Abstract
Past findings have indicated that sexual and gender minority (SGM) individuals experience disproportionate rates of emotional, physical, and sexual assault compared to their heterosexual/cisgender counterparts. While these findings are robust, many studies report homogenous groupings of SGM participants. This practice likely masks important between-group differences. We sought to address this issue by examining reported base rates of emotional, physical, and sexual assault within 12 months of data collection, split across specific sexual (heterosexual, gay/lesbian, bisexual, questioning, queer, pansexual, asexual, and demisexual) and gender (cisgender men, cisgender women, gender nonconforming female assigned at birth [FAB], and gender nonconforming male assigned at birth) identity groups. Our data came from 2020 to 2021 Healthy Minds Study, a large survey of college students living in the United States (N = 119,181). Results indicated most forms of assault were higher in SGM groups compared to heterosexual and cisgender individuals, both on univariate and multivariate (e.g., one or more type of assault) levels. Demisexual individuals reported the highest base rates for emotional assault (45.7%), whereas pansexual individuals reported highest rates of physical assault (12.5%) and sexual assault (17.3%). Demisexual individuals reported the highest multivariate base rate of experiencing at least one form of assault (49.5%), and pansexual individuals reported the highest multivariate base rate of experiencing all three forms of assault (4.7%) within the past 12 months. Gender nonconforming FAB individuals reported the highest univariate and multivariate base rates across assault types compared to all other gender identity groups. With few exceptions, compared to heterosexual and cisgender men (referents), all other sexual and gender identity groups reported significantly higher adjusted odds of experiencing each assault type. These data suggest SGM individuals experience disproportionate levels of assault.
Introduction
Sexual and gender minority (SGM) individuals experience a multitude of mental health problems disproportional to their heterosexual/cisgender counterparts. Examples include disparities in depression (Björkenstam et al., 2017; Borgogna et al., 2019), anxiety/social anxiety (L. P. Wadsworth & Hayes-Skelton, 2015), substance use (Green & Feinstein, 2012; Schuler et al., 2019), and even psychosis (Borgogna et al., 2022). SGM mental health problems are particularly notable on college campuses, where as high as 60% of SGM college students report experiencing issues with their mental health (Gonzales et al., 2020). Meyer’s (2003) minority stress framework is the primary model used to explain these differences; specifically, that SGM mental health disparities are rooted in experiences of distal and proximal stress. Distal stressors include external social structures/experiences that are harmful, such as anti-same sex marriage laws and harassment. Proximal stressors include internal reactions to distal stressors, such as internalized heterosexism/cisgenderism and stigma. A wealth of research has validated minority stress mechanisms (distal and proximal) as significant positive correlates of mental health problems in SGM samples, including college students (e.g., Borgogna & McDermott, 2020; Szymanski, 2009; Testa et al., 2015; Walch et al., 2016). Despite these advances, areas of further research remain.
Notably, there is an overall lack of research on clinically meaningful assault experiences across specific SGM groups, such as how assault rates might differ between pansexual and gay individuals. Operationally, “clinically meaningful assault experiences” are broader than traumatic events as defined by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition-Text Revision (DSM-5-TR; i.e., a Criterion A trauma) in that they do not require “actual or threatened death, serious injury, or sexual violence” (American Psychiatric Association, 2022). While not necessarily formal “traumas,” assault experiences are associated with a wide range of psychological sequalae (Ganson et al., 2022; Johansen et al., 2009; P. Wadsworth & Records, 2013). Moreover, there is considerable concern over the prevalence of various types of assault on college campuses (Fedina et al., 2018; Ganson et al., 2022). Accordingly, it is important to examine (1) the base rates of different types of assaults across sexual and gender diverse college students and (2) examine the degree to which SGM students experience disproportionate assault rates. Additionally, as assault has been linked to mental health concerns (Ganson et al., 2022; Johansen et al., 2009), it is important to examine how the strength of the relation between different assault types and mental health changes across identity groups.
While many types of assault exist/can be conceptualized, we chose to examine three broad assault constructs relevant to SGM populations: emotional, physical, and sexual assault. We were specifically interested in examining base rates of recent (i.e., within the last 12 months from the time of data collection) emotional, physical, and sexual assault across specific SGM college students. That is, most extant research on SGM individuals generally conflates different SGM identities into a homogeneous group, or at times, homogeneous gender and sexual identity groups. While this practice is often considered necessary for statistical powering purposes, it risks masking important between-group differences. We sought to address this issue in the current study, as best we could. Consistent with a minority stress perspective and to contextualize our findings, we also calculated the base rates of the assault constructs in heterosexual and cisgender participants and examined whether disparities existed. Finally, to connect the assault experiences to mental health concerns, we also calculated correlation coefficients across sexual and gender identity groups between assault experiences and depression symptoms.
Emotional Assault
We defined emotional assault as experiences of non-physical behaviors that serve to undermine another person. Examples of emotional assault include harassment via name calling/mocking and verbal/non-verbal threats. Behaviors that are not necessarily outwardly hostile, yet still belittling (e.g., coercion), were also considered emotional assault. Conceptually, many emotional assaults might also be forms of distal stress. SGM individuals historically have been the victims of slurs, harassment, and jokes. Meta-analytic findings suggest that 55% of gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals report experiencing verbal harassment alone (Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012). Even sexual identity labels such as “gay” and “queer” might be used as offensive words in heterosexist dialogue (Winberg et al., 2019; Woodford et al., 2012). Not surprisingly, emotional assault experiences are positively correlated with depression in SGM individuals (Espelage et al., 2019; Martin-Storey & August, 2016).
Notably, emotional assault can also involve identity-specific forms of assault that are unique to SGM individuals. For instance, some SGM individuals are subject to experiences of identity-abuse where they are threatened to be “outed” by formerly trusted individuals (Scheer et al., 2019; Woulfe & Goodman, 2020). Different SGM identities are also associated with unique forms of emotional assault. For instance, bisexual individuals experience bi-negative stereotypes (McInnis et al., 2022), with the assault, at times, coming from members within SGM communities (Friedman et al., 2014). Gender non-conforming (GNC) individuals such as those from non-binary identities also experience unique forms of emotional assault related to identifying outside of the traditional gender binary (Kattari et al., 2021; Price et al., 2021).
Physical Assault
We defined physical assault as experiences where a person is directly physically harmed by another person. Predictably, a wide body of literature has documented the association between experiences of physical assault and mental health problems (e.g., Cook et al., 2013; Jordan et al., 2010; Winstok & Straus, 2014). Like emotional assault, physical assault serves as a form of distal stress that disparately impacts SGM individuals. Multiple studies have indicated SGM individuals experience disproportionate rates of physical assault compared to majoritized groups (Button et al., 2012; James et al., 2016; Roberts et al., 2013). For example, past findings indicate 23% of sexual minority youth experience physical altercations at school, compared to 9.9% of heterosexual youth. Similarly, 9.1% of sexual minority youth report receiving an injury due to physical violence that required treatment, compared to 3.5% of heterosexual youth (Button et al., 2012). Keeping with the effects of emotional assault, ample literature notes a positive association between physical violence and adverse mental health outcomes among SGM individuals (e.g., Hall, 2018; House et al., 2011; Huebner et al., 2004; Roberts et al., 2013).
Sexual Assault
We defined sexual assault as any unwanted sexual contact. This could include any form of penetrative oral, anal, or vaginal sexual intercourse, as well as any sexual contact that might occur while the victim is unable to consent. Similar to emotional and physical assault, a wide body of literature documents a positive correlation between experiencing sexual assault and adverse mental health problems (e.g., Campbell et al., 2009; Dworkin, 2020; MacGregor et al., 2019; Temple et al., 2007), including SGM mental health problems (e.g., Backhaus et al., 2021; Hatchel et al., 2018). Notably, SGM individuals experience elevated rates of sexual assault compared to their majoritized counterparts (Black et al., 2011; Roberts et al., 2010). To illustrate, in the United States, 46% of bisexual women report having been raped compared to 17% of heterosexual women. Similarly, 40% of gay men and 47% of bisexual men reported having experienced acts of sexual violence other than rape compared to 21% of heterosexual men (Black et al., 2011). According to the United States Transgender Survey, 47% of GNC individuals report lifetime histories of sexual assault (James et al., 2016).
Conceptually, minority stress via proximal pathways may influence SGM sexual assault. Particularly, internalized heterosexism (i.e., internalized homophobia) and cisgenderism (i.e., internalized transphobia) have been identified as positive correlates of sexual assault victimization (Kolp et al., 2020; Polihronakis et al., 2021; Salim et al., 2020). Proximal forms of stress are also associated with behaviors that may lead to sexual assault. For instance, Polihronakis et al. (2021) demonstrated that internalized biphobia is significantly related to sexual promiscuity via indirect substance use pathways. Similar findings indicate internalized cisgenderism predicts substance use problems (Katz-Wise et al., 2021), which are positively correlated with risky sexual behaviors in minority groups (c.f., Vosburgh et al., 2012).
Current Study
While prior findings show assault victimization is disproportionate in SGM groups compared to heterosexual and cisgender individuals, these findings are primarily constrained to homogenous grouping. Moreover, much of the past research focuses on gay/lesbian, bisexual, and to some extent transgender individuals. Less is known about assault rates in emerging identity groups, such as those who identify as pansexual, demisexual, and asexual. Moreover, many GNC individuals also hold minority sexual identities; few studies have examined assault rates across SGM identities, while holding gender and sexual identities constant. We sought to address these gaps in the literature.
Three research questions guided our analyses: (RQ1) What are the past year base rates of emotional, physical, and sexual assault victimization across heterosexual, gay/lesbian, questioning, bisexual, queer, pansexual, asexual, and demisexual individuals? (RQ2) What are the past year base rates of emotional, physical, and sexual assault victimization across cisgender men, cisgender women, GNC individual’s male assigned at birth (MAB), and GNC individuals female assigned at birth (FAB)? (RQ3) To what extent do rates of past year emotional, physical, and sexual assault victimization differ across SGM groups compared to cisgender and heterosexual individuals?
Using the minority stress framework (Meyer, 2003) as a conceptual guide, we generated two broad hypotheses: (H1) Sexual minority individuals will report significantly more emotional, physical, and sexual assault experiences compared to heterosexual individuals. (H2) GNC individuals will report significantly more emotional, physical, and sexual assault experiences compared to cisgender individuals. We also provided a series of exploratory analyses examining how past year emotional, physical, and sexual assault victimization is associated with depression symptoms split across SGM identity groups. This was done to contextualize our findings as being relevant to mental health concerns and to provide useful information to future researchers conducting reviews/meta-analyses.
Method
Participants/Procedure
Data used for this study came from 2020 to 2021 Healthy Minds Study (HMS), a large health survey gathered through the Healthy Minds Network (2021). Initial participants included N = 137,916 undergraduate/graduate college students attending 140 institutions of higher education across the United States. Institutions ranged from public universities to community colleges. For further information regarding the HMS, please see their website (https://healthymindsnetwork.org/hms). In total, N = 119,181 participants had data fit for analyses (participant organization/removal criteria are available in Supplemental File 1). Table 1 provides specific demographic breakdowns.
Study Sample Demographic Characteristics Stratified by Gender and Sexual Identity.
Note. Participants were allowed to choose more than one race/ethnicity category. GNC = gender nonconforming; MAB = male assigned at birth; FAB = female assigned at birth; PHQ-9 = Patient Health Questionnaire-9.
Measures
Emotional, physical, and sexual assault
Past year emotional assault was measured with the single item: “Over the past 12 months, were you called names, yelled at, humiliated, judged, threatened, coerced, or controlled by another person?” Participants responded by selecting “yes” or “no.” Past year physical assault was measured with the single item: “Over the past 12 months, were you kicked, slapped, punched or otherwise physically mistreated by another person?” Participants responded by selecting “yes” or “no.” Past year sexual assault was measured with the single item: “In the past 12 months, has anyone had unwanted sexual contact with you? (Please count any experience of unwanted sexual contact [e.g., touching of your sexual body parts, oral sex, anal sex, sexual intercourse, and penetration of your vagina or anus with a finger or object] that you did not consent to and did not want to happen regardless of where it happened).” Participants were then able to select “yes” or “no.” Participants were also provided additional information regarding sexual assault/consent (see Supplemental File 2).
Depression
Depression symptoms were appraised using the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (Kroenke et al., 2001). Ratings are made on a 4-point scale (0 = Not at all; 1 = Several days; 2 = More than half the days; 3 = Nearly every day). Scores were summed with higher values indicating greater depressive symptoms. Cronbach’s alpha are available on Table 1.
Primary Analytic Plan
To address RQ1 and RQ2, base rates for SGM groups were calculated across indicators of past year emotional, physical, and sexual assault. To enhance interpretability, we also calculated the cumulative multivariate base rates of experiencing multiple types of assault split by SGM group (e.g., the base rate of experiencing one or more types of assault). To address RQ3 and our hypotheses, we constructed three logistic regressions each with emotional, physical, and sexual assault entered as outcome variables. In each logistic regression, sexual and gender identities were entered as predictors. Heterosexual was the referent for the sexual identity indicator and cisgender man was the referent for the gender identity indicator. Odds ratios from the logistic regressions were the metric of interpretation. All odds ratios were adjusted by the relative contributions of gender and sexual identity in association with assault indicators. For our exploratory aim, we constructed a series of point-biserial correlation matrices that included the bivariate correlation between each assault variable and depression score split by group.
Results
Across the entire sample, 27.1% (n = 32,279) of participants reported experiencing emotional assault within the past 12 months (n = 163 did not respond); 5.6% (n = 6,641) reported experiencing physical assault within the past 12 months (n = 236 did not respond); and 7.5% reported experiencing sexual assault within the past 12 months (n = 219 did not respond). Regarding omnibus multivariate base rates, 69.1% (n = 82,326) of participants denied experiencing any assault in the past 12 months, 23% (n = 27,450) reported experiencing just one type of assault, 6.6% (n = 7,882) reported experiencing two types of assaults, and 1.3% (n = 1,523) reported experiencing all three types of assault. Cumulatively, 30.9% (n = 36,855) of participants reported at least one type of assault within the past 12 months.
To address RQ1, we calculated the base rates of past year emotional, physical, and sexual assault across sexual identity groups (see Table 2). Heterosexual participants reported the lowest base rates of emotional, physical, and sexual assault. Heterosexual individuals also were the least likely to experience multiple assaults. Gay/lesbian and asexual individuals tended to report the next fewest assault experiences compared to heterosexuals, followed by questioning individuals. Depending on indicator, bisexual and queer individuals tended to report the next highest base rates of assault across conditions (see Table 2). Finally, pansexual and demisexual individuals tended to report the most assault experiences. This was evident across assault types and when considering multivariate base rates. Notably, demisexual individuals displayed the highest base rate of experiencing at least one assault experience (49.5% compared to 27.6% of heterosexual individuals) and the highest base rate of emotional assault (45.7%). Pansexual individuals reported the highest base rate of physical assault (12.5%), sexual assault (17.3%), and experiencing all three types of assault (4.7%).
Base Rate (%) of Past Year Assault Across Gender and Sexual Identities.
Note. Cumulative multivariate base rate indicates the minimum number of different types of assaults experienced within the past 12 months. MAB = male assigned at birth; FAB = female assigned at birth.
To address RQ2, we calculated the base rates of emotional, physical, and sexual assault across gender identity groups (see Table 2). Cisgender men and women reported equal rates of physical assault (5.5%), but otherwise cisgender men reported the lowest base rates of emotional and sexual assault. Cisgender women reported the second lowest base rates across assault types, followed by GNC MAB individuals, and GNC FAB individuals. This pattern remained when considering the multivariate base rates (cisgender men reported the least assault experiences, whereas GNC FAB individuals reported the most, see Table 2).
Assault by Sexual Identity
Emotional assault
Relative to heterosexual individuals, the adjusted odds of experiencing emotional assault within the past 12 months were 1.58 (95% CI [1.48, 1.69]) for gay/lesbian individuals, 1.74 (95% CI [1.67, 1.81]) for bisexual individuals, 1.52 (95% CI [1.42, 1.62]) for questioning individuals, 1.59 (95% CI [1.48, 1.72]) for queer individuals, 2.07 (95% CI [1.82, 2.35]) for pansexual individuals, 1.32 (95% CI [1.16, 1.50]) for asexual individuals, and 2.35 (95% CI [1.77, 3.12]) for demisexual individuals (see Table 3).
Logistic Regression Model Predicting Past Year Emotional Assault (N = 119,018).
Note. n = 163 had incomplete data and were not included in this analysis. MAB = male assigned at birth; FAB = female assigned at birth.
p < .001.
Physical assault
Relative to heterosexual individuals, adjusted odds of experiencing physical assault within the past 12 months were 1.41 (95% CI [1.24, 1.59]) for gay/lesbian individuals, 1.83 (95% CI [1.71, 1.96]) for bisexual individuals, 1.42 (95% CI [1.26, 1.61]) for questioning individuals, 1.20 (95% CI [1.04, 1.39]) for queer individuals, 2.67 (95% CI [2.20, 3.24]) for pansexual individuals, and 2.00 (95% CI [1.25, 3.22]) for demisexual individuals. Identifying as asexual was not associated with a significant increase in the adjusted odds of experiencing physical assault (adjusted OR = 1.18, 95% CI [0.91, 1.52]; (see Table 4).
Logistic Regression Model Predicting Past Year Physical Assault (N = 118,945).
Note. n = 236 had incomplete data and were not included in this analysis. MAB = male assigned at birth; FAB = female assigned at birth.
p < .05. ** p < .01. ***p < .001.
Sexual assault
Relative to heterosexual individuals, adjusted odds of experiencing sexual assault within the past 12 months were 1.57 (95% CI [1.40, 1.77]) for gay/lesbian individuals, 2.36 (95% CI [2.23, 2.50]) for bisexual individuals, 2.01 (95% CI [1.83, 2.21]) for questioning individuals, 2.00 (95% CI [1.79, 2.23]) for queer individuals, 2.74 (95% CI [2.32, 3.25]) for pansexual individuals, and 1.63 (95% CI [1.03, 2.57]) for demisexual individuals. Identifying as asexual was not associated with a significant increase in the adjusted odds of experiencing sexual assault (adjusted OR = 1.04, 95% CI [0.82, 1.31]; (see Table 5).
Logistic Regression Model Predicting Past Year Sexual Assault (N = 118,962).
Note. n = 219 had incomplete data and were not included in this analysis. MAB = male assigned at birth; FAB = female assigned at birth.
p < .05. ***p < .001.
Assault by Gender Identity
Emotional assault
Compared to cisgender men, adjusted odds of experiencing emotional assault in the past 12 months were 1.56 (95% CI [1.34, 1.82]) for GNC MAB individuals and 1.73 (95% CI [1.59, 1.87]) for GNC FAB individuals. Notably, there was also a 1.27 (95% CI [1.23, 1.31]) increase in the adjusted odds of experiencing emotional assault in the past 12 months for cisgender women compared to cisgender men (see Table 3).
Physical assault
Identifying as GNC was not associated with a significant increase in the adjusted odds of experiencing physical assault within the past 12 months compared to cisgender men, while holding sexual identity constant (see Table 4). Specifically, compared to cisgender men, adjusted odds of experiencing physical assault in the past 12 months increased (non-significant) 1.19 (95% CI [0.91, 1.55]) for GNC MAB and 1.10 (95% CI [0.95, 1.28]) for GNC FAB individuals. There was a significant decrease in the adjusted odds of experiencing physical assault in the past 12 months for cisgender women compared to cisgender men (adjusted OR = 0.94, 95% CI [0.89, 1.00].
Sexual assault
Relative to cisgender men, the adjusted odds of experiencing sexual assault in the past 12 months were 2.08 (95% CI [1.57, 2.75]) for GNC MAB individuals and 3.88 (95% CI [3.41, 4.23]) for GNC FAB individuals. There was also a significant increase in the adjusted odds of experiencing sexual assault in the past 12 months for cisgender women compared to cisgender men (adjusted OR = 3.74, 95% CI [3.47, 4.03] (see Table 5).
Point-Biserial Correlations Between Assault Experiences and Depression Symptoms
Results from the full correlation matrix are available in Supplementary File 3. Notably, experiencing each assault was significantly and positively associated with depressive symptoms regardless of identity group. The strength of the correlations were modest, irrespective of identity, and similar in size across groups. Emotional assault was generally the strongest correlate of depressive symptoms across groups, with the strongest correlation in demisexual individuals (r = .33, p < .001). Weaker correlations were broadly observed between physical assault and depressive symptoms, with the smallest correlation in asexual individuals (r = .08, p < .01).
Discussion
Our results indicate that SGM college students experience disproportionate rates of assault within the past 12 months compared to majoritized students. Concurrently, SGM identity was differentially associated with assault rates. Regardless of identity, emotional assault was the most prevalent form of assault reported. Further, all SGM groups had significantly higher odds of reporting an emotional assault in the past 12 months compared to heterosexual and cisgender students. Base rates of sexual and physical assault, though lower than emotional assault, were also overrepresented in SGM students, particularly for sexual assault. Taken together, these findings are consistent with the breadth of literature suggesting SGM individuals are at-risk of being emotionally, physically, and sexually assaulted (Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012; Kosciw et al., 2020; Roberts et al., 2013). Our results extend the literature by providing estimated past year base rates of emotional, physical, and sexual assault across specific SGM college students by identity.
Regarding sexual identity, heterosexual students reported lowest rates of all types of assault within the past 12 months. In a similar vein, when observing the multivariate base rates, heterosexual students reported the lowest base rate of cumulative assault experiences. Consistent with literature indicating gay/lesbian students report fewer mental health symptoms compared to students from non-monosexual identities (e.g., Borgogna et al., 2019), gay/lesbian individuals generally reported fewer assault experiences compared to other sexual minority groups. Asexual students represented a notable exception, reporting the fewest assault experiences across dimensions (aside from heterosexual students). Asexual individuals also did not differ in their odds of reporting a sexual or physical assault within the past 12 months compared to heterosexual students—the only non-significant comparisons between a sexual minority group and heterosexual students. Functionally, asexual and gay/lesbian students did not differ much in terms of assault experiences (e.g., 37.6% of gay/lesbian individuals reported one or more assault experiences compared to 36% of asexual individuals). Questioning students also reported similar, although slightly higher, frequencies across assault dimensions (39.8% reporting one or more assault experiences).
Conceptually, reasons for gay/lesbian, questioning, and asexual students having the fewest assault experiences (after heterosexual students) could be multifaceted. Gay/lesbian identities are historically the most visible and, perhaps, the most accepted in heteronormative spaces. Gay/lesbian individuals typically do not experience the same levels of oppression as do “minority-minority” individuals. For example, bisexual individuals experience bi-negative stereotypes (Rubinstein et al., 2013), and queer and pansexual individuals are more likely to be associated with GNC identities (Morandini et al., 2017), and by extension, the target of gender discriminations.
Since gay/lesbian individuals are more accepted, they may be less likely targets of emotional and physical assaults, compared to other sexual minority groups. By extension, with less distal stress, gay/lesbian individuals would also be less likely to have proximal stressors, such as internalized heterosexism. This is important, as proximal forms of minority stress have been positively linked to substance use (Lehavot & Simoni, 2011), which in turn is indirectly linked to risky sexual behaviors and assault (Kashubeck-West & Szymanski, 2008; Polihronakis et al., 2021). Thus, possible reductions in internalized heterosexism may help explain reduced sexual assault frequencies (compared to other sexual minority groups) within the past 12 months for gay/lesbians individuals.
Additional explanations for asexual and questioning students having lower assault rates may be associated with their ability to “pass” as heterosexual in heteronormative spaces. For instance, many asexual individuals do not have formal partners, thereby limiting their ability to be targeted as non-heterosexual. Qualitative research also indicates some asexual individuals withhold information about their identity in social spaces in order to protect themselves in contexts where heterosexuality is assumed (MacNeela & Murphy, 2014). While such practices are unfortunate, they represent a coping technique that is likely helpful in reducing assault.
Questioning individuals might use a similar approach by not outwardly expressing a non-heterosexual identity. For example, some individuals who are questioning their sexual identity might still be presenting as heterosexual. Indeed, past research has shown that as many as 67% of exclusively heterosexual women have questioned their sexual identity (Morgan & Thompson, 2011). It should be noted that while questioning individuals reported similar rates of emotional (33.9% vs. 33.7%) and physical (6.8% vs. 7.0%) assault compared to gay/lesbian individuals, they reported a higher base rate of sexual assault experiences (12.5% vs. 7.5%). Follow-up studies should explore this finding in more detail. For instance, it would be important to know the temporal order of events regarding the questioning status relative to sexual assault, as well as other contextual factors (e.g., relationship to perpetrator).
Bisexual, queer, pansexual, and demisexual college students tended to report the next highest frequencies of assault, with pansexual and demisexual students reporting the highest frequencies depending on the assault experience. When holding constant gender identity, demisexual individuals showed the highest odds of reported emotional assault, while pansexual individuals yielded the highest odds of physical and sexual assault compared to heterosexual students. Reasons for these findings might be associated with bisexual, queer, pansexual, and demisexual individuals having less historical visibility within society (Hayfield, 2020). Additive minority stressors associated with experiencing sexual attraction outside the binary and potentially also expressing gender outside the binary may also explain the increased assault rates, particularly for queer and pansexual individuals.
Findings across sexual identities are further contextualized by considering differences in gender identity. Individuals from non-cisgender identities reported elevated risk of sexual assault while holding sexual identity constant. Specifically, compared to cisgender men, GNC FAB participants individuals reported a 288% increase in the odds of experiencing sexual assault within the past 12 months—the strongest relation across all analyses. This association was also observed when comparing GNC FAB participants to cisgender women. A possible explanation for the increase in sexual assault for GNC FAB individuals compared to cisgender women may be the fetishization of GNC bodies (Cook-Daniels, 2015). That is, GNC FAB individuals must navigate sexist social risks associated with having female anatomies in addition to the additive risk GNC confers to their bodies.
Importantly, while GNC MAB individuals reported fewer sexual assault experiences compared to cisgender women and GNC FAB individuals, they still reported a 109% increase in odds of experiencing a sexual assault within the past 12 months compared to cisgender men (when holding sexual identity constant). Moreover, past research has documented fetishization to be a factor in GNC MAB individuals’ (particularly transfeminine individuals) sexual assault experiences (Matsuzaka & Koch, 2018; Ussher et al., 2020), which may partially explain the disparity.
Emotional assault rates were also higher in GNC MAB and GNC FAB individuals compared to cisgender men and women. This is likely associated with harassment GNC individuals receive as a function of their identifying with genders not conforming to their sex assigned at birth. However, physical assault rates were approximately equal across gender groups. Notably, cisgender men and women reported identical univariate base rates of physical assault (5.5% each). When holding sexual identity constant, cisgender women had significantly lower odds of experiencing a physical assault compared to cisgender men. This discrepancy suggests sexual identity matters when considering gender base rates of physical assault. Encouragingly, while past research suggests GNC individuals are at higher risk for physical violence victimization (James et al., 2016), we found no significant physical assault differences between cisgender men and GNC students. This finding suggests that college campuses may be a place of relative respite (from physical violence) compared to other environments.
Consistent with past research, all forms of assault were significantly positively correlated with depression symptoms across identity groups (Backhaus et al., 2021; Espelage et al., 2019; Hall, 2018; Hatchel et al., 2018). Correlations were approximately equal in strength across groups. All associations were small in magnitude, with the largest correlation between emotional assault and depression for demisexual individuals (r = .33). When observing correlational patterns, emotional assault tended to be a stronger correlate of depression across groups (all r’s > .20), whereas the correlations between physical and sexual assault with depression symptoms tended to be weaker (though still positive and significant). These findings highlight the psychological damage related to emotional assault.
Limitations
The cross-sectional nature of our findings preclude the ability to draw causal inferences. Next, we relied on self-reports of identities, depressive symptoms, and experienced assaults. This may have introduced unreliability and unsystematic error in the present study, thereby threatening validity. Many individuals experience fluctuations and/or changes in their sexual and gender identities. As such, the current findings only represent participants’ expressions at one point in time. Furthermore, current labels may not fully capture each sexual and gender identity experience. Many non-cisgender individuals also hold minoritized sexual identities; as such, intersectional studies examining how holding multiple minoritized identities might be associated with compounded assault experiences is warranted. All odds ratios were adjusted for the contributions of sexual and gender identity. However, we did not calculate specific base rates by gender and sexual identity (e.g., gay cisgender women and lesbian cisgender women). Future researchers may consider taking such an approach to obtain more specific base rates. While data presented in this study came from a robust national sample, individuals included were of a circumscribed population (i.e., college students). Whether our findings generalize to non-college student populations is unclear. While we had a diverse sample, we did not explore how race and/or ethnic identity may have influenced findings. We encourage future researchers to explore how race intersects with SGM identities in relation to assault experiences. Finally, as is common in survey-based research, there may have been inherent self-selection biases in our study sample.
Clinical Implications and Future Directions
Our findings indicate many SGM individuals experience assault events that may not be recognized by the DSM-5 as Criterion A traumas (e.g., emotional assaults). Regardless of whether an event qualifies as a Criterion A trauma, an individual’s interpretation of an event best predicts its psychological impact (Lathan et al., 2021; Martin et al., 2013). Based on the current findings, in addition to Criterion A’s narrow definition, we suggest clinicians integrate histories of assault experiences into conceptualizations, especially for non-monosexual and GNC individuals. In response to similar concerns, many clinicians and researchers have called to expand Criterion A to include a wider array of events (Kilpatrick et al., 2009; Weathers & Keane, 2007). This is relevant for SGM individuals, who experience higher rates of assault, especially emotional assault, compared to cisgender/heterosexual individuals. While these experiences might not qualify as Criterion A “trauma,” they may be “traumatizing.” Thus, clinicians need to consider potentially traumatizing aspects of various assault experiences, even if they do not meet Criterion A.
Clinicians should also be mindful of the discrepancies in assault frequencies across different SGM groups. Those identifying as non-monosexual and GNC reported considerably higher base rates across assault types. Clinicians are encouraged to assess presentations in a manner that does not needlessly re-activate traumas. For instance, being mindful of appropriate pronoun use, using preferred references to significant others (e.g., partner), and using altogether inclusive language are practical steps for most clinicians to make. Concurrently, it is important for clinicians to assess the degree to which assault experiences might relate to presenting symptoms, such as depression. Our findings suggest that a diversity of connections dependent upon identity and assault type exist with depression, but many of those connections are quite small. Some assault experiences may not be clinically meaningful. Thus, it should not be assumed that certain assault experiences are connected with depression symptoms. Rather, such judgments should only be made after appropriate assessment. Given many participants indicated experiencing multiple assaults, clinicians may need to create assault hierarchies to target salient symptoms in a way that has the greatest chance of generalization to other assault experiences.
College administrators should be mindful of the prevalence of assault on campuses and take efforts to reduce SGM assault experiences. Past research has shown that many survivors of assault do not utilize campus resources, such as counseling centers and Title IX offices (Holland & Cortina, 2017). Efforts might involve facilitating/funding safe zone trainings, awareness campaigns, and/other outreach programs for students, faculty, and staff. Administrators should also conduct internal surveys of assault experiences to examine specific points for adjustment.
Additional research comparing the impact of assault events that meet Criterion A trauma and those that do not, such as discrimination, sexual stigma, race-related stress, and poverty, on SGM individuals’ psychological health and well-being is also warranted. It will be crucial for future researchers to collect longitudinal data to determine the differing sequelae associated with assaults across SGM identities over time. Furthermore, continued lines of qualitative studies investigating unique narratives associated with varying assault types in SGM will help contextualize our understanding of assault in SGM populations.
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-jiv-10.1177_08862605221124253 – Supplemental material for Sexual and Gender Minority Victimization: Base Rates of Assault in College Students Across Sexual and Gender Identities
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-jiv-10.1177_08862605221124253 for Sexual and Gender Minority Victimization: Base Rates of Assault in College Students Across Sexual and Gender Identities by Nicholas C. Borgogna, Emma C. Lathan and Stephen L. Aita in Journal of Interpersonal Violence
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-2-jiv-10.1177_08862605221124253 – Supplemental material for Sexual and Gender Minority Victimization: Base Rates of Assault in College Students Across Sexual and Gender Identities
Supplemental material, sj-docx-2-jiv-10.1177_08862605221124253 for Sexual and Gender Minority Victimization: Base Rates of Assault in College Students Across Sexual and Gender Identities by Nicholas C. Borgogna, Emma C. Lathan and Stephen L. Aita in Journal of Interpersonal Violence
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-3-jiv-10.1177_08862605221124253 – Supplemental material for Sexual and Gender Minority Victimization: Base Rates of Assault in College Students Across Sexual and Gender Identities
Supplemental material, sj-docx-3-jiv-10.1177_08862605221124253 for Sexual and Gender Minority Victimization: Base Rates of Assault in College Students Across Sexual and Gender Identities by Nicholas C. Borgogna, Emma C. Lathan and Stephen L. Aita in Journal of Interpersonal Violence
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