Sexual Scripts and Sexual Consent: Gender Stereotypes,Music-Media Messages,and Sexual Consent Expectancies Among College Men and Women

Abstract

The pervasiveness of sexual assault among college women prompted examination of college students’ sexual-consent expectancies using sexual scripting theory as a framework. We aimed to understand how personal beliefs, experiences with sexual violence, and dominant cultural gendered sexual scripts in music media inform sexual-consent expectancies among a sample of primarily White heterosexual college students at a northwestern university (n = 364). Participants viewed music videos with sexual and objectifying content and reported their perceptions of how women were portrayed. Linear mixed modeling with Maximum Likelihood with interactions by biological sex revealed associations between past sexual victimization and lower expectancies to adhere to a sexual partner’s consent wishes. Men with a history of perpetrating sexual violence had lower expectancies to ask for consent, and women with more traditional sexual stereotypes had lower expectancies to seek consent or refuse unwanted sex. Having lower expectancies to adhere to a partner’s consent wishes was associated with holding more traditional sexual stereotypes for both men and women. Participants who perceived women as powerlessness in viewed music videos had lower expectancies to ask for consent from a sexual partner, to refuse unwanted sexual advances, and to adhere to a decision regarding sexual consent. Through the lens of sexual scripting theory, results advance understanding of how the intersection of biological sex, experiences of sexual violence, gendered beliefs, and cultural scripts in music media inform young adults’ sexual expectancies and potential for sexual risk. Implications for prevention include addressing gendered sexual scripts to reduce ambiguity around sexual consent among college students. Media-based interventions are discussed as a strategy toward this end.

Keywords

sexual assault cultural contexts media and violence date rape sexuality

Sexual assault and unwanted sexual behavior perpetrated on women gained significant media attention with the advent of the “me too” movement. Prior to this, the “It’s on Us” campaign called attention to sexual violence on college campuses. In the academic year 2014 to 2015, the average prevalence of sexual assault on U.S. college campuses was 10% for women and 3.1% for men (Krebs et al., 2016), and a more recent report by the Association of American Universities showed that 25.9% of undergraduate women and 6.8% of undergraduate men experienced nonconsensual sexual contact during their time at college (Cantor et al., 2020). The pervasiveness of unwanted sexual behavior toward women can be explained with sexual scripting theory wherein cultural scenarios are instructional guides for how to behave and respond to sexual experiences or settings (Gagnon & Simon, 1973; Simon & Gagnon, 1986). Typically, sexual scripts assign men as sexual initiators and pursuers and women as submissive gatekeepers (Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013). Such gender roles in sexual scripts could misguide both male and female college students by discouraging women to give direct refusal of unwanted sexual behavior or by leading men to ignore or be confused of women’s indirect refusal of sexual advances (Jozkowski et al., 2014).

Individuals learn sexual scripts from observation and experiences within families and peer groups. Media also provide scripts for romantic and sexual behavior through programming that commonly presents gender-stereotypic scripts in which women are less powerful than men (Kim et al., 2007) and are frequently the recipients of violence (Kahlor & Eastin, 2011). Music videos sexually objectify women (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Hust et al., 2013), and subordinate women to male violence more than any other media (Wallis, 2011). A longitudinal content analysis of music videos between 1995 and 2016 found the frequency of sexual objectifying portrayals has remained stable over time; whereas sexual portrayals, such as sexual gestures and sexual poses, have actually increased in frequency (Karsay et al., 2019). A recent content analysis of popular music lyrics found violent lyrics were more likely to co-occur with lyrics that referenced sex (Couto et al., 2022). Such depictions provide a sexual script in which powerlessness and victimization of women are normalized (e.g. Couto et al., 2022; Frisby & Bahm-Morawitz, 2019) and can influence attitudes about violence against women and (Rodgers & Hust, 2018), rape myths, and beliefs about resistance against unwanted sexual contact (Gamble, 2019; Van Oosten et al., 2015).

Additionally, experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV), either as a victim or perpetrator, inform sexual scripts and can reinforce expectations regarding power over one’s partner (Friedlander et al., 2013) and the negotiation of consent within a sexual encounter (Hust et al., 2017). Media portrayals that objectify women and depict women as submissive or as the conquest of men’s desire provide a script for women to emulate and can contribute to men’s belief that such portrayals are realistic (Kim et al., 2007). Such portrayals of female powerlessness reinforce the heterosexual script that women have little power or sexual agency (Kim et al., 2007). When internalized into one’s sexual script, they inform sexual expectancies regarding sexual behavior and sexual consent (Gagnon & Simon, 1973; Simon & Gagnon, 1986).

In this study, we examine college students’ (n = 364) gender attitudes, experiences with IPV, and perceptions of gender-stereotyped messages in music videos in relation to three sexual expectancies, (a) seeking consent, (b) refusal of unwanted sexual advances, and (c) adherence to partner’s refusal. By examining personal characteristics and experiences with violence (as a victim or perpetrator), we extend current research on individuals’ perceptions of the sexualization and objectification of women in music media and the potential of these to contribute to young adults’ sexual scripts regarding gender power differentials and sexual consent expectancies.

Theoretical Frameworks

Sexual scripting theory (Gagnon & Simon, 1973; Simon & Gagnon, 1986) and social cognitive theory (Bandura, 2001; Bussey & Bandura, 1999) provide theoretical frameworks to understand the processes by which gendered messages in media might be internalized and inform expectancies for sexual encounters. In their theory of sexual scripting, Simon and Gagnon (1986) proposed that media is a cultural medium through which individuals become invested in acting out gendered scripts in romantic or sexual interactions. By young adulthood, the beliefs and cognitions about sexual scripts that inform one’s investment in sexual experience (Beres, 2014) have been internalized (Sakaluk et al, 2014; Simon & Gagnon, 1986). Sexual stereotypes, which are informed in part by media (Hust & Rodgers, 2018; L. M. Ward 2016), are beliefs that influence an individual’s investment in sexual interaction (Beres, 2014).

Two dominant cultural sexual scripts, one that grants men power in sexual interactions (i.e., men pursue) and another that gives women power as sexual “gatekeepers” (Beres, 2014) are pervasive in media (Kim et al., 2007; L. M. Ward, 1995). In a content analysis of 25 prime-time shows, Kim et al. (2007) identified predominantly featured sexual scripts: (a) men are driven to have sex, (b) women are valued for their attractiveness and women use seduction to attract men, and (c) women are responsible for setting limits of sexual interaction. A content analysis of 50 movies popular with college students revealed nonverbal and implicit behavioral cues for consent (e.g., intimate touching) were most common, followed by explicit verbal and implicit nonverbal consent refusal behaviors (Jozkowski et al., 2019). Together this body of work suggests that media present gender-stereotypical scripts for sexual behavior and ambiguous messages about sexual consent that inform individuals’ sexual scripts.

The internalization of dominant cultural scripts works in tandem with an individual’s beliefs about sexuality and sexual experiences (Sakaluk et al., 2014). Thus, in considering media in relation to sexual consent expectancies, it is necessary to also consider individuals’ sexual experiences (e.g., sexual victimization or perpetration, or pornography use). Both sexual scripting theory and social cognitive theory suggest that experiences of sexual victimization or perpetration and sexual stereotyped beliefs will be associated with sexual consent expectancies. Social cognitive theory further suggests an association between viewers’ cognitive perceptions of media portrayals of women (as victims or powerless) and sexual consent expectancies. We discuss this further below.

Sexual Consent-Related Expectancies

Within a sexual situation, men and women rely on sexual scripts to guide their behaviors and expectancies for sexual consent (Jozkowski, & Peterson, 2013). Sexual consent is a process negotiated through a series of nonverbal and verbal cues (Hickman & Muehlenhard, 1999; Humphreys, 2004). Men and women use different consent negotiation strategies (Jozkowski et al., 2014). Women are more likely to use verbal and explicit approaches whereas men tend to assume consent is granted until a partner indicates otherwise (Humphreys & Herold, 2007). Jozkowski et al. (2017) argue that gender roles and gendered power imbalances contribute to men’s assumptions about sexual consent. Their analysis of in-depth interviews with 30 college students revealed a belief that women were responsible for communicating consent; ambiguous consent refusal was interpreted by some men in the study as a green light for continued sexual pursuit.

Past Sexual Violence Experiences

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention identifies “adherence to traditional gender norms,” “exposure to sexually explicit media,” and “hostile attitudes towards women” as risk factors for perpetrating violence (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, n.d.). Music videos consistently present scripts that normalize violence and hostility toward women, and portray women as powerless (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Wallis, 2011). According to social cognitive theory (Bandura, 2001), individuals who have experienced victimization or perpetration of violence within a dating situation may be particularly affected by media when they relate to content that represents their experience. Sexual script theory further suggests an individual’s experience with IPV informs their sexual script, the media messages they attend to, and thus their expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual behavior, adhere to consent decisions, and seek consent from a partner. For example, in a qualitative analysis of college students’ conceptualization of sexual consent, women’s and men’s responses strongly reflected traditional sexual scripts wherein women’s sexual pleasure is secondary to that of men (Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013).

National longitudinal research indicates that individuals who have experienced physical or psychological dating violence in adolescence are at greater risk for sexual victimization in early adulthood (Exner-Cortens et al., 2013). Women who have experienced coercion or violence with a sexual partner may capitulate to sex to avoid coercion or because they perceive accommodation to unwanted sexual advances fulfills the feminine sexual script (Conroy et al., 2015; Jozkowski et al., 2017). In a representative sample of college students, having perpetrated or been a victim of sexual violence increased the odds of ambiguous consent (i.e., not being sure if consent was granted) and sexual assault perpetration; interestingly, women and men were equally as likely to report sexual perpetration while in college (Walsh et al., 2021). Victims and perpetrators of sexual violence may have lower expectancies to seek consent or adhere to consent decisions because their past experiences inform, in part, their sexual script (Beres, 2014; Simon & Gagnon, 1986). Based on theory and literature, we propose the following hypotheses.

Hypothesis 1: Experiences of sexual victimization will be negatively related to (a) expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity, (b) expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions, and (c) expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity.

Hypothesis 2: Experiences of sexual perpetration will be negatively related to (a) expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity, (b) expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions, and (c) expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity.

Music Media and Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors

Associations between exposure to music media and sexual attitudes and behaviors are fairly well-established (Coyne & Padilla-Walker, 2015), and recent studies have identified mechanisms and paths to explain these associations (L. M. Ward et al., 2005; Wright & Rubin, 2017). Normative sexual scripts observed in real life and in mass media shape how men and women interact in romantic and sexual situations (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). For example, in a sample of young women, greater enjoyment of and acceptance of female sexual objectification in music videos was, respectively, related to being less disturbed by potentially offensive nonphysical and physical sexual behaviors (Rodgers & Hust, 2018). Using a panel study design and cross-lagged analysis, Gamble (2019) found significant associations between college women’s consumption of media (including music videos) with higher sexual content (time 1) and their acceptance of heteronormative scripts including rape myths, token resistance beliefs, and traditional gendered scripts 2 months later (time 2); women’s acceptance of heteronormative scripts (time 1) was related to lower perceived assertiveness to refuse unwanted sexual advances (time 2). Similarly, Dutch adolescent girls exposed to sexualized music videos by male artists endorsed a token-resistance consent script in which girls first resist sexual advances and then submit to pressure from male adolescents (Van Oosten et al., 2015). In another study, college women who endorsed music videos that degrade women had lower expectancies to seek consent, adhere to consent decisions, or to refuse unwanted sexual advances (Hust et al., 2017).

L. M. Ward et al. (2011) argued the sexualization of women in music videos coveys a message to men that women can be coerced to engage in sex; music video consumption was also associated with men’s belief that men are “sex-driven.” Aubrey et al. (2011) revealed a positive association between men’s consumption of sexually objectifying music videos and their belief that women manipulate men with their sexuality; men with this belief were more approving of violence against women. These studies collectively indicate that music media inform different yet complimentary expectations for sexual behavior and consent. Following this, we propose three additional hypotheses.

Hypothesis 3: Sexual stereotyped beliefs will be negatively related to (a) expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity, (b) expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions, and (c) expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity.

Hypothesis 4: Perceptions of women in music videos as victims will be negatively related to (a) expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity, (b) expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions, and (c) expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity.

Hypothesis 5: Perceptions of women in music videos as powerless will be negatively related to (a) expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity, (b) expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions, and (c) expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity.

Method

Sample

Undergraduate college students at a university in the northwestern United States participated in an online study to assess associations between perceptions of music video content, dating violence, sexual stereotypes, and sexual consent expectancies. Students were recruited from a pool of undergraduates enrolled in large general education level communication courses. The sample (n = 364) was similar to the population of students at this particular university in terms of race, gender, and socioeconomic status. Students ages 18 to 25 years (M = 19.8) comprised the sample; 56% were female and 71% identified themselves as White. Twenty-two percent of the sample described their income as “very low,” 19% selected “low,” 36% selected “middle,” 14% selected “high,” and 3% selected “very high.” Participants did not specify their sexual orientation or if they identify as nonbinary in the survey. We expect that most of the students in our study are heterosexual based on national data that indicate 97% of adults identify as heterosexual (B. M. Ward et al., 2014) and 1.31% identify as nonbinary (Herman et al., 2022).

Procedure

Upon accepting the study invitation, consenting students who were 18 years or older were given access to an online survey. All protocols were approved by the University Institutional Review Board. Students first completed a set of survey questions about experiences of violence in a dating context, sexual stereotypes, and sexual consent negotiation and were then directed to select a music video to watch from two separate sets of music videos, each representing artists/titles across six genres: Country and Western, Rap/Hip-Hop, Rock, R&B, Rap, and Alternative. After viewing each video, participants responded to a series of statements to assess their perceptions of the content.

Measures

Measurement scale means, standard deviations, and score ranges are presented in Table 1. Unless otherwise noted, higher scores on the continuous variables represent higher levels of the attitude or experience represented by the variable. Participants’ sex was coded 1 for male and 2 for female.

Table 1.

Means, Standard Deviations, Scale Range and T-Tests for Variables of Interest.

Variable	Men (n = 161) Mean/n (SD/%)		Women (n = 203) Mean/n (SD/%)		Scale Range	t/x²	df	p	95% CI
Past sexual victimization	34	(21.1%)	52	(25.6%)	0.1	4.00	1	.05	[—, —]
Past sexual perpetration	21	(13%)	14	(6.9%)	0.1	0.94	1	.33	[—, —]
Sexual stereotype beliefs	2.43	(0.48)	2.28	(0.41)	1.00–3.86 (m) 1.00–3.14 (f)	3.33	354	.00	[0.06, 0.25]
Perceive women in music video as victims	2.23	(0.64)	2.05	(0.62)	1.00–4.00	2.64	353	.01	[0.04, 0.31]
Perceive women in music video as powerless	2.27	(0.60)	2.00	(0.54)	1.00–4.00 (m) 1.00–3.50 (f)	4.38	352	.00	[0.15, 0.39]
Expectancy to seek consent	5.57	(1.23)	5.54	(1.29)	1.00–7.00	−0.56	360	.58	[−0.26, 0.15]
Expectancy to refuse unwanted sexual advances	5.20	(1.39)	5.85	(1.14)	1.00–7.00	−0.32	358	.75	[−0.20, 0.14]
Expectancy to adhere to consent wishes	5.94	(1.36)	6.28	(1.08)	1.00–7.00	3.33	354	.00	[0.06, 0.25]

Note. CI = Confidence interval for mean difference between men and women.

Experience of sexual violence

Experience of violence was assessed with one question framed from the perspective of the victim (e.g., been made to kiss or do something sexual other than kissing by a dating or romantic partner) or perpetrator (e.g., coerced or made your dating or romantic partner kiss you or do something sexual other than kissing) with a dichotomous response choice (0) No, (1) Yes.

Sexual stereotypes

L. M. Ward et al.s’ (2005) Sexual Stereotypes Scale assessed the degree to which participants agreed with statements that represent sexual gender stereotypes (e.g., a man will be most successful in picking up women if he has “game” or uses flattering, sexy, or cute pick-up lines; using her body and looks is the best way for a woman to attract a man). Responses on a 4-point Likert scale, (1) strongly disagree to (4) strongly agree, were summed and averaged after reversing item scores as needed (α = .84 for whole sample, α = .81 for women, α = .86 for men).

Perceptions of music video

Participants identified their perceptions of the music video content that they viewed during the study using a Receiver Oriented Message Analysis approach (Austin et al., 2007; Rodgers & Hust, 2018). For this study, we use viewers’ perceptions of music videos’ portrayal of women as victims and women as powerless. Responses were on a 4-point scale: (1) strongly disagree to (4) strongly agree.

Sexual consent-related expectancies

A 10-item measure used previously in sexual consent-related research (Hust et al., 2014; 2017) assessed three sexual consent expectancies: (a) expectancies to seek sexual consent from a partner, (b) expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions, and (c) expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity. Response choices on a 7-point Likert scale, (1) strongly disagree to (7) strongly agree, were summed and averaged for each subscale (see below for alpha scores).

Expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity

Four statements captured participants’ expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity from a partner: “I would ask my partner for consent before engaging in sexual activity,” “I would stop and ask if everything is okay if my partner doesn’t respond to my sexual advances,” “I would verbally confirm that my partner consents before engaging in sexual activity,” and “I would not have sex when my partner and I are too intoxicated to give consent.” The items were summed and averaged (α = .85 for whole sample, α = .87 for women, α = .82 for men).

Expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions

Three statements captured participants’ expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions: “I would rather have no sex than force myself on someone,” “I would respect my partner and stop sexual activity when asked to even when I am already aroused,” and “I would always stop the first time my date says ‘no’ to sexual activity.” The items were summed and averaged (α = .92 for whole sample; α = .93 for women, α = .91 for men).

Expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity

Three statements captured participants’ expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity: “I would feel confident refusing someone’s sexual advances,” “I would refuse unwanted sexual intimacy with my date even if it may destroy the romantic atmosphere,” and “I would not give in to pressure—either verbal or physical—to have sex.” The items were summed and averaged (α = .86 for whole sample, α = .82 for women, α = .88 for men).

Analysis

All analyses were conducted using SPSS 23. We performed a two-level multilevel model with random intercept and fixed slope using the linear mixed model procedure in SPSS with Maximum Likelihood. To account for its potential effects, the video selection was entered into the model as a random effect factor. The two rounds of video selections, each presenting six choices for participants, were combined to create an overall video selection variable (i.e., a 36-level nominal variable). To ensure we had enough participants in each level of the video selection, the six genres were collapsed into three categories based on their similarity: (a) Country and Western, (b) Rap/Hip-Hop, R&B, and Rap, and (c) Rock, and Alternative. The linear mixed model with a random intercept was performed for each of the three outcomes (i.e., expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity, expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual activity, and expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions). The variance estimate for the random intercept of the video selection was zero for expectancies to seek consent for sexual activity, and the Intraclass Correlation Coefficient (ICC; Hox, 2017; Snijders & Bosker, 2011) and its Design Effect (DEFF; Muthén & Satorra, 1995) were also low (i.e., ICC < .01 and DEFF < 2), thus the multilevel analysis was not warranted for predicting expectancies to ask consent.

Personal level variables (sex of the participant, experiences of sexual violence victimization, experiences of sexual violence perpetration, and sexual stereotype beliefs) and media perception variables were entered in the linear mixed model as fixed factors (sex) and covariates (other variables) depending on the nature of the variables.

Recognizing that sexual stereotypes and perceptions of media content are informed in part by one’s sex (Bussey & Bandura, 1999), and that women are more likely than men to experience sexual victimization (Smith et al., 2018), two-way interactions of participants’ sex with other variables in the models were also tested (sex by past sexual victimization, sex by past sexual perpetration, sex by stereotypes; sex by women as victims of violence in the music videos; and sex by women as powerless in music videos). Variables were centered to create the interaction terms.

Results

Descriptive analyses results are presented in Table 1. As can be seen in the table, T-tests indicate that compared to women, men experienced less sexual victimization, had stronger stereotypical gender beliefs, and were more likely to perceive women in the videos to be victims and powerless. Men had lower expectancies to adhere to sexual consent wishes of their partner.

Hypothesis 4 was not supported. Perceptions of women in music videos as victims were not associated with the three expectancies related to sexual consent after controlling for other variables in the models.

Expectancies to Seek Consent

The analyses revealed support for some of our hypotheses. Sexual victimization experiences were not associated with expectancies to seek consent. However, the linear mixed model suggested that the history of intimate partner sexual perpetration (p < .001) (H2a) and perceiving female characters in the music videos to be powerless (p < .05) (H5a) were associated with having lower expectancies to seek consent within an intimate encounter (see Table 2). Additionally, sexual stereotyped beliefs also significantly interacted with the sex of the participant. A simple slope analysis revealed a significant slope for women but not men, thus partially supporting H3a. Women who endorse sexual stereotypes reported lower expectancies to seek consent for sexual behavior (see Figure 1).

Table 2.

Summary of Linear Mixed Model Analysis for Expectancies to Seek Consent.

Variable	Estimates	SE	95% CI		p
Intercept	5.623	0.10	[5.43, 5.83]		.000
Sex^a	−0.18	0.14	[−0.45, 0.09]		.186
Past Sexual Victimization	−0.05	0.17	[−0.37, 0.28]		.786
Past Sexual Perpetration	−0.88	0.24	[−1.35, −0.42]		.000
Sexual Stereotype Beliefs	0.05	0.21	[−0.36, 0.46]		.054
Perceive Women in Music Video as Victims	0.12	0.12	[−0.11, 0.36]		.309
Perceive Women in Music Video as Powerless	−0.31	0.14	[−0.58, −0.04]		.023
	−0.70	0.30	[−1.29, −0.12]
Sex by Sexual Stereotype Beliefs	−0.05	0.17	[−0.37, 0.28]		.018
Simple Slope Analysis
Sex by Sexual Stereotype Beliefs	B	SE B	95% CI	t	p
Slope for Women	−0.594	0.225	[−1.04, −0.15]	−2.64	.009
Slope for Men	0.067	0.218	[−0.36, 0.50]	.307	.759

Note. A linear mixed model with a random intercept was performed, and the variance of the random intercept of video selections is zero, and thus the random effect was removed from the model. CI = Confidence interval for B. Only significant interaction terms are shown.

Men was the reference group.

Figure 1.

Interaction effect between sexual stereotype beliefs and sex on expectancies to seek consent. The relationship between sexual stereotype beliefs and expectancies to seek consent was only significant for women.

Expectancies to Adhere to Sexual Consent Decisions

The linear mixed model with a random intercept of video selections revealed significant main effects for sex, history of intimate partner sexual perpetration, sexual stereotypes, and perception of women in music videos being powerless (see Table 3). Specifically, women had higher expectancies than men to refuse unwanted sexual advances (p < .001). In support of Hypotheses 2b and 5b, main effects revealed that individuals with a history of intimate partner sexual perpetration (p < .001) (H2b) or higher perceptions of women in music videos being powerless (p < .01) (H5b) reported lower expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual advances.

Table 3.

Summary of Linear Mixed Model for Expectancies to Adhere to Consent.

Variable	Estimates	SE	95% CI		p
Intercept	6.09	0.13	[5.79, 6.38]		.000
Sex^a	0.10	0.13	[−0.15, 0.36]		.434
Past Sexual Victimization	−1.38	0.28	[−1.93, −0.83]		.000
Past Sexual Perpetration	0.02	0.15	[−0.27, 0.32]		.873
Sexual Stereotype Beliefs	−0.32	0.15	[−0.61, −0.04]		.026
Perceive Women in Music Video as Victims	−0.05	0.11	[−0.27, 0.17]		.678
Perceive Women in Music Video as Powerless	−0.33	0.12	[−0.58, −0.09]		.008
Sex by Past Sexual Perpetration	1.00	0.43	[0.16, 1.84]		.020
Simple Slope Analysis
Sex by Past Sexual Perpetration	B	SE B	95% CI	t	p
Slope for Women	−0.40	0.35	[−1.08, 0.276]	−1.17	.24
Slope for Men	−1.35	0.28	[−1.91, −0.80]	−4.83	.000

Note. A linear mixed model with a random intercept was performed, and the variance of the random intercept of video selections is 0.07, SE = 0.07. CI = Confidence interval for B. Only significant interaction terms are shown.

Men was the reference group.

Additionally, analyses revealed partial support for H2c. Past sexual coercion perpetration significantly interacted with the sex of the participant. A simple slope analysis revealed a significant slope for men but not women. Thus, men who reported a history of sexual perpetration reported lower expectancies to seek consent for sexual behavior (see Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Interaction effect between past sexual perpetration and sex on expectancies to adhere to sexual consent. The relationship between past sexual perpetration and expectancies to adhere to sexual consent was only significant for men.

Expectancies to Refuse Unwanted Sexual Advances

The linear mixed model with a random intercept of video selections revealed significant main effects for history of intimate partner sexual violence perpetration, sexual stereotypes, and perception of women in music videos being powerless (see Table 4). In support of proposed hypotheses, individuals with a history of intimate partner victimization (p < .001) (H1c), higher sexual stereotypes (p < .05) (H3c), or higher perceptions of women in music videos being powerless (p < .01) (H5c) reported lower expectancies to adhere to consent decisions. In partial support of Hypothesis 3b, sexual stereotyped beliefs significantly interacted with the sex of the participant. Simple slope analyses revealed a significant negative slope for women and a nonsignificant slope for men (see Table 4). Women who held stronger sexual stereotyped beliefs had significantly lower expectancies than their peers to refuse unwanted sex-ual advances (see Figure 3).

Table 4.

Summary of Linear Mixed Model Analysis for Expectancies to Refuse Unwanted Sexual Advances.

Variable	Estimates	SE	95% CI		p
Intercept	5.28	0.10	[5.03, 5.52]		.000
Sex^a	0.45	0.13	[0.19, 0.72]		.001
Past Sexual Victimization	−0.07	0.16	[−0.38, 0.24]		.647
Past Sexual Perpetration	−0.89	0.23	[−1.34, −0.44]		.000
Sexual Stereotype Beliefs	−0.02	0.20	[−0.43, 0.38]		.003
Perceive Women in Music Video as Victims	0.09	0.12	[−0.14, 0.32]		.460
Perceive Women in Music Video as Powerless	−0.38	0.13	[−0.64, −0.12]		.004
Sex by Sexual Stereotype Beliefs	−0.87	0.29	[−1.43, −0.30]		.003
Simple Slope Analysis
Sex by Sexual Stereotype Beliefs	B	SE B	95% CI	t	p
Slope for Women	−0.80	0.22	[−1.21, −0.37]	−3.70	.000
Slope for Men	−0.05	0.21	[−0.47, 0.36]	−0.25	.81

Note. A linear mixed model with a random intercept was performed, and the variance of the random intercept of video selections is .006, SE = .03. CI = Confidence interval for B. Only significant interaction terms are shown.

Men was the reference group.

Figure 3.

Interaction effect between sexual stereotype beliefs and sex on expectancies to refuse unwanted sex. The relationship between sexual stereotype beliefs and expectancies to refuse was only significant for women.

Discussion

The current study aimed to further illuminate how personal experiences with sexual violence, gender attitudes, and perceptions of women in music media inform men and women’s sexual consent expectancies. The pervasive portrayal of women in music media as subordinate to male violence (Wallis, 2011) and as sexual objects (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Hust et al., 2013; Karsay et al., 2019; Wallis, 2011) present gendered sexual scripts for ways that men and women might negotiate sexual consent. Earlier research identified associations between media content and sexual expectancies for sexual consent (Hust et al., 2014) but did not consider viewers’ perceptions of women in music videos in relation to IPV.

We proposed that experiences of sexual violence, attitudes toward sexual stereotypes, and perceptions of women’s power or victimization would predict three sexual consent expectancies, that is, the expectancy to seek consent, the expectancy to adhere to sexual consent decisions, and the expectancy to refuse unwanted sexual behavior. Based on sexual scripting and heterosexual scripting theoretical frameworks, we argued that strong sexual stereotypes and media that portray women as powerless and as victims would reinforce or inform sexual scripts that promote complimentary yet distinct gendered scripts. For men, these involve a masculine script of male dominance, sexual prowess, and female subjugation. For women, the gender script includes submissiveness to male sexual aggression and minimal sexual agency.

The findings indicate that having a history of sexual victimization was only associated with participant’s expectancies to adhere to consent decisions, but not the other two sexual consent expectancies. Compared to individuals with no history of sexual victimization, those with such experiences had lower expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions. The association between past sexual perpetration and the three sexual expectancies was as expected except for the expectancy to adhere to consent decisions. For men only, past sexual perpetration was associated with lower expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions.

It is plausible that for women who have been sexually victimized, expectancies to not adhere to sexual consent wishes of a partner may be a way of asserting power in a relationship while rejecting cultural messages of passivity that are portrayed in media. Alternatively, women and men with a history of sexual victimization may have limited ability to discern if sexual consent has been granted. In their representative college sample, Walsh et al. (2021) found that experiences of sexual victimization prior to college were associated with college men’s and women’s reported ambiguity about whether consent had been granted in previous sexual encounters.

Men and women in our study with a history of sexual perpetration had lower expectancies to seek consent or to refuse unwanted sexual behaviors. Men in our sample with a history of perpetration had lower expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decision. These results are consistent with recent research. Men and women in a representative college sample who reported having nonconsensual sex prior to college entry were more likely than their peers with no perpetration history to report having ambiguous sex or having perpetrated sexual assault while in college (Walsh et al., 2021). Sexual scripting theory supports these results in that personal history (i.e., perpetration) intersects with cultural messages about sexual norms to guide sexual behavior with a partner (Simon & Gagnon, 1986). For men with a history of perpetration, the heterosexual script proscribes male sexual aggression just as for women, acquiescence to unwanted sex fulfills a gendered expectation.

Holding sexual stereotyped beliefs was associated with lower expectancies to adhere to sexual consent decisions for both men and women, and for women only, lower expectancies to seek consent, and lower expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual behavior. Examined through a gendered lens, these results make sense. For men with traditional sexual stereotypes, the masculine script asserts that men need not ask for consent, should never refuse sex, and need not follow consent decisions because they are in control of the sexual interaction. For women with strong stereotypical gender role beliefs, acquiescence to sexual advances is expected; refusal of sex is contrary to the heterosexual script (Conroy et al., 2015; Joskowski et al., 2017). Similarly, seeking sexual consent requires sexual agency and assertiveness that falls outside the heterosexual sexual script (Moore & Reynolds, 2016; Schobert et al., 2021).

Participants who perceived more powerlessness of women in the music videos had lower expectancies to ask for consent from a sexual partner, to refuse unwanted sexual advances, and to adhere to a decision regarding sexual consent (e.g., how far or what behaviors would be allowed). Surprisingly, perceiving women as victims in the music videos failed to predict participants’ sexual consent expectancies. Taken together, the results support a script for men in which having lower expectancies to adhere to sexual consent wishes of a partner is consistent with a previously enacted sexual script (i.e., perpetration) wherein men are sexual aggressors (no doesn’t necessarily mean no) and women are powerless. For women, however the story appears to be a bit more complicated. Women who perceived female characters in the music videos to be powerless had lower expectancies to seek consent for sexual behavior. There are two possible explanations. First, women who identify with powerless women in music videos may have limited healthy sexual scripts to guide their behavior. Music videos rarely model how to seek sexual consent and more commonly model objectification and power differentials between male and female characters (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Wallis, 2011). Alternatively, women who perceive women in music videos to be powerless may reject this portrayal and therefore assert themselves in sexual situations. Future research is needed to fully explore this postulation.

Strengths

The study advances current research on how prior IPV experiences, sexual stereotyped beliefs, and gendered messaging in music inform sexual scripts and college students’ expectancies regarding consent negotiation. Music media that highly sexualizes and objectifies women reinforces sexist sexual scripts and the acceptance of sexual violence toward women (L. M. Ward, 2016). For individuals with a history of past perpetration, perceiving women in music videos as powerless can reinforce existing sexual scripts and expectancies for sexual consent negotiation. These factors coupled with sexual stereotyped beliefs place individuals at risk for poor sexual consent negotiation. For women, this means risk to refuse unwanted sexual advances or to seek consent. For men, a particular risk is failure to adhere to a consent decision with a sexual partner.

Given the continued high rates of sexual assault on college campuses (Cantor et al., 2020; Krebs et al., 2016), addressing gendered sexual scripts is critical to reduce college sexual assault and ambiguity around sexual consent. Viewers’ perceptions of women as powerless have implications for refusing unwanted sexual advances and implications for prevention programming. Media literacy campaigns can develop adolescents’ and young adults’ critical awareness of how women are portrayed in music media and can provide a narrative counter to the heterosexual script. Entertainment education can challenge viewers’ preexisting notions of gender and demonstrate effective sexual consent negotiation strategies. Furthermore, we encourage musicians and producers of music media to show women as powerful as a counter to the misogyny that is often present in music videos (Lindsay & Lyons, 2018). And finally, colleges can use media to engage men and women in discussions about sexual scripts, gendered violence, and sexual consent expectancies, and thus empower young adults to challenge the pervasive heterosexual script toward more equitable sexual relationships.

Limitations

As with all research, this study has some limitations. First, because the surveys were self-administered and online, self-reporting bias is possible, particularly with questions regarding the history of being a victim or perpetrator of violence. The cross-sectional data limits our ability to determine the temporality of the sexual violence experiences. Additionally, the convenience sample of college students limits generalizability. Future research with more diverse college samples is needed to expand understanding of associations between sexual-consent expectancies and personal and gendered media messages. Because we do not know students’ sexual orientation or nonbinary status, we are unable to identify experiences of violence among LGBTQ+ students or within nonheterosexual relationships. We encourage future studies to incorporate into their design broader inclusion of LGBTQ+ students through larger sampling and studies across different college settings. It is also possible that the selection of music videos may have constrained the results. Allowing participants to select their music likely provides a realistic picture of the type of music media they typically attend to, but also poses the problem that music videos within some genres had higher levels of sex and violence than others (e.g., Rap has much higher levels of violence and sexual objectification of women; Frisby & Aubrey, 2012). To account for this possibility, we controlled for music video selection. Future research with a larger sample could reveal additional significant and important findings.

Conclusion

The findings in this study support theoretical and empirical research on ways in which sexual scripting and the heterosexual script in media can contribute to college students’ sexual expectancies to seek consent from a sexual partner, expectancies to refuse unwanted sexual advances, and expectancies to adhere to decisions partners make regarding sexual consent. As music media that sexually objectifies women becomes increasingly easier for youth and young adults to consume, understanding the linkages between perceptions of media content and sexual expectancies are important to inform sexual assault prevention program development for young adults.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Kathleen Boyce Rodgers

Stacey J. T. Hust

Author Biographies

Kathleen Boyce Rodgers (PhD, 1995, University of Wisconsin Madison) is an associate professor in the Department of Human Development at Washington State University. Her research explores media as a cultural context that contributes to adolescents’ and emerging adults’ understanding of romantic relationships, their sexual scripts, and the negotiation of wanted and unwanted sexual behaviors.

Stacey J. T. Hust (PhD, 2005, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) is a professor of communication and Associate Dean of Faculty Affairs and College Operations in The Edward R. Murrow College of Communication at Washington State University. Her research identifies effective health communication messaging that can be used to reduce sexual assault and promote healthy sexual relationships among young people.

Jiayu Li (PhD, 2019, Washington State University) is a graduate of The Edward R. Murrow College of Communication at Washington State University. Her research focuses on media effects on young people’s substance use and sexual health and aims to inform the public about intervention efforts on the risk and protective factors associated with young people’s well-being.

Soojung Kang is a doctoral student at the Edward R. Murrow College of Communication, Washington State University. Her research focuses on gender portrayals in entertainment media for children and adolescents. Her research also broadly explores how media portrayals are associated with young people’s health attitudes and behaviors.

Ariana L. Garcia is a doctoral student at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, studying higher education. Her research agenda is concerned with equity issues in higher education, with a specific focus on access and success for Latina/o/x and other ethnically minoritized students in graduate education and science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.

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