV a secret. In other words, it places them within social and cultural contexts, the values of which dictate the individual’s choice to keep silent. In this crisis situation, personal power is combined with a sense of weakness that comes from their society and culture (Moe, 2007)

The men in this study revealed that they do not dare to talk about the violence, especially in the absence of support from their immediate family and on account of the silencing. The price that these men have to pay as a result can be seen in Themes 1 and 3. They are aware of the dynamics of their relationship with the culture and community within which they live and thus understand that even if they were to ask for help within the community (from their parents/relatives or services) help would not necessarily be forthcoming.

One of the significant social norms that lead to silencing is the stigma associated with SV. Men who report being the victim of SV can be stigmatized as a result of a perceived lack of machismo and other denigrations of their masculinity (Migliaccio, 2001). Similar to what has been observed in other traditional ethnic minority groups (Daeem et al., 2019), mental health problems in Bedouin society are associated with social stigma and are often concealed (Slobodin et al., 2011). The strict and overriding social stigmatization of direct expressions of emotional distress in Arab culture (Kafaji, 2011) encourages strategies of minimization and avoidance (Slobodin et al., 2014) that interfere with help-seeking behavior. Avoiding seeking help constitutes a barrier to treatment. Previous research in other countries such as Canada (McGillivray & Comaskey, 1999) and New Zealand (Ryan & Wilson, 2010) have also revealed how the fear of stigmatization can be a general barrier to help-seeking. The findings of our study emphasize that men avoid seeking help as a consequence of the combination of social complexity, the vulnerability that exposing their secret will confer, the stigma involved, and the pressure to be silent.

Support of Previous Studies

The findings of this study validate the findings of previous studies regarding the short- and long-term consequences of violence and sexual assault and that suggests that its victims are particularly prone to trauma symptoms (Dworkin & Schumacher, 2018; Regehr et al., 2013). According to the American Psychiatric Association [APA] (2013), SV is commonly considered to be a traumatic event. Traumatic experiences include death or threatened death, actual or threatened serious injury, or actual or threatened SV. Trauma resulting from SV has serious outcomes, especially those that lead to deterioration in physical health and/or suicidal behaviors (APA, 2013). In the short term, SV increases the risk of physical injury and sexually transmitted infections (Wong & Balemba, 2016), as well as mental health problems such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety (Dworkin et al., 2017). Long-term consequences include a higher risk of prolonged psychopathology, drug and alcohol misuse (Khadr et al., 2018), and chronic diseases (Basile et al., 2020).

Specific Insight into the Bedouin Culture

This study provides insight into a population that has traditionally been neglected in records and national statistics and neglected in the Islamic sources. It is important to point out that Islam’s position on domestic violence is drawn from the Qur’an, which labels any violence or coercion to control or subjugate women as oppression and unacceptable even if sanctioned by cultural practices. However, we could not find any reference to violence by men toward other men in the Sunnah or any fatwas. This study provides a unique perspective of a neglected phenomenon and has increased recognition of a heretofore ignored problem.

Practical Implications

This study points out the extreme social forces that trap Bedouin males who have experienced SV. Seeking help is the first step in dealing with trauma and attention should be given to obstacles for seeking help. Interventions to assist men in dealing with SV and proper training for service providers to create safe spaces are urgently required.

On a clinical level, health care providers need to be better prepared to address the issue of SV among men and also be better informed so as to understand the consequences of such experiences and how to deal with vulnerable populations. They need to be able to understand the shame, stigma, and fear that an indigenous person experiences when they seek help and recognize the strength of character that it has taken to do so. ”

Broader and more integrated knowledge of SV needs to be addressed in the curricula of nursing and medical schools. Similar efforts need to be tailored for mental health providers who need to screen their patients and clients for a history of SV.

Formal service providers, such as health care practitioners, for indigenous populations would benefit from obtaining cultural understanding of the indigenous population, particularly regarding the unique reasons that they avoid seeking help.

Greater mental health care resources are urgently required to adequately address the mental health needs of survivors of SV. Access to mental health care within the Bedouin community is particularly important. It is important to ensure that such populations have access to rape crisis centers, given that they act as the first point of contact for people who have experienced sexual assault, particularly because they commonly make their services available without pressure to report their sexual assault to authorities, are accessible regardless of the length of time since the assault, do not depend on one’s ability to pay for services, and offer alternative, confidential methods of access to care. Doctors, nurses, and other care workers must undergo training to detect signs of sexual abuse.

In addition, regularly updated statistics on the prevalence of sexual violence in the Bedouin community—and other jurisdictions—are urgently needed.

Study Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

This study has several limitations. First, this study examined the perceptions of the victims only. A comparative perspective that examines the views of the members of the extended family would be a worthy addition, especially given the importance and centrality of the family within the Bedouin community as would be a study of the perceptions and roles of doctors, nurses, and social workers working with victims of violence in the Bedouin community. Also, we did not collect data on several demographic variables that may be of relevance to sexual violence, such as race and sexual orientation. More research by indigenous voices is needed.

Conclusion

SV against males in the Bedouin community is alarming. It is imperative that the research community and public health practitioners acknowledge that SV among men is a serious sexual health issue that requires more holistic research to better understand the lived experiences of males who undergo SV. More efforts are needed to provide post-incident care for survivors. In addition, measures at the local, regional, and global levels to prevent SV is mandatory. Most importantly, a program aimed to educate the population so as to reduce the stigma attached to being a victim of SV needs to be adopted so that more young men can speak up about their trauma without shame.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental Material - Exposing the Secret: Listening to Bedouin Men Who Have Experienced Sexual Violence

Supplemental Material for Exposing the Secret: Listening to Bedouin Men Who Have Experienced Sexual Violence by Iris Manor-Binyamini and Michal Schreiber-Divon in Journal of Interpersonal Violence

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

The authors gratefully acknowledge the time and energy contributed by participants.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Iris Manor-Binyamini

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Author Biographies

Iris Manor-Binyamini PhD, is associate professor (visiting) at the Faculty of medicine, Technion. Israel. One of her main academic interests include: Indigenous Bedouin community (special education, violence, and parents/sibling of adults with various disabilities/illness).

Schreiber-Divon, Michal, PhD. Is a Senior lecturer at Talpiot College of Education in Israel. One of her main academic interests include the children, adult (specifically women) violence and abuse

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