Sexual and Sexist Violence in the Universities of Southern Spain

Abstract

Situations of sexual and sexist harassment are the result of daily and widespread practices that also occur in universities. This study aims to investigate experienced and perceived situations of sexual and sexist violence in universities in southern Spain. The methodology consists of a review of the literature and the production of primary data using the quantitative method and the questionnaire technique. The sample consisted of 1,583 members of the university community of one of the ten universities in southern Spain, with a total population of 23,500 people. The results, in terms of harassment experienced (real or technical), reveal that the main victims of sexual and sexist harassment in the universities of southern Spain are women and people with different sexual identities (more than 83% of cases), between 19 and 50 years, and belonging to the student, teaching and research staff, and administration and services staff, without a permanent position. Female students are the most vulnerable, while men, in any of the categories, are victims in less than 17% of cases. Likewise, in 86% of the cases the harasser is a male, while women are harassers in 10.5% of the cases and people with diverse sexual identity are harassers in 3.5% of the situations. With regard to perceived (declared) harassment, the study concludes that the sex of the people surveyed, their level of studies, the university campus to which they belong and gender stereotypes are determining factors in the degree of perception of harassment situations. On the other hand, age, status, and employment status do not play a significant role in the respondents’ perceptions.

Keywords

adolescents developmentally delayed in the work place sexual harassment vulnerability to abuse workplace violence

Introduction

Sexual harassment is any behavior, verbal, or physical of a sexual nature that violates dignity and creates an intimidating or offensive environment. Harassment on the basis of sex occurs when such behavior is justified on the basis of whether the victims are male, female, or LGBTQ+ people. Sexual harassment is therefore a concept strongly marked by its sexual manifestation. However, sexual harassment does not always have to involve sexual behavior.

Gender-based harassment encompasses discrimination against those who are excluded from the dominant gender norm (i.e., women and LGBTQ+ people). It also includes behavior that is directed at a person to ridicule her/his abilities or skills, belittle their work, insult them, or demean them. Sexual harassment can involve sexual advances and touching. Gender-based harassment involves, for example, sexist or homophobic jokes. Harassment based on sex also involves assessments of physical appearance or the attribution of unpleasant functions that are not specific to the job.

With regard to the quantification of harassment in the workplace, of the total number of women aged 16 years or over living in Spain, 40.4% (almost 8.5 million) have suffered sexual harassment at some point in their lives. 18.1% (almost 4 million) have suffered sexual harassment in the last 4 years and 10.2% (over 2 million) have experienced harassment in the last 12 months. As for the type of link between the victims and the aggressor: 17.3% of the total number of victims say that it was someone from work (i.e., 6.5%, male boss or supervisor; 12.5%, another man from work; 0.3%, female boss or supervisor; 0.9%, another woman from work) (Government Delegation Against Gender Violence [Delegación del Gobierno contra la Violencia de Género], 2021).

Situations of sexual and sexist violence in universities are rooted in patriarchal, hierarchical, and asymmetrical societies, which impose socio-cultural norms and gender roles that legitimize the subordination of women (Hervías Parejo, 2019). Sexual and gender-based harassment is made possible, in private as well as public spheres, by the advantages given to men and the subjugation of women through the use of their bodies and their sexuality (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013). Thus, it can be said that sexual and sexist harassment are the result of daily and widespread practices that also occur in universities, as they are public spaces and workplaces (Lameiras et al., 2013).

Sexual and sexist harassment is perpetuated in universities through gender stereotypes that indicate, for example, the preferential place that men should occupy in scientific production (Bosch et al., 2012). Gender stereotypes also determine the relationships that the male gender can establish with the rest of sexual identities that, on the other hand, are mostly invisible (i.e., heterosexuals, lesbians, gays, transsexuals, bisexuals, intersexuals-queer) (Vargas Jiménez et al., 2020). Gender stereotypes also explain the unequal valuation and treatment of men, women, and LGBTQ+ people and justify sexist attitudes and discrimination in career advancement (Caballero, 2006).

Harassment in the academic environment is defined as physical or verbal conduct of a sexual nature, generated by persons of either sex and hierarchical positions, directed at persons of either sex and hierarchical positions, which is tacitly and/or manifestly offensive and unacceptable to those that suffer it (Pérez Guardo, 2013). In Spain, however, situations of sexual and sexist harassment in the academic environment have been studied and quantified relatively recently (Pérez Guardo & Rodríguez Sumaza, 2013; Rodríguez Castro et al., 2019). One of the reasons for this is that, despite legislative advances in the field of equal opportunity between people, the Integral Law against Gender Violence (Gobierno de España, 2004), which is still in force, has not explicitly incorporated universities as spaces where gender-based violence may be present. This contributes to its invisibility and concealment and to generating a hostile environment for the victims and a permissive one for the aggressors (Gil Rodríguez, 2013). The Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men (Gobierno de España, 2007) has explicitly addressed sexual harassment. However, academic institutions have systematically ignored the guidelines of this Law. Thus, for example, the vast majority of Spanish universities avoid responsibility for the prevention and processing of complaints arising from sexual and sexist violence (Minguela Recover & Hervías Parejo, 2020).

As regards the quantification of harassment in the Spanish university environment, the most recent studies show that the perception of risk of sexual and sexist harassment situations is higher among women and that, followed by women, LGBTQ+ people are the most vulnerable. Attitudes toward sexual harassment are generally negative, but students and male professors express greater tolerance of sexual harassment (Rodríguez Castro et al., 2019).

In relation to prevalence, in a study carried out in a university in northern Spain, with a sample size of 1,445 people (similar in size to the present study), a total of 35 students (30 female and 5 male students), 13 teachers (12 female and 1 male lecturer), and 9 administrative and service staff (8 female and 1 male worker) were identified as victims of sexual harassment. During the same study, 39 students (37 female students and 2 male students), 17 female teachers, and 4 female administrative and service staff identified themselves as victims of gender-based harassment. And one female student, two female teachers, and one female administrative and service staff member were revealed as victims of sexual aggression (Lameiras et al., 2018).

Also on prevalence, the study carried out at a university in Madrid, 6.5% of people acknowledged having suffered sexual harassment there. This percentage increased for women (8%) and LGBTQ+ people (15%), while it decreased for men (2.8%). In what concerns sexist harassment, 26.3% acknowledged having been the subject of jokes, pranks, or even received offensive compliments of a sexual nature (15.1% more women than men); 25.5% reported having received lewd gestures and looks (21.6% more women than men); and 23.6% had felt that another person was invading their physical space. Also, 4.2% reported unwanted touching, 135 people (0.8%) had been blackmailed in exchange for work or academic benefits, and finally, 103 people (0.6%) had suffered a sexual assault or aggression with physical force at university (Onetti et al., 2018).

Based on the above, the general objective of this study is to investigate experienced and perceived situations of sexual and sexist violence in universities in southern Spain. In addition to the general objective, the specific objectives of the present research are the following: (a) Identify situations of sexual and sexist harassment in universities, specifying risks and violations; (b) Study behaviors and strategies of concealment of sexual and sexist harassment in universities; and (c) To understand the reactions of the university community when victims make public the situations of sexual and sexist harassment they experience or have experienced. In order to achieve the objectives described above, a quantitative method and a survey were used. There were 25 questions in the survey: 20 closed questions including an open response category through the option “Other” and 5 open questions. The sample was representative and it was made up of students, administration and services staff, teaching and research staff, and auxiliary services personnel (copy shop, cafeteria, cleaning, and other services). The statistical analysis was done with the Microsoft Office Suite software and the statistical package SPSS (version 22). The qualitative data was analyzed using Nvivo11© software; this data was complementary to the quantitative information gathered and analyzed.

Theoretical Framework

In Spain, feminism was already a widely organized movement in 1918 when the National Association of Spanish Women (ANME, in its Spanish acronym) was born. ANME was the first state-wide feminist organization. This organization was intended to include all women in the fight for their legal and social rights. Alongside the ANME there were many other important feminist organizations, for example, in Barcelona, Valencia, Madrid, and Granada (The Spanish Institute of Women, 2006). Despite their intense activity, advances in women’s rights would not come until several years later, in 1931, with the Republic. During the Republic, improvements in social and working conditions and the right to vote were achieved. These advances were frustrated, however, during the period of Franco’s dictatorship (1939–1975), which relegated the vast majority of women to the domestic sphere and submission to men. After the Transition (1976–1977), the Democratic period began. Since then, Spain has made great progress in terms of equality between women and men, especially from a legislative point of view. However, formal equality in Spain is still far from effective equality (Lanzuela & González, 2011).

An example of this is the sexualization and objectification of women’s bodies, that far from being attenuated, has increased in recent decades. This has been fueled by the construction of an ideal of the modern woman as one who, without losing her fragile and dependent identity, incorporates the idea of femininity, empowerment, and success (Osborne, 2001). This ideal is transmitted and legitimized through media discourse and social networks. All of the above is possible in a model of androgynous and patriarchal society where neoliberal capitalism reigns, associated with consumption and the cult of the body (Pernas & Ligero, 2003).

Thus, current feminism in Spain is that of indignation. The movement claims anti-capitalism. It also defends the fact that some of the oppression of women is based on the sexual division of labor and its consequences (division between public and private spheres, free labor in the private sphere). Likewise, Spanish feminism denounces sexual and sexist violence and joins movements such as Me Too, while applauding sentences such as that of La Manada rape case.¹ Today’s feminism also denounces the fact that sexual and sexist violence affects all of us, but especially women and LGBTQ+ people (Heredero, 2000). Within this framework, the Law on Equal Opportunities for Men and Women (Gobierno de España, 2007) has explicitly addressed for the first time in Spain sexual harassment and gender-based harassment.

Law Organic 3/2007, of 22 March, for the Effective Equality of Women and Men, defines sexual harassment as “any behaviour, verbal or physical, of a sexual nature which has the purpose or effect of violating the dignity of a person, in particular when it creates an intimidating, degrading or offensive environment” (art. 7.1) and harassment on grounds of sex as “any conduct carried out on the basis of sex with the purpose or effect of violating the dignity of a person and of creating an intimidating, degrading or offensive environment” (art. 7.2). Sexual harassment can also involve blackmail, which is the kind of harassment that can be exercised by a hierarchically superior person, or a person of power, who asks the victim for a sexual favor in exchange of a promotion or better grades.

Harassment can be divided into several types: physical harassment (consisting of touching, unwanted proximity, pinching, and groping), verbal harassment (including sexual comments and innuendoes, sexual jokes, sexist and homophobic comments, sex-based insults, phone calls with sexual content), and non-verbal harassment (whistling, leering, obscene gestures, sexually suggestive winks and anonymous letters, emails, or text messages with sexual content) (Alemany et al., 2001; Pons Carmena, 2020). Depending on the relationship between the bully and the victim, a distinction can be made between horizontal harassment (between colleagues), vertical-downward harassment (from superior to subordinate), and vertical-upward harassment (from subordinate to superior) (Hernández Alberdi, 2018). Finally, it is possible to distinguish between perceived harassment and experienced harassment. Perceived harassment refers to harassment from the perspective of the victims, that is, it includes people who have reported experiencing sexual and/or sexist harassment.

Experienced harassment, also called actual or technical harassment, includes bullying experienced from the perspective of the research team and, therefore, includes perceived bullying and other cases (Pernas et al., 2000). Based on the above, it can be said that situations of sexual and sexist harassment are the result of daily and widespread practices of what has come to be called ambivalent sexism. Ambivalent sexism is defined as the result of the combination of two elements with antagonistic emotional charges, which at the same time are a consequence of the complex approach/avoidance relations that characterize genders (Glick & Fiske, 1996). Ambivalent sexism has two dimensions: hostile and benevolent.

Hostile sexism is expressed in a negative tone and women and, in general, people of diverse sexual identity are openly considered inferior (Butler, 2001). Benevolent sexism is that which is expressed in a positive affective tone and where women and people of diverse sexual identity are seen as having “different” qualities to men, whose male sexual identity, on the other hand, is not questioned (Benson & Thomson, 1982). Benevolent sexism with its positive tone allows women to be “valued” for qualities considered “proper” to women and therefore different from those of men. The latter makes it difficult for women to identify such situations as sexist.

The situations of sexual and gender-based harassment experienced by women in the university and its normalization by students, teachers, and administrative and services staff, often neutralizes the reactions of the victims and are an obstacle to the real visibility of this social problem. Previous studies have pointed out that sexual and sexist harassment is more common in universities than it is generally believed, both at international (e.g., Reilly et al., 1986; Rosenthal et al., 2016; Straus, 2004) and at national level (e.g., Expósito, 2014; Valls et al. 2008; Varela Guinot, 2019, p. 51). These researches, however, have not prevented sexual and gender-based harassment from remaining a hidden problem in academia.

Methodology

The present study is part of the results of a research project² that has allowed primary data to be collected, combining quantitative and qualitative data collection (Bernal Torres, 2010). The method used was the survey and data processing has followed the triangulation strategy. This has given the research greater depth of knowledge (Bourdieu, 1997) and a more comprehensive approach to the object of study (Bericat, 1998). Triangulation has also made it possible to compare and articulate the measurements and descriptions obtained. This strategy has also increased the levels of credibility and compensated for the inherent flaws of quantitative studies (Busot, 1991, p. 164).

The choice of the quantitative method was based on the need to measure the characteristics of a current social fact (i.e., sexual and sexist violence in the universities of southern Spain). The quantitative method has also allowed the results to be generalized and standardized. It has also made it possible to study specific cases in depth and to qualify and describe them through the logic of verification (Cayssials, 2006). Data collection was carried out using a survey. The choice of this method has allowed to target a representative sample of the population, through a brief and intense anonymous contact (López-Roldán & Fachelli, 2015).

The design of the methodology was ad hoc, based on the combination of two previously implemented instruments: (a) The street harassment survey of Chile’s Observatory Against Street Harassment (OCAC Chile, 2014) and (b) The inquiry on sexual harassment, sexist harassment, harassment based on sexual orientation, and harassment based on gender identity and expression of the Equality Unit of the Universidad Complutense de Madrid (Onetti et al., 2018). The survey consisted of 25 questions: 20 closed questions including an open response category through the option “Other” and 5 open questions.

The questions were organized as follows. The first block (seven questions) was aimed at obtaining the profile of the participants (i.e., gender, level of studies, years, university status, university campus, affiliation and professional category, the latter only in the case of workers). The second block (two questions) measured the opinions of the respondents on the problem of sexual and sexist harassment at their university. The third block (nine questions) aimed to detect whether respondents had suffered sexual and sexist harassment (i.e., harassment behaviors suffered, frequency, places and gender, status, power, and relationship with the harasser). The fourth block (five questions) aimed to find out the strategies of concealment and prevention that have been put in place (i.e., avoidance and confrontation manoeuvres, feelings of guilt, reporting, preventive measures). The fifth block (two questions) was concerned with analyzing the reactions of the university community when victims talk about their experiences.

The survey was designed using LimeSurvey© online software. The dissemination of the present research project was undertaken using the online communication channels available at the university. The survey was available during the month of October 2020, and two reminders were sent out for completion. It was addressed to the university community made up of students, administration and services staff, teaching and research staff, and auxiliary services personnel (copy shop, cafeteria, cleaning, and other services). Random sampling was used to select the data; however, the subsequent processing of the information obtained has allowed for classification by university staff.

In terms of the representativeness of the sample, the university under study is made up of around 23,500 people, of whom slightly more than 1,500 are P.D.I. (Research Teaching Staff in its Spanish acronym), around 850 are P.A.S. (Administration and Services Staff in its Spanish acronym), and almost 21,000 are students. Also, of the above, almost 12,500 are women and 11,000 are men. In the study participated 1,583 people, 6.7% of the total population of the university. The final sample was above the initially targetted 380 people (95% confidence).

The statistical analysis was carried out with the Microsoft Office Suite software and the statistical package SPSS version 22. The statistical analysis was carried out with the collaboration of the Integrated Centre for Information Technologies (CITI in its Spanish acronym), the Information Systems Department, and the Information Technologies Department of the University under study. With regard to the methodological process followed, the questions 1 to 18 in the survey were firstly analyzed independently. Secondly, a multivariate statistical analysis was carried out to study the interrelation between the items describing sub-population strata defined by sex, level of studies, age, status and link to the university and the direct questions relating to sexual and sexist harassment perceived and experienced at the university. In addition, a chi-square test was carried out for each cross, which ensured with a reliability of 95% whether or not there was statistical dependence between the sub-population analyzed and the harassment item considered. This test accepted the existence of strong evidence of a relationship when the level of significance is less than .05. The qualitative data was analyzed using Nvivo11© software; this data was complementary to the quantitative information gathered and analyzed (Martín Criado, 2014).

Results

Sexual and Gender-Based Harassment: According to the Investigative Team and the Victims

The study at this southern Spanish university reveals that in 86% of cases the harasser is a male, while women are bullies in 10.5% of cases, and people with diverse sexual identities are bullies in 3.5% of the cases. With regard to sexual and sexist harassment, women victims account for more than 80% of cases compared to about 17% of men. To address the dimension of sexual and sexist harassment in the work-academic environment at the university in southern Spain, a distinction will be made between experienced (real or technical) and perceived (declared) harassment. In this regard, it should be remembered that perceived harassment refers to bullying suffered from the perspective of the victims. Experienced harassment, on the other hand, includes bullying suffered from the perspective of the research team, which is why we include perceived harassment here along with other realities (Rodríguez Castro et al., 2013). Perceived harassment was measured through the first and third blocks of questions in the survey. Experienced harassment was measured through the triangulation of the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth blocks. A comprehensive description of the content of each of these blocks is given in the Methodology section.

Harassment experienced in the universities of southern Spain: From the perspective of the research team

Experienced harassment is considered a problem for 14.2% of respondents, 22.2% consider sexist harassment to be a problem compared to 77.8% who do not. In this respect, it should be pointed that when the inquiry was presented in the classrooms, some students did not remember or did not know what exactly sexual harassment and sexist harassment were. If a distinction is made between the sexes, significant differences are found. Compared to men, women think sexual harassment is a problem in the university (X² = 4.06; p-value = .044). More women than men feel that sexist harassment is a problem in the university (X² = 8.77; p-value = .012).

The sex of the respondent, the level of studies, the university campus, where they work or study, and gender stereotypes are determining factors in the degree of perception of harassment situations. In contrast, age, status, and employment relationship with the university do not play a significant role in the perceptions of the respondents.

Differences are apparent, depending on the level of studies, when the question asks whether they have experienced sexual and/or sexist harassment, or know someone who has experienced it in the university (X² = 14.44; p-value = .001). Similarly, enduring sexual (X² = 15.54; p-value = .049) and sexist harassment (X² = 27.57; p-value = .001) in a single episode or sporadically is more frequent in people with a higher level of education. Sexual or sexist harassment (X² = 10.25; p-value = .036) are a problem in the university (X² = 35.24; p-value < .001) they vary depending on the campus where they study or work. Significant differences are also observed in the sex of the person who harasses according to the campus (X² = 20.27; p-value = .009). Men as bullies are more prevalent on three of the four campuses studied.

On the fourth university campus, however, the data reveal that a priori the harassment experienced is significantly lower and that the sex of the harasser is not a determining factor. When looking for possible explanations, it can be deduced that this is the campus with the smallest size and where it is possible to establish the strongest relationships of trust between members. It is also the most geographically isolated campus and where the flow of people from other campuses is lowest. However, the context described above may in fact be masking adverse effects. For example, it could be the case that situations of sexual and sexist harassment exist but are made invisible through normalization. It could also be the case that because it is a small campus where everyone knows everyone else, power relations are more unbalanced, and the identification and detection of sexual and gender-based harassment is being hidden.

Perceived harassment in universities in southern Spain: the harassment suffered from the perspective of the victims

About 25.1% of the sample knows someone who has been a victim of sexual and sexist harassment, and 21.7% believe that they have suffered this type of violence in the university. The frequency with which they have experienced sexual harassment once is of 5% and 87% of the respondents say that they have never experienced sexual harassment. However, 11.4% stated that they had experienced sexist harassment sporadically. With regard to age, those under 30 years old reported having experienced sexual harassment once or sporadically more frequently (X² = 24.26; p-value = .002), than to the other two age ranges (30–50 years old and over 50 years). In fact, the group of people under 30 who have been harassed by older men in other higher age ranges (X² = 10.08; p-value = .039).

The prevalence of perceived harassment, that is, actually experienced, is higher for women and LGBTQ+ people than for men, irrespective of the research team’s perspective variable. The latter occurs in both sexual and sexist harassment situations. This leads to the conclusion that beyond the possible perspective of the research team, there is a high gender component in the distinction between victims and aggressors. The prevalence of perceived harassment is higher among women and LGBTQ+ people than men regardless of the frequency of experiencing both sexual harassment (X² = 21.30; p-value < .001) and sexist harassment (X² = 49.60; p-value < .001). Significantly more women and LGBTQ+ people than men have felt harassed from men (X² = 70.49; p-value < .001). More women 64% and LGBTQ+ people 13% than men have also experienced sexual and/or sexist harassment, or know someone who has experienced it in the university (X² = 22.10; p-value < .001).

This study shows that LGBTQ+ people are the group most vulnerable to experiencing an episode of sexual harassment. Students is the group where both those who have experienced sexual and/or sexist harassment and those who know someone who has experienced sexual and/or sexist harassment are more likely to be found than within P.A.S. and P.D.I. In other words, their situation within the university community is related to the fact of suffering or knowing about this type of situation (X² = 23.66; p-value < .001). Then, being a student with the frequency of suffering a single episode or sporadically suffering sexual harassment (X² = 49.15; p-value < .001) or sexist harassment (X² = 23.63; p-value = .023) are variables that are related and statistically significant, compared to the rest of the study groups, that is, P.A.S. and P.D.I.

The Behaviors and Strategies of Concealment of Sexual and Sexist Harassment in Universities: Places, Status and Power Relations

Places, status, and hierarchical relationship of aggressors and victims

Firstly, in relation to the places where sexual and sexist harassment occurs, the following frequencies are found: offices (80%), corridors (5%), classrooms (5%), common spaces (6%), and via the Internet (4%). With regard to the status and hierarchical relationship with the harasser, it was found that the victims could be students, P.D.I. or P.A.S. They felt harassed by the following groups and with the following frequencies: “teaching staff” (43%), “students of my course” (28%), “students of higher courses” (18%), and “administration and services staff” (11%). When victims are asked about their relationship with the harasser, they responded as it follows: (a) He/she was/is of higher rank than me (45%), (b) He/she was/is of my equal rank (26%), (c) No hierarchical relationship existed/exists (25%), and (d) He/she was/is of lower rank than me (4%).

Behaviors and strategies of concealment of sexual harassment

In terms of behavior of a sexual nature that has been endured at the university, a distinction is made between the following: (a) Acts of verbal violence (50%), such as comments on physical appearance, comments on private life, supposed compliments or compliments that generate discomfort; (b) Gestures of a sexual nature (42%), such as looks and whistles; and (c) Acts of physical violence (8%), such as touching, unwanted approaches, and rubbing. This question also contained the open option “Other,” an enormous wealth of responses was found. Thus, the majority of respondents is harassed by male teachers, regardless of their role as students, teachers, and/or administrative and service staff.

Students, aged between 19 and 25 years old, reported that they had been subjected to homophobic and sexist comments: “He used to make sexist comments during the classroom that were totally out of place” (Student, female, 25 years). These students also reported having been victims of obscene gestures: “He stuck his tongue out at me in an obscene way” (Female student, 21 years old). In addition to the above, students also told us about situations of continued harassment and intimidation: “He showed up at my house without warning or permission and offered me sex in front of my parents, then tried to flirt even though I had rejected him, and treated me like dirt after the events that went on for the whole school year” (Student, male, 24 years). Students also denounced having suffered persecution with sexual connotations on the premises of the university: “He followed me in the corridors and in the vicinity of the Faculty” (Student, female, 20 years old). Students also report situations of sexual harassment through email or social networks: “The professor was flirting to a classmate through social networks” (Student, male, 24 years).

In the case of female teachers, the profile is between 40 and 50 years of age and they report that they had received sexual advances in various forms from their colleagues: “He made sexual advances to me when I was in an inferior situation” (P.D.I., female, 54 years). Thirdly, in the case of P.A.S., there were cases in which these sexual conducts were suffered virtually through the sending of photographs and pornographic videos (“He sent me more than 1000 porn videos.” P.A.S., female, 50 years). Without detracting from the above, there are those who state that “At the University (. . .), in general, no one is discriminated against on the basis of sex, race, sexual orientation or religion” (Student, man, 31 years). In the same vein, there are also men, aged between 25 and 27 years, who made statements in a joking tone. These men, in general, say that harassment does not exist at university, or at least there is no evidence of it. Based on the above, the following figure (Figure 1) can be used as an illustration:

Figure 1.

Behaviors of a sexual nature suffered in a university in the south of Spain.

Behaviors and strategies of concealment of gender-based harassment

Regarding the question of having suffered sexist behavior in the university, this question also included the possibility to include more information in “Other.” In this respect, the majority of people who provide accounts of sexist harassment are women (student, P.D.I. or P.A.S.). In this respect, the following comments from female students are illustrative: “I have witnessed degrading comments and approaches towards female students in my class” (Student, female, 22 years), “I have been ridiculed for doing exactly the same thing as a male colleague” (Student, female, 22 years), “I have endured threats to keep quiet” (Student, female, 37 years). Sexist behaviors such as man-splaining, which consists of assuming that women need more explanations than men, have also been found: “I have had to put up with a man making explanations about the subject as if I couldn’t understand what the teacher had explained and he even started translating from English to Spanish fragments of the text for me to understand even though I have no problem with understanding English” (Student, female, 20 years).

In the case of female teachers, the profile is between 40 and 55 years old and they report that in some cases their colleagues develop paternalistic behavior: “What I have endured the most is paternalistic attitudes” (P.D.I., female, 50 years). In other cases, they say that their colleagues belittle their work or mock their work by making sexist remarks: “I have suffered undervaluation of my work in relation to my male colleagues” (P.D.I., female, 44 years). And in other cases, they report that they have suffered shouting and aggressive and violent behavior: “They have raised their voices, shouted at me and made aggressive gestures, but keeping physical distance” (P.D.I., female, 54 years) (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Gender-based harassment behavior at a university in southern Spain.

On the other hand, there is a set of behaviors directly related to the development of tasks (academic, research or administration and services). These tasks show that women assume less visible and stimulating tasks and tasks that do not correspond to them because of their gender: “I have been usurped as a researcher” (P.D.I., female, 58 years). “I could not participate in research projects, nor in teaching in master’s programmes, and I have had to teach more credits than some male colleagues under the same conditions” (P.D.I., female, 38 years). “I have been intimidated by e-mails, and for been more active than my male colleague who reproached me for stepping on his turf” (P.D.I., female, 41 years). It is also detected that women from different status that claim to have been the target of allegedly false accusations related to sexual harassment: “I have been singled out for actions that I had not engaged” (P.D.I., female, 56 years).

When Victims Go Public with the Harassment They Have Suffered: Reactions of University Communities in Southern Spain

For victims, talking publicly about harassment situations means remembering them, reliving those fears and the comments they suffered, as well as, in some cases, exposing the bullies. In this sense, Figure 3 shows the main words used by the victims about the reactions of the university community when they made public the situation they were suffering.

Figure 3.

Victims’ reactions to bullying situations in a university in southern Spain.

“Comments,” in plural, is what victims of harassment most often experience when they make public the situations they have experienced. With the word “comments,” women are expressing, above all, that they perceive that they are being talked about behind their backs. Therefore, instead of feeling welcomed and understood, women who share what they have experienced feel that they are being questioned and that they are not always believed: “At the time, from (male) colleagues, disbelief” (P.D.I., female, 54 years) and “[. . .] I had to insist that the harassment was real and not an invention of mine. [. . .]. Nowadays, if you’re sexually harassed, most people you tell are going to think you’re exaggerating” (Student, female, 21 years).

In other cases, the comments they have received were directed to normalize situations of sexual and sexist harassment in academia: “[. . .] there is a tendency to normalize certain messages or compliments towards women” (P.D.I., female, 35 years) and “I believe that being a woman, many of the situations are normalized, so no one is taken by surprise” (Student, female, 22 years). In addition to the above, when women share their experiences, they have also encountered scorn, reproaches, and intimidating phrases from members of the university community: “In these situations, they usually refer to power [. . .] ‘you should be happy with the things they tell you’” (P.D.I., female, 29 years old) or “[. . .] I was told that within the Department where I was working I owed obedience to my hierarchy and, if I did not agree, I could resign from that activity” (P.A.S., female, 64 years).

On the other hand, both supportive and avoidance strategies have been detected between P.D.I. and P.A.S. In both sectors, a high number of statements are found such as: “I don’t talk about this” or “I have never mentioned it.” This leads to the conclusion that sexual and sexist harassment are problems that exist but, for various reasons, are being hidden. In the same vein, some of the experiences reported were as follows: “[. . .]. There are people who, having lived through similar situations, experience complicity. There are other people who justify certain behaviors and, therefore, when the subject comes up, there are often discrepancies in points of view” (P.A.S., females, 41 years). “They listen to me, but no one dares to support me directly for fear of being the next target [. . .]” (P.D.I., female, 52 years).

Students who are victims of sexual and gender-based harassment receive more empathetic and supportive reactions, between equals, when they make the situation of sexual and gender-based harassment public: “When I talk about my experiences with sexual harassment, the reaction is usually empathetic and there are always more women who share their experiences” (Student, female, 21 years). “Support from my colleagues and rejection of the experience I have undergone” (Student, female, 23 years). “I discussed what happened to me with two older than average female students and they empathized” (Student, female, 45 years).

In contrast, men who report experiencing sexual or sexist harassment within the university community receive negative reactions, such as ridicule and incomprehension: “I was met with indifference” (Student, male, 39 years). “When I told it, I was laughed at for being a man and being sexually harassed by women” (P.A.S., male, 35 years). “When I told the story, I was scorned and mocked behind my back” (P.A.S., male, 45 years). “I told this to a teacher and he made me feel guilty as I was a man and the harasser was a woman” (Student, male, 29 years).

Finally, there are reactions from men who reject the awareness-raising initiatives being carried out by the university. They say that prevention initiatives are, above all, stigmatizing men. They consider that men are, in reality, the victims of the system and that these initiatives blame and criminalize men: “I spoke about this issue after seeing the posters of a very unfortunate university campaign, in which it is assumed that teachers blackmail female students with sexual favours” (permanent P.D.I., male, 57 years) or “Well, what am I going to do? Accept it because I am a man, and feminism dictates that I am a natural criminal and I deserve whatever happens to me” (Student, male, 21 years).

Discussion

Sexual and Gender-Based Harassment: According to the Investigative Team and the Victims

Lower percentages of sexual and gender-based harassment than those found in this paper have been reported by Kelley and Parsons (2000) at Yale University and by Forbes and Adams-Curtis (2001) at Millikin University. However, Caballero’s (2006) study in universities in Colombia and Spain reported similar percentages for Spanish universities and higher percentages for Colombian universities. Regarding the higher proportion of men than women who consider harassment to be a problem at the university, the work of Bosch et al. (2012) at the University of the Balearic Islands and Lameiras et al. (2018) at the University of Vigo stand out. In Bosch’s work it was the female respondents who perceived more sexually harassing behavior, while men tended to consider the behavior as rude, but not criminal. On the other hand, in the study by Lameiras, the perception of risk of sexual harassment situations is higher among women (30%) of the three groups (students, P.D.I., and P.A.S.) compared to their peers (18%).

In terms of perceived harassment by the research team, the results found in Complutense University of Madrid (Onetti et al., 2018) also support what has been presented above in the present article: the estimated perceived harassment is much higher than that actually expressed by respondents to the survey in the case of both universities. Regarding perceived harassment from the victim’s perspective, the values obtained in this study are within the ranges observed in other studies (62% of women, Cantor et al. 2015, n = 150,072 students from 27 foreign academic institutions; 44% of women, Valls et al. 2008, n = 1,112 participants from six public universities). In addition, the pattern observed in this work appears to be common on larger university campuses and where research had revealed high burdens of gender stereotypes (see Expósito et al., 2014).

The greatest vulnerability of LGBTQ+ people has also been documented in universities at home and abroad, for example, the Complutense University of Madrid (15% of sexually diverse people, Onetti et al., 2018), in 27 universities in North America (60%, Cantor et al., 2015) and in a university in the northwestern United States (77%, Konik and Cortina, 2008). In line with the results found in the present research, higher percentages of sexual harassment and sexual assault among students (67%) compared to teachers and administrative and service staff (see Lameiras, et al. 2018).

The Behaviors and Strategies of Concealment of Sexual and Sexist Harassment in Universities: Places, Status and Power Relations

Regarding the places, the study of the Complutense University of Madrid (Onetti et al., 2018) is the only one that makes prior reference to place. In this study, the victims also acknowledged feeling safer inside university facilities than in other spaces outside the academic institution. As for the status and hierarchical relationship with the bully, in the same vein of the present research, the study Reilly et al. (1986) reports that 24.1% of female participants reported experiencing sexual advances by teachers and 18.7% experienced unwanted sexual advances and teasing by classmates or teachers.

The study led by Cantor et al. (2015), on the other hand, shows that these behaviors occur among people who had a previous friendship or acquaintance (69.9%), followed by a stranger (43.1%), a teacher or advisor (20.7%) or a co-worker, boss, or supervisor (23.7%). In Wood et al.’s (2021) study at the University of Texas (USA), with a sample of 16,754 students from eight academic campuses, 30% of students reported experiencing sexual harassment perpetrated by both faculty and university administrative staff. In Caballero’s (2006) study, 92% of the victims were female students and in 25% of the cases the perpetrator was a teacher. In contrast, the study by Rosenthal et al. (2016) identified 38% of female graduates who acknowledged having experienced sexual harassment from faculty staff, while 57.7% had experienced sexual harassment from their peers.

Regarding the behaviors and strategies of concealment of sexual harassment, this work coincides with that of Finchilescu and Dugard (2018) where verbal violence is the most frequent among victims of sexual harassment. However, coercion, for example, unwanted touching, was more common among victims at the Complutense University of Madrid according to Onetti et al. (2018) and at Millikin University according to Forbes and Adams-Curtis (2001). Regarding behaviors and strategies of concealment of gender-based harassment, previous studies examining gender-based harassment corroborate these behaviors and expose others as common. For example, receiving inappropriate comments about one’s body or sex life, appearance or sexual behavior and receiving sexual comments, insults, jokes and offensive compliments of a sexual nature, leering and feeling that another person is invading one’s physical space, emails, notes or phone calls, kissing or touching without consent, and pressure to have sex (Caballero, 2006; Cantor, et al. 2015; Onetti et al., 2018).

When Victims Go Public with the Harassment They Have Suffered: Reactions of University Communities in Southern Spain

In the same direction as this study, the studies analyzed show that one of the main reasons why sexual and sexist harassment situations are a hidden problem in the university environment is that such situations occur between people in different hierarchical and power positions (Fuentes Vásquez, 2019). This also leads to a high level of mistrust on the part of victims (Gil Rodríguez, 2013). The mistrust of women and LGBTQ+ people may be based on the lack of institutional support and the rejection they may suffer when they make their experiences public (Cuenca Piqueras, 2013). Finally, there are no previous studies to contrast the result concerning the reactions from men who reject the awareness-raising initiatives being carried out by the university and that consider that men are, in reality, the victims of the system and that these initiatives blame and criminalize men

Conclusions

This study is relevant because it focuses on universities in southern Spain, which have been little studied by academia. Furthermore, this research is relevant because it shows current quantitative and qualitative data on a problem that remains invisible, namely sexual and sexist violence in universities.

On the basis of the research carried out, it can be concluded that that the main victims of sexual and sexist harassment in universities in southern Spain are women and LGBTQ+ people, aged between 19 and 50, mainly students and followed by non-permanent P.D.I. and P.A.S.

In relation to perceived harassment (harassment from a victim’s perspective), it has been proven that there are correlations between the risk of suffering real harassment and the variables gender, age, status, area of specialization and the university campus, so that women and people with a diverse sexual identity, between 19 and 45 years of age, students and non-permanent are the most vulnerable.

Regarding experienced harassment (harassment from the perspective of the research team), it has been detected that significantly more women think that sexual harassment is a problem in the university compared to men. It is also concluded that men are more able to joke and play down situations of sexual and sexist harassment. Men are also more likely to seek justification, hide, and/or feel offended when this social problem is made visible and when action is taken to prevent it.

Recognizing oneself as a victim is a personal decision and an act of courage that is undoubtedly determined by the reaction of those who know about the crime. When victims make public that they have suffered sexual and sexist harassment, they are met with incomprehension and disbelief. Victims become victims again, this time of the “comments.” The above dynamic breaks down when the victims are students and they share their suffering with their female peers. In these cases, women have shown to themselves sorority, understanding, and support.

Women over 50 years of age who belong to the P.D.I. and P.A.S. category and who have felt victim at some point in their lives have now been able to say so openly and without fear. This is mainly due to the fact that these women now have a stable job. They are not subject to significant hierarchical differences. Moreover, these women know that their identity is safeguarded and that they can now tell about events that happened in the past. These women are aware that they can now help others and that this will not have any repercussions on their current personal and working lives.

For the group of women under 50 years and belonging to the student, P.D.I. and P.A.S. groups, we find that they experience mostly latent situations of harassment. These situations are not usually expressed because fear, silence, avoidance strategies, and strategies of non-confrontation with the harasser prevail. The reasons for the latter are diverse: the fear of not being able to continue their academic or professional projects, the fact of not having a permanent position in the university, more or less pronounced hierarchical differences, and academic reprisals if she does not accede to her abuser’s wishes.

The normalization of situations of sexual and sexist harassment experienced by women in universities continues to neutralize the reactions of the victims and is an obstacle to the real visibility of this social problem. The vast majority of Spanish universities are evading the responsibility of preventing and considering complaints arising from sexual and sexist violence, thus avoiding the problem and their responsibility.

As future lines of research, it is proposed to know the opinion of academic experts and those responsible for the bodies responsible for equality and non-violence in Andalusian universities. Through their opinions, we intend to investigate two main issues. On the one hand, what initiatives are giving more effective and efficient results to combat sexual and sexist harassment. On the other hand, to what extent some of the awareness-raising initiatives implemented may be contributing to the generalization of blaming and criminalization of all men without distinction.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the Directorate General for Gender Violence, Equal Treatment and Diversity of the Ministry of Equality, Social Policies and Conciliation of the Andalusian Regional Government, Government of Spain, for the financial support of the project. I would also like to thank the Delegation of the Rector of the University of Cádiz for requesting the project in order to implement equality and inclusion policies in the university, the Equality Unit of the Universidad de Cádiz for its collaboration in the management and the whole research team of the Project on the prevention of sexual harassment and sexist harassment in Andalusian universities, especially Professor Antonio Álvarez del Cuvillo for his coordination work. Finally, I would like to thank the University Community of the Universidad de Cádiz and, above all, to the people who have selflessly participated in making this research possible.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article: The Project on the prevention of sexual harassment and sexist harassment in Andalusian universities has been subsidized by the Directorate General for Gender Violence, Equal Treatment and Diversity, of the Ministry of Equality, Social Policies and Conciliation of the Andalusian Regional Government, from the funds of the State Pact against Gender Violence of the Spanish Government for a total of 16,500 euros.

ORCID iD

Vanesa Hervías Parejo

Notes

Author Biography

Vanesa Hervías Parejo, PhD, is a lecturer on the Degree in Social Work at the University of Cadiz. Her research interests are Gender, Feminism, Sexual harassment, Harassment based on sex, Sexual exploitation, Equality policies, Promotion of gender equality in universities.

References

Alemany

Luc

Mozo

(2001). El acoso sexual en los lugares de trabajo. Serie Estudios No. 70. Instituto de la Mujer.

Benson

D. J.

Thomson

G. E.

(1982). Sexual harassment on a university campus: The confluence of authority relations, sexual interest and gender stratification. Social Problems, 29(3), 236–251.

Bericat

(1998). La integración de los métodos cuantitativo y cualitativo en la investigación social. Ariel.

Bernal Torres

C.A

. (2010). Metodología de la investigación: administración, economía, humanidades y ciencias sociales. Pearson Educación.

Bosch

Ferrer

(2013). Nuevo modelo explicativo para la violencia contra las mujeres en la pareja: el modelo piramidal y el proceso de filtraje. Asparkia, 24, 54–67.

Bosch

Ferrer

V. A.

Navarro

Ferreiro

Ramis

M. C.

Escarrer

Blahopoulo

(2012). El acoso sexual en el ámbito universitario: Elementos para mejorar la implementación de medidas de prevención, detección e intervención. Ministerio de Sanidad, Servicios Sociales e Igualdad.

Bourdieu

(1997). Méditations Pascaliennes. Gallimard.

Busot

J. A.

(1991). El método naturalista y la investigación educacional. Ediluz, Universidad del Zulia.

Butler

(2001). Mecanismos psíquicos del poder: teorías sobre la sujeción. Universidad de Valencia.

10.

Caballero

M. C.

(2006). El acoso laboral en el medio laboral y académico. [Tesis doctoral]. Universidad de Salamanca.

11.

Cantor

Fisher

Chibnall

Townsend

Lee

Bruce

Thomas

(2015). Report on the AAU campus climate survey on sexual assault and sexual misconduct. Washington, DC: Association of American Universities.

12.

Cayssials

A. N.

(2006). ¿Subjetividad en un cuestionario? Subjetividad y Procesos Cognitivos, 8, 80–87.

13.

Cuenca Piqueras

. (2013). El acoso sexual en el ámbito académico. Una aproximación. Revista de Sociología de la Educación, 6(3), 426–440.

14.

Delegación del Gobierno contra la Violencia de Género. (2021). Macroencuesta de Violencia contra la Mujer 2019. Ministerio de Igualdad.

15.

Expósito

Herrera

Valor-Segura

Herrera

M. C.

Lozano

L. M.

(2014). Spanish adaptation of the Illinois sexual harassment myth acceptance. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, 17, 1–13.

16.

Finchilescu

Dugard

(2018). Experiences of gender-based violence at a South African University: Prevalence and effect on rape myth acceptance. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 1, 1–24.

17.

Forbes

G. B.

Adams-Curtis

L. E.

(2001). Experiences with sexual coercion in college males and females: Role of family conflict, sexist attitudes, acceptance of rape myths, self-esteem, and the Big-Five personality factors. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16(9), 865–889.

18.

Fuentes Vásquez

L. Y

. (2019). “Cuentos que no son cuentos”: acoso sexual, violencia naturalizada en las aulas universitarias. Nómadas, 51, 135–153. https://doi.org/10.30578/nomadas.n51a8

19.

Gil Rodríguez

J. M

. (2013). Acoso sexual y acoso por razón de sexo: actuación de las administraciones públicas y de las empresas. Generalitat de Catalunya: Centre d’Estudis Jurídics i Formació Especialitzada.

20.

Glick

Fiske

S. T.

(1996). The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory: Differentiating hostile and benevolent sexism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70(3), 491 512.

21.

de España

Gobierno

. (2004). The Integral Law against Gender Violence. Official Gazette of the State-A-2004-21760.

22.

de España

Gobierno

. (2007). The Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men. Official Gazette of the State-A-2007-6115.

23.

Heredero

(dir). (2000). Mujeres: unidad y diversidad. Un debate sobre la identidad de género. Federación de Enseñanza de CC.OO.

24.

Hernández Alberdi

. (2018). El acoso sexual en el ámbito laboral. Universidad del País Vasco.

25.

Hervías Parejo

. (2019). El futuro de las políticas de igualdad de género en las universidades andaluzas. Un enfoque desde la política comparada. Editorial Quorum Libros SL.

26.

Kelley

M. L.

Parsons

(2000). Sexual harassment in the 1990s: A university-wide survey of female faculty, administrators, staff, and students. The Journal of Higher Education, 71(5), 548–568.

27.

Konik

Cortina

L. M.

(2008). Policing gender at work: Intersections of harassment based on sex and sexuality. Social Justice Research, 21(3), 313–337.

28.

Lameiras

Carrera

M. V.

Rodríguez

(2013). Sexualidad y salud: el estudio de la sexualidad humana desde una perspectiva de género. Universidade de Vigo.

29.

Lameiras

Rodríguez

Carrera

M. V.

(2018). Diagnose do acoso sexual e por razón de sexo na Universidade Vigo. Sevicio de publicaciones de Universidade de Vigo.

30.

Lanzuela

González

M. I.

(2011). Acosos en el ámbito laboral. Unión Sindical de Comisiones Obreras de Aragón.

31.

López-Roldán

Fachelli

(2015). Metodología de la Investigación Social Cuantitativa. Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès), Dipòsit Digital de Documents. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

32.

Martín

Pujol

(2014). El acoso sexual en el deporte: el caso de las estudiantes-deportistas del grado de Ciencias de la Actividad Física y el Deporte de Cataluña. Educación Física y Deportes, 115(1), 72–81.

33.

Martín Criado

. (2014). Mentiras, inconsistencias y ambivalencias: Teoría de la acción y análisis de discurso. Revista Internacional de Sociología, 72(1), 115–138. https://doi.org/10.3989/ris.2012.07.24

34.

Minguela Recover

M. Á.

Hervías Parejo

. (2020). Actitudes y reacciones ante el acoso en la Universidad de Cádiz. En A. Álvarez del Cuvillo (Coord), Análisis de la realidad del acoso sexual y sexista en la Universidad y propuestas de mejora: un estudio de caso (pp. 171–195). Tirant Lo Blanch.

35.

OCAC Chile. (2014). Chile’s Observatory Against Street Harassment. Santiago de Chile.

36.

Onetti

Franco

Ligero

J.A

Porta

Bustelo

, & Unidad de Igualdad de género. (2018). Estudio sobre el acoso sexual, acoso sexista, acoso por orientación sexual y acoso por identidad y expresión de género en la Universidad complutense de Madrid. Unidad de Igualdad de Género de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid.

37.

Osborne

(2001). Las raíces del acoso sexual: las relaciones de poder y sumisión en el trabajo. Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia.

38.

Pérez Guardo

. (2013). El acoso sexual laboral a través de la percepción social de los agentes implicados en su prevención y control [Tesis doctoral]. Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid.

39.

Pérez Guardo

Rodríguez Sumaza

. (2013). Un análisis del concepto de acoso sexual laboral: reflexiones y orientaciones para la investigación y la intervención social. Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales, 31(1), 195–219.

40.

Pernas

Ligero

(2003). Más allá de una anomalía: el acoso sexual en la encrucijada entre sexualidad y trabajo. En R. Osborne, O. Guasch Andreu (Comp), Sociología de la sexualidad. CIS-Siglo XXI, Colección Monografías, nº 195 (pp. 126–158). Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas y Siglo XXI de España Editores.

41.

Pernas

Román

Olza

Naredo

(2000). La dignidad quebrada. Las raíces del acoso sexual en el trabajo. La Catarata.

42.

Pons Carmena

. (2020). Aproximación a los nuevos conceptos sobre violencia y acoso en el trabajo a partir de la aprobación del Convenio OIT 190. Labos, 2(1), 30–60. https://doi.org/10.20318/labos.2020.5538

43.

Reilly

M. E.

Lott

Gallogly

S. M.

(1986). Sexual harassment of university students. Sex Roles, 15(7), 333–358.

44.

Rodríguez Castro

Carrera-Fernández

V. M.

Lameiras-Fernández

. (2019). Una radiografía del acoso sexual en España. Informe España 2019. Cátedra J.M. Martín Patino, Universidad Pontificia Comillas.

45.

Rodríguez Castro

Lameiras-Fernández

Carrera-Fernández

V. M.

Vallejo-Medina

. (2013). La fiabilidad y validez de la escala de mitos hacia el amor: las creencias de los y las adolescentes. Revista de Psicología Social, 28(2), 157–168.

46.

Rosenthal

M. N.

Smidt

A. M.

Freyd

J. J.

(2016). Still second class: Sexual harassment of graduate students. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 40(3), 364–377.

47.

Straus

M. A.

(2004). Prevalence of violence against dating partners by male and female university students worldwide. Violence Against Women, 10(7), 790–811.

48.

The Spanish Institute of Women. (2006). El acoso sexual a las mujeres en el ámbito laboral. Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales, Secretaria General de Políticas de Igualdad, Instituto de la Mujer.

49.

Valls

Aguilar

R. C.

Olea

José

Colás

B. M. P.

Fisas

O. M.

Torrego

E. L.

(2008). Violencia de género en las universidades españolas. Instituto de la Mujer.

50.

Varela Guinot

. (2019). Las universidades frente a la violencia de género. El alcance limitado de los mecanismos formales. Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 65(238), 49–80. https://doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2020.238.68301

51.

Vargas Jiménez

Pérez Ramos

S. P.

Castro Castañeda

. (2020). Sexismo y su vínculo con la violencia escolar, un estudio en jóvenes universitarios. En Díez Gutiérrez

E. J.

Rodríguez Fernández

J. R.

(dir), Educación para el Bien Común: hacia una práctica crítica, inclusiva y comprometida socialmente (pp. 145–156). Octaedro.

52.

Wood

Hoefer

Kammer-Kerwick

Parra-Cardona

J. R.

Busch-Armendariz

(2021). Sexual harassment at institutions of higher education: Prevalence, risk, and extent. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 36(9–10), 4520–4544. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260518791228