Abstract
There has been an increase in the numbers of women getting tattoos. The purpose of this study was to better understand tattooed women focusing on how having a tattoo influenced both self perceptions and subsequent behaviors. Our study was guided by three research questions: (1) What meaning do women assign to their tattoos and to what extent were these meanings dynamic? (2) What changes in self perception did women attribute to their being tattooed? (3) What changes in behavior did women attribute to their being tattooed? In-depth interviews of thirty tattooed women served as our data. Tattoos held several meanings for participants including connection to self, life events, relationships, and spirituality. Tattoos were closely related to some aspect of the self (82%). For some participants the meaning changed over time (61%). The act of obtaining tattoos resulted in a change in how participants viewed themselves and their behavior.
The past 30 years in Western culture have been labeled a “tattoo renaissance” (Atkinson, 2003; Kang & Jones, 2007; Kosut, 2006) with increases not only in the number of individuals getting tattoos but also in television shows featuring tattoo artists (e.g., LA Ink, Tattoo Highway) and tattooed individuals (e.g., Inked) as well as in the availability of temporary tattoos for both adults and children. According to a Pew Research Center study (2007), 36% of individuals from 18 to 25 years and 40% of those between the ages of 26 and 40 have a permanent tattoo. Tattooing has shifted from a predominantly male practice to a female-dominated one, as the number of women getting tattooed has surpassed that of men (Horne, Knox, Zusman, & Zusman, 2007; Laumann & Derick, 2006). In addition, women are earning a living as tattoo artists (Eason & Hodges, 2011).
The majority of extant tattoo research has focused on the art of tattooing throughout history, health risks associated with the practice, and interpersonal variables relating to tattoo possession (Atkinson, 2001, 2003; Lin, 2002; Stuppy, Armstrong, & Casals-Ariet, 1998; Sweetman, 1999). Although much has been written in the scholarly and public press about the rising rates of tattooing and the growing rate of women getting tattoos (Horne et al., 2007), our understanding of how tattoos, as an enduring form of dress, influence self-perceptions and behavioral changes is still limited. Therefore, we utilized a phenomenological research approach to capture the relationships young women formed between their tattoos and their construction of self. This research approach provided an in-depth description of the life experiences of women with tattoos. We examined the evolving meaning of women’s tattoos and how having a tattoo influenced both self-perceptions and subsequent behaviors. Our study was guided by three broad research questions: (1) what meaning do women assign to their tattoos and to what extent were these meanings dynamic? (2) what changes in self-perception did women attribute to their being tattooed? and (3) what changes in behavior relative to dressing the body did women attribute to their being tattooed?
Literature Review
Theoretical Framework
Goffman’s (1959) discussion of the concept of self-presentation guided our inquiry. Self-presentation can be described as involving an actor’s shaping of his or her behavior to create a desired impression in others (Jones & Pittman, 1982). Goffman noted the importance of self-presentation and how everyday details about people’s behavior allowed others to make inferences about the motivations that underlie those behaviors. Individuals are thought to purposively control their behavior to represent desired attributes and try to shape the way that others see them (Goffman, 1959). If individuals are interested in managing their self-presentations using dress, they need to know the dress cues that others’ use and the meanings of those dress cues that form the basis of others’ inferences as well as have an understanding of the person perception process.
Livesley and Bromley (1973) in their work with adolescents outlined a process of person perception. Their process begins with cue selection. Selected cues could consist of gestures, body language, facial expressions, or articles of dress. Perceivers select cues that are the most salient to them. They then use the cues to formulate judgments or to make interpretative inferences about the observed individuals presenting those cues. Next, perceivers can assign additional attributes about the observed individual based on his or her initial interpretative inferences. This is called making extended inferences. The additional inferences can be made about the person or about other people associated with the person (e.g., family members). The perceiver then uses this inferred information to shape their subsequent behaviors relative to the observed individual. It has been repeatedly demonstrated that people engage in a person perception process, that it impacts their behavior toward others, that a variety of dress cues are used as the basis for their perceptions, and that a variety of information is inferred (see Damhorst, 1990; Johnson, Yoo, Kim, & Lennon, 2008, for a review).
Combining Goffman’s (1959) thoughts concerning self-presentation with Livesley and Bromley’s (1973) view of the process of person perception and applying those ideas to our research suggests that individuals may use tattoos to communicate specific known attributes about themselves (i.e., actual self) and consequently attempt to manage others’ perceptions and behaviors. They might also use tattoos to communicate self-attributes that they do not yet possess but desire to possess (i.e., ideal self) in the future. For example, a young man might be an avid rider of Harley Davidson motorcycles. The attributes that have been linked to this brand include valuing personal freedom, masculinity, and possessing an outlaw mystique (Schouten & McAlexander, 1995). The young man has ridden a Harley Davidson motorcycle exclusively and views this brand’s attributes as consistent with his own. The cue that might symbolize these attributes (e.g., masculinity, freedom) is the Harley Davidson brand logo. Thus, he may decide to get a brand logo tattoo to communicate to others both his personal attributes and his commitment to Harley Davidson motorcycles. The brand tattoo, in this case, is selected because it reflects an array of attributes and the person wants those attributes to be inferred about him because they are perceived as aspects of his actual self. A young woman might also get a Harley Davidson logo tattoo because she aspires to be a Harley rider and aspires to the traits linked to this brand. In this instance, the tattoo could be said to communicate an attribute of her ideal self, that is, what she wants to be.
To be successful in using dress in self-presentations, one needs to know what self-attributes one wants to communicate to others and what dress cues communicate those attributes. In both the previous examples, the individuals desired a specific tattoo because the tattoo had a prior agreed upon meaning, that meaning was relatively stable, and the individuals wanted that meaning to be inferred about them. Not all possible tattoos have shared meanings and even if they did, like other aspects of dress, these meanings may change over time (Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992). Therefore, questions remain including: how does a tattoo that is obtained without a predetermined meaning become meaningful for its wearer? How does the meaning of tattoos change over time? Do some tattoos remain meaningless for their wearers?
Related Research
Researchers interested in tattoos have focused their attention on several topics including tattoos as an indication of sociocultural deviance (Aizenman & Jensen, 2007; Atkinson, 2003; Grumet, 1983; Stuppy et al., 1998), how tattoos influenced perceptions of others (Armstrong, 1991; Armstrong, Owen, Roberts, & Koch, 2002; Durkin & Houghton, 2000; Forbes, 2001; Hawkes, Senn, & Thorn, 2004), tattooing as a means for women to create personal significance (Hardin, 1999), and relationships between tattoos and the self (Featherstone, 1999; Firmin, Tse, Foster, & Angelini, 2008; Giddens, 1991; Preti et al., 2006; Sweetman, 1999). Researchers interested in tattoos as markers of deviance documented that people with tattoos engaged in criminal behavior, drug use, substance abuse, promiscuous sex, disordered eating, and exhibited antisocial or psychopathic personalities, and suicidal tendencies (Carroll, Riffenburgh, Roberts, & Myhre, 2002; Manuel & Sheehan, 2007; Perez-Cotapos & Cossio, 2006; Preti et al., 2006; Roberts & Ryan, 2002). This connection between tattoos and antisocial behaviors has led some authors to suggest to medical practitioners that heightened awareness is needed when treating a patient with a tattoo because the presence of a tattoo may be an indicator of psychological issues (Brown, Perlmutter, & McDermott, 2000).
Sanders (1988) posited that getting a tattoo meant accepting a voluntary social stigma and dissociating oneself from mainstream society. Researchers interested in how people with tattoos are perceived have generally found that tattoos are stigmas. For example, Durkin and Houghton (2000) did an experiment to examine how children attributed positive, negative, or neutral characteristics to individuals with tattoos. They presented a series of line drawings of three men who either had or did not have tattoos and asked 340 children and adolescents between the ages of 6 and 16 to identify which drawing best fit a positive (proactive), negative (delinquent), or neutral description. They found that children associated tattooed individuals with delinquent behavior and regarded them unfavorably.
For women, the outcomes of having a tattoo may be even more stigmatizing than they are for men. For example, Armstrong et al. (2008) in their research with 196 men and women found that a primary reason for women to want their tattoo/tattoos removed was negative responses from others. These tattooed women had experienced significantly more negative comments in public, workplace, and school settings than had tattooed men. That same year Resenhoeft, Villa, and Wiseman (2008) employed an experimental design to study perceptions of women with and without tattoos. An image of a woman with a tattoo was rated as less fashionable, athletic, attractive, caring, and intelligent but more creative than a woman without a tattoo. In earlier research, Hawkes, Senn, and Thorn (2004) examined attitudes of 268 undergraduate students toward women with tattoos. As they expected, attitudes toward a woman who possessed a tattoo were negative. These researchers suggested that attitudes were negative because having a tattoo conflicted with the traditional, demure, and passive gender role expected of women in Western society.
Not all researchers have found tattoos to be connected with negative perceptions. Manuel and Sheehan (2007) found no relationship between tattoos and deviance. Men (n = 46) and women (n = 164) were surveyed to examine their perceptions of tattooed students. Among seven deviant behavioral measures, there was no significant difference between tattooed and nontattooed students. Participants shared that tattoos had become mainstream and were no longer markers of deviance. Similarly, Horne, Knox, Zusman, and Zusman (2007) in their investigation of 400 undergraduates found that 60% of the men viewed women with tattoos as attractive. Similarly, 71% of the women viewed men with tattoos as attractive.
As tattoos became prominent, some researchers explored the idea that tattoos were outward expressions of self (Featherstone, 1999; Giddens, 1991; Kosut, 2000; Pitts, 2003; Sweetman, 1999; Tiggemann & Golder, 2006) or that they symbolized identities as components of self (Atkinson, 2003; Horne et al., 2007; Shelton & Peters, 2006). Stryker (1968) theorized that the self is an organized structure of identities with certain identities more salient than others at any given time. Evidence that tattoos symbolize identities comes from research by Shelton and Peters (2006) and Atkinson (2003). Shelton and Peters found that their participants wanted their tattoos removed because they perceived them as inconsistent with their identity or identities they wished to present to others. Similarly, Atkinson (2003) after interviewing 27 tattoo artists and 65 clients found these tattooed individuals either explicitly or implicitly managed expression of identities through their tattoos, thereby transforming their skin into a social billboard. In his view, tattooing was a prosocial and rational method of communicating “normative” identities and emotions to others.
As people attribute the greatest sense of self to their own bodies (Prelinger, 1959), it can be assumed that tattoos are also going to be strongly connected to the self because tattoos are permanent additions to the skin (Shelton & Peters, 2006). Sweetman (1999) discussed tattoos as a method of “anchoring” one’s unique self as an individual and as an expression of individuality rather than simply a sign one was participating in a trend. Participants in Sweetman’s research shared that after getting tattooed, their self-confidence and sense of uniqueness increased because they had completed an act of self-creation. Several of his interviewees said they chose custom designs to ensure the uniqueness of their tattoos. In subsequent research, Kosut (2000) argued that tattoos are a form of visual communication of self. She interviewed eight tattooed men and women and found that tattoos functioned as a basic mark of self-identification and a documentary of the self.
Our view documents that the presentation of a tattoo has been linked to deviant behaviors, may result in negative social reactions, and may also be viewed as a form of self-expression. The meaning of tattoos and how they express and shape ideas about the selves of women is important to study not only because tattoos tell the stories of people’s lives (Benson, 2000; Sweetman, 1999; Soyland, 1997) and offer glimpses into a person’s psyche that provide meaning beyond just decoration (Millner & Eichold, 2001) but also because much of the research about tattoo wearers has focused on small subgroups or deviant wearers (Carroll, Riffenburgh, Roberts, & Myhre, 2002; Manuel & Sheehan, 2007; Perez-Cotapos & Cossio, 2006; Preti et al., 2006; Roberts & Ryan, 2002).
Method
We used purposive sampling methods to recruit participants. After receiving approval for use of human subjects in research from our university review board, participants (29%) were recruited because they were personally acquainted with one of the researchers. These individuals were contacted via e-mail and asked if they were willing to participate. Additional participants (71%) were recruited by posting signs around a Midwestern university requesting participation in the research. In these postings, the nature of the research was disclosed and volunteers were asked to contact the researchers via e-mail or telephone. The posting indicated researchers were interested in interviewing women over the age of 18 with at least one tattoo. No compensation was offered to participants outside of the chance to voice their opinions about their tattoo experience.
Individuals were asked to participate in a one-on-one interview comprised of open-ended questions. Interviews took place in a location where it was safe and convenient for researchers and participants such as coffee shops, the university library, or cafeterias. Interviews ranged in length from 25 to 45 min; most lasted about 40 min. The researchers also asked permission to photograph participants’ tattoos. All the interviews were recorded using an audio device. Field notes were also written immediately after each interview noting, among other things, nonverbal expressions (e.g., body language, tone of voice) of participants.
Data Analysis
Interviews were transcribed by the researchers. Each transcript was read and reviewed 2–3 times to ensure in-depth understanding of responses. After transcription, data were analyzed using components of phenomenological analysis (Creswell, 2007; Moustakas, 1994). We followed a horizonalization process outlined by Moustakas (1994), wherein every statement is given equal value. We first went through the data and highlighted significant statements, sentences, or quotes that provided insights into participants’ lived tattoo experience. Statements irrelevant to the topic were removed (Moustakas, 1994). Next, clusters of meaning from these significant statements were identified and grouped into themes (Creswell, 2007). Significant core statements from each theme were extracted. Finally, researchers created an interpretive description of each theme to capture the essence of women’s tattoo experience identified therein.
Our key research goal was to better understand tattoo wearers’ experiences with tattooing especially focusing on uncovering relationships between tattoos and ideas about the self. Thus, throughout the analysis we attempted to avoid imposing a priori definitions and understandings on the data. We endeavored to remain open to the unexpected. Throughout the research, we actively worked to control our own biases through checking each other’s work, designing open, nonjudgmental interview questions, and presenting findings using the participants’ own words.
Findings
Participant Characteristics
A total of 30 women between the ages of 18 and 38 shared their experiences. Over half of the participants had multiple tattoos (57%) ranging from two to eight. Participants (90%) defined themselves as Caucasian and were undergraduates (70%). More than half obtained their first tattoo prior to turning 18 (10%) or on their 18th birthday (67%). 1 They often had their tattoos planned out in advance and eagerly awaited their birthday. Most participants spent as long as 5 years forming ideas about their tattoo and its meaning before they obtained them. The length of time participants had tattoos ranged from 3 months to 20 years (m = 5 years). Participants were mostly satisfied with their tattoos and planned to get additional tattoos in the future (87%). One participant, Diane 2 , obtained six tattoos within 6 months. She got her first tattoo on her 18th birthday and continued to purchase tattoos whenever she could afford them.
Tattoo designs were black ink only (55%) for many participants’, although some tattoos were done in multiple and vibrant colors. Small tattoos (between one and four inches in diameter) were slightly more common (53%) than large tattoos (more than four inches in diameter). Participants’ tattoos covered a wide array of designs. Common designs included flowers, stars, hearts, and initials. Some tattoos were religious or mystical symbols; whereas others were evidence of personal interests such as cartoon characters and rock band symbols. Participants generally favored placing their tattoos on areas of the body that could be easily covered with clothing such as ankles (18%), backs (17%), and hips (14%). Some participants selected placement specifically to control exactly when their tattoos were visible to others (45%).
Meaning/Meanings of Tattoo
The process of obtaining tattoos and the meanings behind them were multilayered and complex. Meanings are internal responses people hold for external stimuli (Shimp, 2010, p. 129). For this research, we considered meaning as the subjective thoughts and feelings participant’s associated with their tattoos. When participants were asked about the meaning of their tattoo/tattoos, some participants assigned multiple meanings to their tattoos and others assigned a single meaning. Five themes emerged from participant’s responses and were labeled connection to self, life event, relationship, spiritual, and no assigned or recognized meaning.
Connection to self
Sanders (1988) suggested that tattoos serve as a form of self-expression because the implicit and explicit meanings of tattoos become a part of an individual. Consistent with his idea, we found many participants used tattoos as a medium to express their personal values. For example, Diane described her third and fourth tattoos as a reminder of her values including having pride and respect for being a female. To reflect these values, her tattoos were of two females shaped into a heart located on her left and right chest. These two are mother and daughter and it is pride and respect for being a female. I got it kind of basically because I was sick of girls stabbing each other in the back. And it’s kind of a reminder to myself to not do that. (Diane, age 18) [The] lyrics are from the song called “[When] The Angels Sing” by Social Distortion, which is a 80s and 90s band, and it’s my favorite song. (Laura, age 20) They are, um, comic book characters, and I’m a big comic book fan. They both happen to be villains . . . it’s kind of sad how in comic books strong women are usually portrayed as evil. But they’re both beautiful, and they both have a longstanding relationship in the series. (Annie, age 29)
Life events
Another emergent meaning of tattoos was to denote a past life event. As reflected in Katherine’s comment, her tattoo served as a memory of her mission trip to India. A mission trip with my church to India, the summer before senior year, I got the symbol that is my tattoo as a pendant…it’s an Indian Aum, and I wore it all the time. I got it because that trip was still really important in my mind at that point. Um, I wanted to remember it always. (Katherine, age 26) My second tattoo was when I got accepted to college. So, it meant a lot to me because I was going from fashion design to textiles, and I didn’t want to lose that pattern making sort of fashion sense that I had. And, my third tattoo I got when I graduated college. Life changing events, I like to call it. (Allen, age 23)
Relationships
For some participants, their tattoos denoted a relationship with a family member or a friend. For example, the keyhole on Annie’s inside forearm corresponded with the key her husband had tattooed on his arm. Each was tattooed at the same time a few months after their wedding. The comment made by Ellen best describes how her tattoo of a Celtic cross acts as a reminder, a memory device, of her relationships with her brother and grandmother. I assign this meaning to this symbol or this object. I take this object, and I deliberately cause a scar which will not fade, and assignment as sort of red string on the finger memory device. It’s a way to not forget. Um, my grandmother who I was very fond of recently died, my brother was going away to college, he’s given me this necklace, she (grandmother) had taken us to Scotland, Celtic cross. (Ellen, age 18)
Spiritual meaning
Tattoos have been traditionally linked to sacred or religious devotion, with the individual often seeking the protection of spiritual forces in this life and the afterlife (Sanders, 1988). We also found that spiritual meanings or certain mythical symbols were attributed to tattoos. In this case, participants thought their tattoo gave them emotional support, strength, and protection. Diane had a couple of tattoos of Egyptian symbols that represented eternal life and protection. Annie also had the same two Egyptian symbols (i.e., ankh, Eye of Horus) but the tattoos themselves were rendered very differently. For her the symbols represented insight and knowledge. It’s an ankh, Egyptian for eternal life. It can also mean paternity or feminism…and life in general. It’s for protection. One of my best friends is in the Marines and left so he wasn’t really there to watch after me anymore. So it is protection for myself and protection for him being in the Marines. (Diane, age 18)
No assigned meaning
Some participants shared their tattoo held no meaning for them. These participants indicated that their tattoos reflected impulsive behavior. As they talked, they began to construct a meaning for their tattoos. As the following comment made by Mandy demonstrates, having a tattoo that held no specific meaning for the participant can be very unsatisfying. Even though she said she was satisfied with her tattoos, her comments suggested otherwise. There isn’t any deep meaning behind it in mine. As long as it isn’t like visible, then I don’t have a problem with it. It’s that spur of the moment thing, I guess. I don’t regret it [laughs], but I know [laughs] that is not going to be like my proud moment. I just try to like it. (Mandy, age 19) I have no clue. My best friend Allie, she decided [the design], which is like, fine, whatever. Especially when I was 18, it was just like, “Oh, I can do this now, and so I should.” Nothing beyond that really. I think the impulsiveness, too, is another thing that I think about when I look at them or remember them…I only thought it was cool for, like a week [laughs]. Bad idea…mine is silly. (Krystal, age 25)
Meaning Change
Life transitions
Motivation to change the meaning/meanings of tattoos stemmed from undergoing life transitions such as going to college, getting a new job, or getting married as well as a need to reinterpret an impulsive act. Undergoing transitions suggest the addition of new identities as components of self or new social roles. Shelton and Peters (2006) indicated undergoing important life events changes how a person views herself/himself. When people view themselves differently, they may also reassess their tattoos. This reassessment process may result in continued satisfaction with the tattoo and associated meanings or could result in dissatisfaction perhaps because the tattoo is no longer consistent with the new identity or aspect of self. Horne et al. (2007) found that women were more likely than men to acknowledge the meaning of their tattoos might change over time. Horne reasoned this was because women project themselves into future roles (e.g., mother) and feel that their tattoos may become liabilities. Consistent with this reasoning is research by Sheldon and Peters (2006) who found that when their participants entered into new social roles (e.g., fatherhood), they often were dissatisfied with their tattoos and had them removed in order to separate themselves from unwanted previous social roles or identities. Rather than remove their tattoos, our participants were interested in reinterpreting the meaning of their tattoos or assigning new meanings as a method to reconcile differences between previous identities and new ones.
As a result of life transitions, the meaning of a tattoo could change to an entirely different meaning or layers of meaning could be added to an original meaning. For example, Laura first got her tattoo to indicate a personal belief (e.g., she will be straight edge
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) but since transitioning to college the meaning changed to being a reminder of a past belief. Now that I’m older, I drink and things like that, and my friends joke, because I drink a lot but, um…Yeah, definitely they changed meaning but they also remind me. Like I said before, they are thing from my past and things that I’m proud of, and I don’t regret any of them. (Laura, age 20)
Reinterpretation of an impulsive act
Changes in meanings were also attributed to participants’ desire to feel better about their tattoos. Krystal’s experience with her tattoo epitomizes this type of change. Originally her rainbow tattoo, selected from a display on the wall of the tattoo shop, had no specific meaning outside of reflecting a shared impulsive experience with her girl friends during college and being free to indulge her whims. Now that two of her family members (father, aunt) have announced they are homosexual, the rainbow tattoo represents her support of gay rights. Although Krystal’s newly assigned meaning supports her father’s sexual identity, her father disapproved of her tattoos. I’m kind of all about gay rights . . . my dad is homosexual, and so is my aunt…and I’m not, but, I’m down with it, and the rainbow kind of represents that. Oh, but I didn’t think of it at the time [when she got the tattoo]. I just thought it was pretty then. (Krystal, age 25)
Tattoo and the Self
Most of the participants connected their tattoos to some aspect of their self (82%). They used expressions such as “reflection of myself” or “it represents me” when they talked about their tattoos. Previous researchers also found tattoos were considered markers of individuality (Antoszewski et al., 2009; Sweetman, 1999), forms of personal expression (Shelton & Peters, 2006), and statements of “who I am” (Horne et al., 2007; Kosut, 2000). Asia and Katie both exemplify this relationship to their tattoos. It is, like, another form of expression. Um, like it represents for me, like, my heritage. I think it represents a lot of, like, the person or what made me the person I am now…a lot more about my past to get me to the point where I am…when I got the tattoo and where I am now. (Asia, age 18) I think I just wanted something to represent me, to make me an individual because, I don’t know, my dad did call me a conformist. But, I just feel like it’s just something that I’ve always kind of wanted to do, to express myself and to have something meaningful on me. (Katie, age 18)
Since their tattoos represented who they are, they favored designs that reminded them of what they valued, their interests, or their heritage. Ronda was a 20-year-old college student who is a Native American. She picked a flower tribe symbol. She said in Native American society, the main belief is strength, and therefore, her tattoo meant strength. It was a cultural symbol for her representing who she is and what she believes in. It reminds me where I come from. It defines who I am. You don’t wear traditional clothes anymore, so it is to show who you are, and it is always there on your body in contrast to jewelry which is not part of you. Tattoo becomes a secret thing to yourself. It’s a good comfort to be there for myself. (Ronda, age 20) I have a lot of different interests, because of like my Egyptian symbols on me and the music that I’m interested in or what I read or how I feel as a person, and yeah, because it says a lot about who I am to people. I’m starting to get more color now because I think I can be more vibrant. (Annie, age 29)
Tattoos and Inconsistencies With Self—Dissatisfaction
The self is not fixed in time but is constantly negotiated and renegotiated in interaction with others during one’s lifetime (Howson, 2004). As noted previously, Shelton and Peters (2006) found that individuals underwent tattoo removal choosing to dispose of a product that was not compatible with his or her sense of self. Similarly, we found that dissatisfaction with tattoos and wanting to remove tattoos were associated with unwanted former identities or self-views. Some participants shared that they were dissatisfied with their tattoos or altered their tattoos because these tattoos were reminders of earlier views of self that conflicted with current views. Sonia, for example, described her first tattoo, a Star of David, as a mistake and wanted it removed. A friend freehanded the tattoo during a rebellious period in her life while she was in a rehabilitation facility. In Sonia’s mind the tattoo signaled immaturity and defiance, traits she no longer used to describe herself. The first one, I wanted it for rebellion. I think it was to be rebellious. I feel like it was a mistake. It’s just something that I want it to be covered up. [laughs] Like I’d said, I cleaned up part of it so basically for me it’s a maturity thing. Like, I’m competent, and I’m going to college and being educated, and I feel that before people didn’t look at me. They looked at me as adolescent being immature, you know, being rebellious and so um…now that’s why I changed as much as I did. (Sonia, age 22) I decided to change them [angels] to fairies probably when I became sober. Spiritually speaking, angels reflect more serious part of your journey, and fairies kind of take care of day to day aspect. So getting sober, I was more living day to day and, you know, moment to moment sometimes. And just staying in the present and where it’s at and got difficult so…and, you know, it’s also talking where I was in time, in my journey with my addiction as well as my journey as a parting. So, it’s very much a part of my path and who I am in my journey .You know, I altered some of them but, um, I think they make my experience add up to who I am today. And without them I wouldn’t be who I am today. (Cindy, age 38)
Changes in Self-Perception and Behavior
The act of obtaining tattoos resulted in a change in how participants viewed themselves and caused some behavioral changes. Some participants (30%) mentioned that as a result of their tattoo they gained confidence and experienced changes in their self-perceptions. Sally’s experience reflected this idea as she described her tattoo as a life changing experience. “I felt I was finally in a moment where I had control of my life. I see myself as a more confident and autonomous person who exerts control over my own decisions and behavior.”
In addition to gaining confidence, some participants felt empowerment after obtaining their tattoos as exemplified in Annie’s experience. It’s, um, kind of an empowerment, something really strong. Something that, a girl normally wouldn’t have on them. It’s a little red skull and a black heart. (Annie, age 29)
Goffman (1959) claimed people seek to maximize or minimize visibility of information, in order to present themselves in a desirable way according to context. Some participants wore clothing items to highlight their tattoos. For example, Kerrie has a big bear with a North Star tattoo on her right ankle and she feels confident wearing shorts or capris to show off her tattoo. She also claimed that she could choose to wear long pants to cover the tattoo completely in some situations. Ally also stated that she is careful about what she buys and wears after getting a Virgin Mary tattoo on her back. Um, like in some days when I’m wearing a dress, I try to show it off a little bit. Ah. . .it’s part of it right now because sometimes I won’t buy a shirt or something if it cuts off my tattoo in a weird way…Like, this doesn’t even look good. And, like, I do wear things some days…I feel like today is a tattoo [day]. (Ally, age 18) Um, my goal was always to attract other people that are like me. I am looking for shirts that will show off my tattoo if I’m in a place I feel like it is acceptable to show my tattoo and things like that. I like when people see it because I, I think it is really cool, talking about my back tattoo. I think it’s really pretty, and I, I know that I really enjoy seeing other people’s tattoos, so I feel like people seeing my tattoos, like, I make some[one], you know, feel the same way that I feel when I see other people’s tattoos. (Laura, age 20) I can say like I tend not to like my feet that much. Having a tattoo on my foot, it’s really cool. Like, now I don’t mind it as much. It’s there, and I’m hoping sometimes in the next six months I’ll probably get one on the other foot, too. It’s kind of the aesthetic thing that makes me kind of not dislike my feet so much. Feet, in general, I feel are kind of weird. But I love, like, [laughs] wearing sandals. And I feel like, when I’m going outside or whatever, well, I’m not too concerned of my skin because there is actually a design there. I kind of like that. (Brittany, age 22) When I am home, I still live with my parents, so I’ll wear, like, ones [clothes] that actually cover it. Granny panties or whatever. Because I know that they really don’t want to see it. (Kristin, age 20) Well when I got this one, I was working at a pretty conservative place. I did my best to wear sleeves a little bit longer. When I just started teaching, I remember talking to the head of the department and, um, I felt like she had seen them, and I was kind of embarrassed by it. It’s kind of like status thing, even though she was super friendly but her status was…[higher than mine] (Cindy, age 38)
Discussion
Our findings provide new insights of young women’s experiences after getting a tattoo and the meanings they linked to their tattoos. Similar to Radley (1995), we found tattoos were reminders of personal experiences. For most of our participants, tattoos were more than simple acts of decorating the body. These participants assigned a range of thoughtfully constructed meanings to their tattoos that were connected to self, life events, relationships, and to spirituality. For some participants, however, tattoos had no specific meaning and they shared they had no intention of applying any meanings to their tattoos. These participants were often dissatisfied with their tattoos and referred to their decision to obtain a tattoo as a mistake. We recognize, however, that they eventually assigned a meaning to their tattoos by describing them as the result of a whim and a reminder of their impulsive behavior.
Our study contributes to the literature primarily by focusing on women and their tattoo experiences uncovering relationships between tattoos and ideas about the self. The majority of participants indicated that their tattoo/tattoos were reflective of their personal values, interests, and their heritage. This finding is consistent with those of previous researchers’ who found that tattoos were outward expressions of self and that people used tattoos to declare who they are (Atkinson, 2003; Featherstone, 1999; Giddens, 1991; Kosut, 2000; Pitts, 2003; Sweetman, 1999).
Individual selves and bodies are not static but are subject to change over a person’s lifetime (Kosut, 2000). Our research demonstrated the meaning of tattoos is dynamic. Because selves change over a lifetime, the selection of a relatively permanent form of dress to communicate an aspect of self can be problematic. If someone selects a tattoo to communicate an aspect of self at one stage in life (age 18) and then matures and experiences new life events that result in changes to self, they may find the original meaning of the tattoo is no longer compatible with their current self. If this was the case, participants went through a type of negotiation or revision process where new meaning/meanings were added to tattoos or entirely different meanings were developed that replaced original meanings. Thus, unlike forms of dress where meanings are relatively stable (e.g., wedding rings, uniforms), the meaning of many tattoos appeared to evolve over time. This seemed especially to be the case when the tattoo held personal and private meanings. In contrast, when the tattoo held a widely shared meaning (e.g., Star of David) and this meaning was incompatible with ideas about the self, some participants wanted to have their tattoo removed or altered. This finding is consistent with Shelton and Peters (2006) who found that tattooed individuals engaged in tattoo removal to separate from an undesired aspect of self.
Tattoos also resulted in changes to self-perceptions and changes in behaviors. Consistent with Sweetman (1999), we found participant’s self-confidence increased after getting tattooed. After going through the painful procedure of obtaining a tattoo, participants noted feeling both empowered and that they had completed an act of self-creation. Participants also indicated that having tattoos on their bodies affected clothing styles purchased and worn. In making clothing selections, they often considered the interaction between the clothing item and their tattoos so that a clothing style did not interfere with the presentation of their tattoo. Interestingly, for some participants tattoos became a concrete criterion that possessors used to judge or evaluate their own behaviors. This finding suggests that once tattooed these individuals monitored themselves so that their behavior was consistent with the meaning of their tattoos.
Many of our participants acknowledged that it was important to get tattoos in areas of their bodies that could be concealed with clothing. This finding supports Goffman’s (1959) ideas about the relationship between dress and self-presentation. Participants made rational decisions about tattoo location so that they could control which others (audiences) would have access to this cue and have the opportunity to make inferences using it. Unlike men, who Howson (2004) noted often locate their tattoos in public areas of the body that are constantly displayed, our participants had a desire to control who had access to this dress cue.
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research
Our research has limitations. Some of our participants volunteered to participate after encountering posted signs soliciting participation while others volunteered as a result of receiving an e-mail invitation. Using these recruitment techniques may have unknowingly introduced a bias based toward individuals who have certain personality characteristics. For example, extroverts may be more likely to volunteer for research when recruited by posted signs than introverts. Agreeable individuals may be more responsive to participation in general than nonagreeable individuals. Our access to participants depended heavily on the cooperation of participants. Thus, our findings may be applicable to only those individuals who are confident and receptive to sharing their experiences with others and encountered our invitation to participate in the research.
Tattoos are an increasingly important aspect of dressing the body for young women. We focused on relationships between tattoos as one form of dress and the self, what tattoos mean to the people who get them, how individuals viewed themselves after getting tattooed, and how tattoos change their behaviors. We suggest a longitudinal study on how tattoos influence changes in self-perception across the wearer’s lifespan. For example, it would be interesting to see how women in their 20s will perceive themselves and their tattoos when they are in their 40s and in their 70s. It would also be interesting for future researchers to investigate how this aspect of dressing the body affects relationships with others and how the meanings of tattoos are negotiated with others. Future researchers could investigate the inferences of diverse individuals about women with tattoo/tattoos and whether these inferences interfere with the ability to achieve goals both in the workplace and in other important relationships. How the practice of tattooing relates to other important personality characteristics (e.g., self-monitoring, self-objectification) would also be a contribution to the extant literature.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.