Childhood Maltreatment,Revictimization,and Partner Violence Victimization Through Midlife: A Prospective Longitudinal Investigation

Abstract

Existing research suggests that prior victimizations during a person’s lifetime, particularly childhood traumas and maltreatment, are risk factors for abuse and revictimization in adulthood, although longitudinal evidence is sparse. Using data from a 30-year ongoing longitudinal study of the long-term consequences of childhood maltreatment, this paper describes the extent to which childhood maltreatment predicts subsequent victimization and partner violence victimization at two time points in adulthood. Data were obtained from a prospective cohort design study in which children with court-substantiated cases of maltreatment (ages 0–11 years) and demographically matched controls were followed into adulthood and interviewed over several waves. Childhood maltreatment was assessed through juvenile and adult court records from 1967 to 1971 in a midwestern county area in the United States. Victimization experiences were assessed from 2000 to 2002 (M_age = 39.5 years) and 2009 to 2010 (M_age = 47.5) and included two types based on information from the lifetime trauma and victimization history instrument and questions about past year partner violence victimization. Individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment were more likely to report physical and sexual assaults and kidnapping and stalking victimization than controls through age 39.5. In contrast, the two groups did not differ at the later assessment at age 47.5, except maltreated individuals reported greater risk for sexual assault/abuse than controls. For intimate partner violence victimization at age 39.5, maltreated and control groups differed only in terms of victimization involving injury. Later in adulthood, more individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment reported partner physical violence victimization compared to controls. Although these longitudinal findings showed a general decline in victimization experiences over the two time points, these results demonstrate that childhood maltreatment increases risk for subsequent revictimization in middle adulthood, specifically for sexual assault/abuse and intimate partner physical violence victimization. These findings have implications for prevention and intervention efforts targeting maltreated children.

Keywords

childhood maltreatment revictimization adulthood partner violence victimization midlife

Childhood maltreatment is a major public health concern in the United States and abroad. In the United States, estimates indicate that over 3 million children were referred for investigation of maltreatment during the federal fiscal year 2021 and approximately 600,000 children were determined to be victims of maltreatment (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services et al., 2023). There is extensive evidence that childhood maltreatment has lasting consequences that affect a person’s mental and physical health, economic productivity, and interpersonal relationships (Colman & Widom, 2004; Currie & Widom, 2010; Danese et al., 2009; Nikulina & Widom, 2013; Scott et al., 2012; Springer et al., 2007; Tracy et al., 2021; Widom et al., 2007, 2012). The estimated U.S. population economic burden of child maltreatment based on 2015 substantiated incident cases was $428 billion, representing lifetime costs incurred annually (Peterson et al., 2018).

One other outcome documented in the literature is that childhood traumas and maltreatment in particular are risk factors for victimization and revictimization in adulthood, and particularly for elder abuse. Studies in the United States indicate that the economic impact of elder abuse on healthcare costs is significant (Knapp, 2011; Stankunas et al., 2016). According to the National Council on Aging (2021), up to 5 million older Americans are abused every year and the annual loss by elderly victims of financial abuse is estimated to be at least $36.5 billion.

This paper uses data from a 30-year prospective longitudinal study of the long-term consequences of childhood maltreatment to examine the extent to which childhood maltreatment predicts general types of victimization and revictimization and victimization and violence in the context of intimate partner romantic relationships at two points in adulthood.

Prior Victimization and Revictimization

Numerous studies have reported that children who experience maltreatment are at greater risk of revictimization (Arata, 2002; Classen et al., 2005; Maniglio, 2009; Paolucci et al., 2001; Roodman & Clum, 2001; Spataro et al., 2004; Walker et al., 2019). However, the existing revictimization literature has focused heavily on the extent to which childhood sexual abuse increases risk for sexual revictimization. In a study of adolescent girls who had been involved with the child welfare system, Auslander et al. (2018) found that all types of maltreatment were associated with higher frequencies of revictimization. In a community telephone survey of adults, Stroem et al. (2019) found that exposure to childhood abuse, regardless of type, was associated with adult victimization. In a study of adult women who responded to the online platform Prolific Academic, Rowe et al. (2023) found that girls who reported sexual and emotional maltreatment histories were at high risk for revictimization.

Fewer studies have examined the link between childhood maltreatment and adult intimate partner victimization. One study reported that childhood sexual abuse survivors were at a greater risk for intimate partner violence (IPV) compared to those with no abuse history (Noll et al., 2003). Similarly, in a large survey involving 15,000 adults in Canada, women who reported a history of childhood sexual abuse were at substantially increased risk for experiencing psychological, physical, or sexual victimization by an intimate partner (Daigneault et al., 2009). In a study of young Kenyan women, those who reported experiencing any childhood violence were at increased risk of experiencing physical IPV in young adulthood (Chiang et al., 2018). Yoon and Song (2022) reported that childhood physical abuse was associated with physical, emotional, and financial violence in dating relationships, whereas neglect was not.

Several characteristics of the existing literature make it difficult to draw firm conclusions about these relationships. First, there is a heavy reliance on cross-sectional studies which only capture a snapshot of what is happening in that person’s life at that point in time. This reliance on cross-sectional studies also makes it difficult to determine correct temporal sequences.

Second, the majority of the literature is based on the use of retrospective self-reports of prior victimization experiences that are subject to memory problems and recall errors, which may reflect differences in respondents’ perceptions of what constitutes maltreatment (Danese & Widom, 2020). Because childhood maltreatment is often retrospectively reported, differential recall and reporting bias may result in over- or under-estimates of the true effect of childhood maltreatment (Danese & Widom, 2020; Reuben et al., 2016). Related biases may arise from reports by caregivers, which can be affected by concerns about potential legal consequences for abusers. Because this method of data collection cannot clearly establish temporal precedence between variables, conclusions from these studies are limited in their ability to document changes in risk or increased risk over time.

Third, many of these studies relied solely on college-aged populations in their early 20’s, limiting conclusions about the lifetime prevalence of revictimization (Hannan et al., 2017; Messman-Moore & Bhuptani, 2017). As Walker and Wamsey-Nanney (2022, p. 8) point out “. . .given the disproportional use of college samples, much of the results are based on educated, white, females.” This means that racial, ethnic, and gender minorities are seriously underrepresented in this literature (Balsam et al., 2011; Littleton & Ullman, 2013; Pantalone et al., 2015). Studies of child maltreatment with college student samples have also been criticized as not being representative of individuals who have experienced childhood abuse (Rind et al., 1998) and for failing to recognize the resilience of those involved in those studies compared to abuse victims who might not attend college.

Fourth, definitions of revictimization have varied, making comparisons across studies challenging and sometimes making it difficult to distinguish the initial and subsequent victimization experiences. Furthermore, studies vary in terms of the age cutoffs used to define victimization. Some studies use age 18 as a cutoff (Brenner & Ben-Amitay, 2015), whereas others use earlier cutoffs or differentiate between children and adolescents (Balsam et al., 2011; Hequembourg et al., 2013; Miron & Orcutt, 2014).

Fifth, there is also a concern about the confounding of maltreatment with other risks for violence and victimization. Children who are maltreated more often grow up in socioeconomically at-risk households as compared to non-maltreated peers, making it difficult to isolate the impacts of maltreatment (Nikulina et al., 2011).

Finally, there have been very few longitudinal studies. Despite the increasing number of longitudinal studies (Banyard et al., 2001; Barnes et al., 2009; Culatta et al., 2020; McIntyre & Widom, 2011; Ogloff et al., 2012; Widom et al., 2008), few have examined these relationships over time. This is particularly important given the increasing interest in understanding whether childhood maltreatment increases risk for elder abuse victimization (Brozowski & Hall, 2004, 2010; Dong & Wang, 2019; Erlingsson et al., 2003; Jackson & Hafemeister, 2011; Johannesen & Logiudice, 2013; Kong & Easton, 2019; Reis & Nahmiash, 1998; Schiamberg et al., 2012; Storey, 2020).

In sum, characteristics of the existing literature make it difficult to draw firm conclusions about the extent to which childhood maltreatment increases risk for subsequent revictimization and partner violence victimization in adulthood. To overcome these challenges, prospective longitudinal studies using objective measures of childhood maltreatment status to compare maltreated children with non-maltreated children of similar demographic and socioeconomic backgrounds are needed.

The Current Study

Using data from a 30-year ongoing longitudinal study of the long-term consequences of childhood maltreatment, this paper describes the extent to which childhood maltreatment predicts victimization and revictimization at two points in adulthood and examines types of victimization experiences (physical violence, sexual violence, kidnapping or stalking, and crime victimization) as well as victimization and violence in the context of intimate partner romantic relationships. This sample addresses the challenges related to ascertainment of maltreatment status by utilizing official court records of maltreatment exposure that allow for operationalization of maltreatment status rather than relying only on retrospective recall of individuals or reports by caregivers. This study addresses the challenge of confounding socioeconomic factors by sampling non-maltreated controls from county birth and school records and matching them with maltreated children on the basis of age, sex, race, and neighborhood characteristics.

Methods

Participants and Procedure

The data used here are from a prospective cohort design study where abused and/or neglected children were matched with non-abused/neglected children and then followed up and assessed in adulthood over multiple time points. Details of the design of the study and sample selection procedure have been reported previously (Widom, 1989a).

Maltreated children were identified from county juvenile and adult criminal court records of substantiated cases of child abuse and/or neglect in a metropolitan county area in the Midwest during the years 1967 to 1971. Only cases of child maltreatment that had been substantiated by the court were included in the sample. Cases were restricted to those in which children were 11 years of age or less at the time of the incident.

Controls were drawn from county birth and school record information and control children were demographically matched to a maltreated child on the basis of age, sex, race, and approximate social class of the family during the period under study. Matching for social class is important because it is theoretically plausible that any relationship between childhood maltreatment and later outcomes is confounded with or explained by social class differences (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Conroy et al., 2010; Widom, 1989c). It is difficult to match exactly for social class because higher-income families could live in lower social-class neighborhoods and vice versa. The matching procedure used here is based on a broad definition of social class that includes neighborhoods in which children were reared and schools they attended. A research methods textbook (Shadish et al., 2002) recommends using neighborhood and hospital controls to match variables that are related to outcomes when random sampling is not possible.

We matched children who were younger than school age at the time of the abuse or neglect with children of the same sex, race, date of birth (±1 week), and hospital of birth using county birth record information. For children of school age, we used records of more than 100 elementary schools for the same period to find matches with children of the same sex, race, date of birth (±6 months), class in elementary school during the years 1967 to 1971, and home address. Overall, matches were found for 74% of the abused and neglected children. Nonmatches occurred for numerous reasons. For birth records, nonmatches occurred in situations where the abused or neglected child was born outside the county or state or where date of birth information was missing. For school records, nonmatches occurred because of lack of adequate identifying information for the abused and neglected children or because the elementary school had closed during the past 20 years and class registers were unavailable.

Individuals who were initially selected for the control group who were reported in the official maltreatment case files were eliminated and replaced, where possible, with a second matched control subject. Any potential control child with an official record of abuse or neglect was eliminated, regardless of whether the record was before or after the period of the study. This occurred in 11 cases. Because of the matching procedure, the participants are assumed to differ only in the risk factor, that is, having experienced childhood maltreatment. As it is not possible to assign participants randomly to groups by maltreatment status, the assumption of equivalency for the groups is an approximation. The control group may also differ from the maltreated individuals on other variables nested with abuse or neglect. However, the control group establishes the base rates of these types of traumas and victimization experiences that we would expect in a sample of adults from comparable circumstances who did not come to court attention in childhood as victims of maltreatment.

In the original phase of the study, 1,575 individuals were identified and, of these, 1,307 (83%) were located and 1,196 (76%) were first interviewed from 1989 to 1995 when participants were mean age 29. The initial phase of the study compared maltreated children with non-maltreated children on criminal arrest records (Widom, 1989b). Since then, individuals from both groups (maltreated and controls) have been interviewed in person over multiple waves. Subsequent waves of interviews occurred from 2000 to 2002 (N = 896) at mean age of 39.5, from 2003 to 2005 (N = 807) at mean age of 41.2, and from 2009 to 2010 (N = 649) at mean age of 47.5. The data used here are from the second (mean age 39.5 years) and fourth interviews (mean age 47.5 years).

Table 1 shows the demographic characteristics of the sample at the different time points of the study. Participants were asked to self-identify their race and ethnicity at interview 1. At the fourth interview, the sample was 53.9% female, 59.2% White, and mean age = 47.5 years. The sample is skewed toward the lower end of the socioeconomic spectrum: 60.0% completed high school, 54.9% held unskilled or semiskilled jobs, and only 13.7% held semiprofessional or professional jobs (Hollingshead, 1975).

Table 1.

Characteristics of the Sample Over Study Waves.

Dates	Records	Interviews
		1	2	3	4
		1989–1995	2000–2002	2003–2005	2009–2010
N	1,575	1,196	896	807	649
Characteristics
Sex (% female)	50.7	48.7	51.0	52.7	53.9
White (%)	66.2	62.9	62.2	60.4	59.2
Black (%)	32.6	34.9	35.2	37.3	34.5
Hispanic (%)	0.3	3.8	4.0	4.0	3.7
Maltreated (%)	57.7	56.5	55.8	56.8	55.2
Physical abuse (%)	10.2	9.2	8.8	9.7	8.3
Neglect (%)	44.3	45.4	45.3	45.9	44.1
Sexual abuse (%)	9.7	8.0	7.6	7.5	8.3
Mean age at petition (SD)	6.4 (3.3)	6.3 (3.3)	6.2 (3.3)	6.3 (3.3)	6.4 (3.3)
Mean age at interview (SD)		29.2 (3.8)	39.5 (3.5)	41.2 (3.5)	47.5 (3.5)

Selection bias could be a problem for longitudinal studies since they suffer from attrition over time. Despite attrition associated with death, refusals, and our inability to locate individuals over the various waves of the study, the characteristics of the groups across the four phases of the study have remained about the same. Binary comparisons of key characteristics between participants in the last interview versus those who did not complete the last interview show no significant differences in child maltreatment status, race, and age. The only significant difference is that females are more likely to remain in the study than males.

Procedures

When the research began as an archival study, there was no contact with the children who were identified as part of the two cohorts. The first wave of the study was based solely on record checks. Approximately 22 years after these cases of childhood maltreatment were identified in court records, we then attempted to locate and interview as many of the original samples who were still alive and willing to be interviewed. Interviews took place in the participants’ homes or other quiet locations of their choosing. Both interviewers and participants were not aware of the purpose of the study. Interviewers were also not aware of the inclusion of a maltreated group, and participants were told they were selected as part of a large group of children who had grown up in that area during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Approval for each wave of the study was obtained from the Institutional Review Board of the appropriate university, and study participants provided written or verbal informed consent for their voluntary participation in each wave of interviews for the study.

Variables and Measures

Childhood Maltreatment

Childhood maltreatment information was obtained from court records in a midwestern metropolitan county area and included three types. Physical abuse cases included injuries such as bruises, welts, burns, abrasions, lacerations, wounds, cuts, and bone and skull fractures. Sexual abuse cases included felony sexual assault, fondling or touching, sodomy, incest, and rape. Neglect cases reflected a judgment that the parents’ deficiencies in childcare were beyond those found acceptable by community and professional standards at the time and represented extreme failure to provide adequate food, clothing, shelter, and medical attention to children. Childhood maltreatment here is treated as a binary variable and operationalized as whether the person had experienced any type of documented childhood maltreatment.

Lifetime Victimizations

Information about victimization experiences was obtained during interviews that took place at two time points ~10 years apart (2000–2002 and 2009–2010). The complete lifetime trauma and victimization history (LTVH) instrument (Widom et al., 2005) was administered as part of interview 2 from 2000 to 2002 when participants had mean age of 39.5 years. The LTVH, a 30-item instrument, was designed to elicit a comprehensive LTVH in the context of a structured in-person interview. Developed with a matrix format for ease of administration and scoring, the LTVH assesses stressors independent of symptoms (Green, 1991). Questions refer to “serious events that may have happened to you during your lifetime” and cover seven categories of traumatic and victimization experiences: general traumas (items 1–6), physical assault/abuse (items 7–12), sexual assault/abuse (items 13–15), family/friend murdered or suicide (items 16 and 18), witnessed trauma to someone else (items 17, 19–21), crime victimization (items 8–10, 22–27), and kidnapped or stalked (items 28–29). Copies of the instrument are available from the authors. For the purposes of this paper, we include four categories of victimization experiences: physical assault/abuse, sexual assault/abuse, kidnapped or stalked, and crime victimization. Items with potentially ambiguous terms (e.g., unwanted sexual activity) were defined as part of the question itself (i.e., “By unwanted sexual activity, we mean vaginal, oral, or anal intercourse, or has anyone inserted an object or their fingers in your anus or vagina?”). In interview 4, a shortened version of the LTVH was administered that asked about the years since the last interview (i.e., during the time period between 2000–2002 and 2009–2010) and covered the same types of victimization experiences.

The instrument was developed for use as an in-person interview with a trained interviewer because of the extreme sensitivity of the questions and the potential emotional impact on respondents. All participants were given a referral card with information on 24-hr emergency hotline services around the country and/or “800” telephone numbers of appropriate and accessible community agencies.

Victimization in the Context of IPV

During 2000 to 2002 and 2009 to 2010 interviews, participants who reported being involved in a romantic relationship during the past year were asked a series of questions about their victimization experiences. The 41-item assessment of IPV was composed of items from several different measures, including the Partner Conflict Tactics Scale (Moffitt et al., 1997), Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus, 1990), Psychological Maltreatment of Women Inventory (Tolman, 1989), and National Violence against Women survey (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). The IPV measure included four subscales reflecting psychological abuse, sexual violence, physical violence, and questions about the extent to which the person experienced physical injury as a result of actions by the partner. The psychological abuse scale consisted of 18 items reflecting “dominance-isolation” and “verbal-emotional” abuse (Tolman, 1989) and other coercive behaviors, for example, tried to make you feel crazy (α = .92). The physical violence scale consisted of 15 items from the CTS (α = .92), including pushed, grabbed, or shoved you, threw something at you that could hurt you, slapped you or hit you with a fist, twisted your arm or hair, or punched or hit you with something that could hurt you. Sexual violence was assessed with two items (e.g., using threats (but not physical force) to make you have sex and physical force to make you have sex), and a positive response for either was considered sexual violence. Six “injury” questions asked the participant: “Because of something your partner did to you,” you had a sprain, bruise, or small cut; a broken bone from a fight; or passed out from a hit on the head (α = .82). Reliability for the overall 41-item IPV victimization scale was .96. We report prevalence of any IPV and specific types of IPV victimization. Any positive item in response to the specific variables on each scale would indicate victimization.

Statistical Analysis

Descriptive statistics and logistic regressions were conducted to assess the differences in victimization experiences and IPV victimization between the maltreated and control groups. For logistics regressions, odds ratios indicating the magnitude of the effects and 95% confidence intervals for each victimization variable are reported. Significance level was set at p < .05. The number of participants varied slightly across analyses due to missing information for some variables. In addition, in the assessment of questions of IPV victimization, participants who were not in romantic relationships at the time or were not parents were excluded. Analyses were conducted in R version 4.2.1.

Results

Childhood Maltreatment and Lifetime Victimization and Revictimization Experiences Through Mean Age 39.5 (2000–2002)

Using information from the LTVH, Table 2 shows the extent to which the maltreated children and controls report lifetime experiences involving four types of victimization. First, it is noteworthy that the vast majority of individuals in the study reported some type of victimization experience, and the maltreated (95.6%) and control (93.4%) groups did not differ in reporting any victimization experience through mean age 39.5. However, significantly more individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment reported victimizations and revictimization experiences of physical assault/abuse, sexual assault/abuse, and being kidnapped or stalked. The two maltreated and control groups did not differ in reports of crime victimizations, with one exception (i.e., something stolen with force).

Table 2.

Reports of Lifetime Victimization Experiences for the Sample Overall and for Maltreated and Control Groups Separately Through Mean Age 39.5 (2000–2002).

Victimization Experiences	Overall (%)	Control (%)	Maltreated (%)	Odds Ratio [95% CI]
Victimization Experiences	n = 892)	n = 395)	n = 497	Odds Ratio [95% CI]
Any victimization	94.6	93.4	95.6	1.52 [0.85, 2.75]
Physical assault/abuse	87.2	81.5	91.8	2.52 [1.68, 3.82]***
Physically harmed	68.6	59.5	75.9	2.14 [1.61, 2.85]***
Threatened with weapon	50.0	45.1	53.9	1.43 [1.09, 1.86]**
Threatened face-to-face	54.6	49.6	58.6	1.43 [1.10, 1.87]**
Assaulted with weapon	30.8	22.8	37.2	2.01 [1.49, 2.71]***
Sexual assault/abuse	39.2	28.6	47.7	2.27 [1.72, 3.02]***
Coerced into unwanted sex	28.0	17.7	36.2	2.64 [1.92, 3.62]***
Attempted forced sex	16.4	12.9	19.1	1.59 [1.10, 2.31]**
Private parts touched	9.4	6.6	11.7	1.88 [1.16, 3.04]**
Kidnapped/stalked	27.1	21.8	31.4	1.64 [1.21, 2.24]**
Kidnapped	7.8	5.1	10.1	2.10 [1.23, 3.59]**
Stalked	23.1	20.0	25.6	1.37 [1.00, 1.89]*
Crime victimization	89.1	88.9	89.3	1.05 [0.69, 1.60]
Property damaged	37.6	35.7	39.0	1.15 [0.88, 1.52]
Something stolen with force (mugging)	13.8	10.9	16.1	1.57 [1.06, 2.34]*
Attempt to steal by force	8.0	8.1	7.8	0.97 [0.59, 1.57]
Break-in (not present)	42.8	43.3	42.5	0.97 [0.74, 1.26]
Break-in (present)	11.4	11.4	11.5	1.01 [0.67, 1.53]
Something stolen without force	31.7	29.1	33.8	1.24 [0.93, 1.66]

Note. Based on the complete (lifetime) LTVH instrument administered during the 2000 to 2002 interview. CI = confidence intervals.

***

p < .001. **p < .01. *p < .05.

Childhood Maltreatment and Victimization and Revictimization Experiences for the Time Period Between 2000–2002 and 2009–2010

Table 3 shows the extent to which participants reported victimization experiences in a second assessment with the LTVH later in adulthood for the time period between the earlier interview (2000–2002) and the later interview at mean age 47.5 (2009–2010). Table 3 shows that the groups again did not differ in terms of reports of any victimization experiences during this time period. Individuals with documented histories of childhood maltreatment did not differ from controls in terms of reports of physical assault/abuse, kidnapped or stalked, or crime victimization. However, maltreated individuals were more than 2.5 times as likely to report some form of sexual assault/abuse in this later assessment, compared to controls.

Table 3.

Reported Victimization Experiences for the Time Period Between 2000–2002 and 2009–2010.

Victimization Experiences	Overall(%)	Control(%)	Maltreated(%)	Odds Ratio[95% CI]
Victimization Experiences	n = 560	n = 257	n = 303	Odds Ratio[95% CI]
Any victimization	45.0	43.2	46.5	1.14 [0.81, 1.60]
Physical assault/abuse	18.9	16.7	20.8	1.31 [0.85, 2.02]
Physically harmed	8.2	5.4	10.6	2.05 [0.93, 3.06]
Threatened with a weapon	8.2	5.4	10.6	2.05 [0.93, 3.06]
Threatened face-to-face	15.4	14	16.5	1.22 [0.77, 1.95]
Assaulted with a weapon	4.5	3.1	5.6	1.86 [0.81, 4.62]
Sexual assault/abuse	3.6	1.9	5.0	2.63 [1.01, 8.22]*
Forced into unwanted sex activity	1.6	1.9	1.3	0.66 [0.17, 2.58]
Attempted forced sexual activity	2.5	1.2	3.6	3.20 [0.89, 14.26]
Private parts touched	1.2	0.4	2.0	5.18 [0.87, 9.34]
Kidnapped or stalked	5.2	3.5	6.6	1.93 [0.89, 4.55]
Been kidnapped or held captive	0.5	0.4	0.7	1.70 [0.16, 36.27]
Been stalked, followed, spied on	4.8	3.5	5.9	1.73 [0.79, 4.11]
Crime victimization	36.1	34.2	37.6	1.15 [0.82, 1.64]
Property damaged	17.5	18.7	16.5	0.86 [0.56, 1.34]
Stolen something using force	2.1	1.9	2.3	1.19 [0.36, 4.07]
Attempted to steal by force	2.1	1.9	2.3	1.19 [0.36, 4.07]
Home broken into when not there	20.0	17.5	22.1	1.34 [0.88, 2.05]
Home broken into when there	5.9	5.1	6.6	1.33 [0.66, 2.79]
Had something stolen without force	11.2	10.1	12.2	1.24 [0.73, 2.12]

Note. Information based on the administration of the shortened version of the LTVH that covered the time period between the two interviews (2000–2002 and 2009–2010 and was administered to parents only. CI = confidence intervals. *p < .05

Figure 1 shows the number of reported lifetime victimization experiences through midlife (age 39.5). In general, individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment reported a higher number of victimization experiences than the controls, although these differences were only significant at a few time points. Individuals with documented histories of childhood maltreatment reported significantly more physical assault and abuse experiences at three time points (ages 0–11, 18–29, and 30s) compared to the controls. Maltreated individuals also report experiencing more sexual assault and abuse during the time periods 12 to 17, 18 to 29, and again in their 30s. Overall, these results show a general decline over time for all types of victimization experiences.

Figure 1.

Mean number of reported lifetime victimization experiences through mean age 39.5 (2000–2002).

Childhood Maltreatment and Partner Violence Victimization at Two Time Points

Table 4 shows the extent of past year partner violence victimization reported at mean age of 39.5 years for those with partners. The majority of both groups report experiencing some form of IPV (84.5% and 83.2%, respectively, maltreated and controls) and rates of psychological violence for both groups are extremely high (83.3%–82.5%, respectively). Rates of psychological, physical, and sexual IPV victimization do not differ for maltreated and control individuals. Only in reports of injury inflicted by the partner do the maltreated individuals report significantly higher rates (17.4%) compared to the controls (12.1%) at this age.

Table 4.

Reports of Past Year Intimate Partner Violence Victimization (Mean Age = 39.5 Years; 2000–2002).

Description	Control (%)	Maltreated(%)	Odds Ratio[95% CI]
Description	n = 315	n = 375	Odds Ratio[95% CI]
Any victimization	83.2	84.5	1.14 [0.76, 1.73]
Psychological violence	82.5	83.3	1.08 [0.72, 1.62]
Physical violence	25.6	27.6	1.12 [0.80, 1.56]
Sexual violence	4.2	7.0	1.68 [0.84, 3.34]
Injury	12.1	17.4	1.60 [1.03, 2.49]*

Note. Partner violence questions were asked only of individuals who reported being in a romantic relationship at the time. CI = confidence intervals. *p < .05

Table 5 shows the results of past year partner violence victimization reported during 2009 to 2010. At mean age of 47.5 years, rates of any IPV victimization and psychological violence have decreased somewhat but are still high for both groups (about 70%). Rates of sexual violence and injury have both declined and do not differ significantly for the maltreated and control groups. However, these new results show that maltreated individuals later in middle adulthood are reporting significantly higher rates of intimate partner physical violence victimization (26.8%) compared to the controls (13.8%).

Table 5.

Reports of Past Year Intimate Partner Violence Victimization (Mean Age = .5 Years; 2009–2010).

Description	Control (%)	Maltreated (%)	Odds Ratio[95% CI]
Description	n = 196	n = 190	Odds Ratio[95% CI]
Any victimization	71.4	72.1	1.03 [0.66, 1.61]
Psychological violence	70.4	70.5	1.00 [0.65, 1.56]
Physical violence	13.8	26.8	2.29 [1.37, 3.85]***
Sexual violence	3.1	4.2	1.39 [0.47, 4.09]
Injury	5.6	8.9	1.65 [0.75, 3.63]

Note. Partner violence questions were asked only of individuals who reported being parents and in a romantic relationship at the time. CI = confidence intervals. ***p < .001

Figure 2 compares the prevalence of participants’ reports of IPV victimization at the two time points (mean ages 39.5 and age 47.5). For both maltreated and control groups, there is a slight decrease in reports of psychological violence over the years and an even smaller decrease in sexual violence over the years, but these patterns do not differ significantly for maltreated and control individuals. The controls in the sample report a decrease in physical violence over time. However, for individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment, reports of intimate partner physical violence victimization have remained about the same over this time period, indicating that in their late 40s, the maltreated individuals are reporting significantly higher rates of physical violence than controls. Finally, Figure 2 shows that individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment reported higher rates of intimate partner victimization that was associated with injury compared to controls during both time periods, but only the difference from 2000 to 2002 was significant. The overall pattern for both groups showed a slight decline in reports of the most severe forms of partner violence victimization that resulted in injury.

Figure 2.

Reports of intimate partner violence victimization by maltreated individuals and matched controls at two time points (2000–2002 and 2009–2010).

Discussion

These new findings based on a longitudinal study of the long-term consequences of childhood maltreatment using documented court cases provide evidence of a wide variety of victimization and intimate partner victimization experiences through middle adulthood. There are several noteworthy findings from this new investigation. First, the initial assessment in midlife shows that the lifetime prevalence of ever having experienced any type of victimization was very high (about 95%) for both groups (maltreated and controls) and there were no differences in lifetime prevalence overall between the two groups. In the second assessment that covered the period between 2000–2002 and 2009–2010 (this time period was much shorter and the participants were much older), the prevalence of any type of victimization still did not differ between the maltreated and control groups, although the prevalence of any victimization had declined to about half what was reported earlier (about 45%).

These surprising and unexpected results warrant consideration of possible explanations. Childhood maltreatment and IPV are correlated with socioeconomic status (Fang & Corso, 2008). Households with low incomes are at elevated risk for violent victimization (Harrell et al., 2014; Thompson & Tapp, 2023) and neighborhood characteristics can contribute to increased exposure to and experiences of violence (Spikes et al., 2010). This study was based on a sample of children from families that came predominantly from the lower end of the socioeconomic spectrum and the maltreated and control group children were matched on demographic characteristics that included approximate family social class at the time. Matching for social class was important in the original design of this study because it was recognized that any relationship between child maltreatment and later outcomes may be confounded or explained by social class differences (Conroy et al., 2010; MacMillan et al., 2001). Studies that lack groups from comparable backgrounds make it difficult to establish the effect of child maltreatment on later behaviors, independent of the impact of socioeconomic disadvantage. Thus, it is possible that these findings reflect the impact of growing up in relatively disadvantaged communities, leading to greater risk of general traumas and crime victimizations for all community members and not confined to families with childhood maltreatment.

Second, looking at specific types of victimization experiences, individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment reported a higher prevalence of physical assault/abuse, sexual assault/abuse, and being kidnapped and/or stalked than demographically matched controls at the first assessment at mean age 39.5. In the later assessment of victimizations at mean age of 47.5, the maltreated and control groups differed significantly in terms of sexual assault/abuse, but no other types of victimization experiences.

Third, maltreated and control individuals differed in one type of crime victimization (“something stolen with force”). There are a number of reasons why one might have expected maltreated individuals to be at increased risk for crime victimization. In one study using data from a national sample of youth, Finkelhor et al. (2007) found that children who reported being maltreated in the past year were more likely to report subsequent victimizations in the following year, including violent and property crime victimizations. In another study involving a large sample of incarcerated men in Germany, Hosser et al. (2007) found that self-reports of childhood maltreatment were associated with a doubling of risk for violent victimization in adolescence. It is also possible that outcomes frequently reported as consequences of childhood maltreatment (e.g., running away, homelessness, prostitution, and alcohol and drug use) may place these children at increased risk for crime victimization.

Fourth, these results reveal a high rate of any type of partner violence victimization in both maltreated and control groups. In contrast to expectations, the maltreated and control groups did not differ in reports of any partner violence, psychological violence, or sexual violence victimization at either time point. However, more individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment reported IPV victimization that resulted in injury at mean age of 39.5 years. By the second assessment when these individuals were in their late 40s, both groups showed a decline in the extent of victimization associated with injuries and did not differ from one another. In contrast, while the groups did not differ in the prevalence of intimate partner physical violence victimization during the first time period, at the later time period when they were mean age 47.5, more than twice as many maltreated individuals reported physical violence victimization, compared to the controls.

These findings about IPV victimization in adulthood indicate that individuals with documented histories of childhood maltreatment experienced more intimate partner injury and physical violence victimization than demographically matched controls. While the dynamics of elder abuse do not necessarily follow a straightforward path or linear trend from midlife, these new results suggest that individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment may be at increased risk for elder abuse in the context of romantic partner relationships or abuse from non-partners such as children or siblings. Ongoing research with this sample of individuals into their late 50s should be able to answer more clearly the extent to which these previously maltreated children are at risk for elder abuse victimization.

Despite its many strengths, the present study has limitations and there are several characteristics of the study sample that suggest caution in generalizing from the present findings. First, the study sample consists of adults who grew up in a single midwestern metropolitan county area during the 1960s and 1970s. Second, the sample is skewed toward the lower end of the socioeconomic spectrum. Thus, these findings do not apply to cases of childhood maltreatment that may have occurred among middle- and upper-class families. Third, these results are based on Black and White, non-Hispanic individuals and thus are not generalizable to other racial and ethnic groups. Fourth, the cases of maltreatment included here were those that were processed through the court system, which may not be representative of childhood maltreatment cases in general. Finally, because of limitations in the dataset, it is not possible to know whether the lifetime victimizations reported by participants involved violence from intimate partners.

In conclusion, these new findings extend our knowledge of the relationship between childhood maltreatment and revictimization experiences revealing long-term consequences for a group of maltreated children and demographically matched controls who were followed up over a 30-year time period. Although these longitudinal findings showed a general decline in victimization experiences over the two time points, these new results demonstrate that childhood maltreatment increases risk for subsequent revictimization in middle adulthood, specifically for sexual assault/abuse and intimate partner injury and physical violence victimization. The fact that individuals with histories of childhood maltreatment are reporting more physical violence victimization and sexual assault/abuse 30 to 40 years after their childhood experiences suggests that they may also be at risk for elder abuse. Furthermore, the high levels of psychological partner violence victimization in both groups (i.e., “dominance-isolation,” “verbal-emotional” abuse, and other coercive behaviors, e.g., tried to make you feel crazy) reflect relationships that may need attention and interventions. These results have implications for prevention and intervention efforts targeting maltreated children and could be used to develop and tailor victimization prevention strategies that take into account the future risk of sexual assault, intimate partner injury, and physical violence victimization. Further research into the pathways and mechanisms that lead to revictimization may assist in developing interventions.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article: This research was supported in part by grants (PI: Widom) from NIJ (86-IJ-CX-0033 and 89-IJ-CX-0007, and 2011-WG-BX-0013), NIMH (MH49467 and MH58386), Eunice Kennedy Shriver NICHD (HD40774 and HD072581), NIDA (DA17842 and DA10060), NIAAA (AA09238 and AA11108), NIA (AG058683), and the Doris Duke Charitable Foundation. Points of view are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the position of the United States Department of Justice.

ORCID iD

Cathy Spatz Widom

Author Biography

Cathy Spatz Widom, PhD, is a distinguished professor in the Psychology Department at John Jay College of Criminal Justice and a member of the Graduate Center faculty, City University of New York. Widom and her colleagues study the long-term consequences of childhood abuse (physical and sexual) and neglect, with particular emphasis on the cycle of violence and the intergenerational transmission of child abuse and neglect.

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