Abstract
Individuals who identify with punk subculture negotiate between aesthetic expression of their subcultural identity and the role they believe they are expected to play at work. Men and women, aged 26 - 45 years, in a wide range of professions were interviewed and asked questions related to their workplace dress. They were asked to bring to the interview a display of how they dress to express both their punk and workplace identities. Interviewees reported a balancing act of blending in and standing out, taking into consideration viewer interpretations and subsequent outcomes. Efforts to wear “appropriate” dress included accommodations such as modifying one's punk appearance by conceding to dress codes and using perceived non-confrontational aesthetic choices with punk cues subtly coded to appear conventional. Dress features were selectively revealing or concealing punk symbols as interviewees strive to push the boundaries of workplace appropriateness for satisfying aesthetic self-expression.
Introduction
Dressing punk is an example of how aesthetics can be used for identity expression in multiple environments. In this postmodern era, many people express a feeling of walking between worlds. Careers, family, religion, politics, and social interests are all aspects of overlapping roles that define an individual. Individuals with a salient subcultural identity, such as “punk” express multiple identities through their dress and appearance, especially in contexts that are seemingly unrelated to punk, such as dressing for the workplace. One’s employment is especially worthwhile to consider, as negotiation of dress may be necessary for the wearer’s desired outcomes. To explore this idea, self-identified punks were interviewed to determine how they express themselves through dress in the workplace.
There is no specific definition of “punk” or “punk style.” Some distinctive aesthetic configurations developed out of its earliest incarnations, such as plaid bondage pants, black leather jackets, and vivid-colored Mohawk haircuts. However, punk style is not stringently formulaic and throughout its 40-year existence the subculture has brought forth many new dress cues. Punk effectively started in the 1970s in many major metropolitan areas, particularly in the United States and England, as a vital way to express subcultural ideas with new art, music, dress, and lifestyles (Hebdige, 1979; Polhemus, 1994). Punk is commonly rooted in individuals who are critical of the directions of art, politics, popular culture, consumerism, sexual and social mores, and the general lifestyle of their times, and who may feel in some way disenfranchised from the society. Throughout its tenure and geographic spread it has transformed in numerous ways, with branches resulting in varied forms of the aforementioned music, dress, and lifestyle, but all under the umbrella of punk. Additionally, punk style has developed mainstream appeal and cachet while simultaneously maintaining relevance and its original subcultural intent. From a fashion and retail angle, punk is frequently a forerunner of trends later to be seen on the runway and in mainstream markets such as ripped blue jeans, tattoos, and the mixture of vintage and new clothes. Because punk is such a long-lasting, large, and influential group, it is important to examine the perspective of this highly visible segment of society.
The Punk Subculture and Identity Expression
Punk is an often-misunderstood subcultural group. The initial development of punk dress was rooted in antihegemony and irony in nature, using the mainstream’s tools reinvented as critique via bricolage and appropriation (Baron, 1989; Hebdige, 1979; Polhemus, 1994; Rombes, 2005; Szatmary, 1996). Many highly visible elements of punk dress have become iconic and stable in popular culture and yet some of the symbolism and meanings have grown and changed (Bennett, 2006). Some of the most visible cues have included dress items like combat boots, studded belts, and band logo T-shirts with body modifications such as vibrantly dyed hair, heavy cosmetics, and tattoos. However, not all individuals who consider themselves punk share the same perspective on all aspects of dress and appearance (Hebdige, 1979). Opinions about what is punk can vary depending on levels of personal commitment, specific time periods when one discovered and embraced punk, varied subgenre participation, individual experiences, and diverse personal backgrounds (Fox, 1987; Traber, 2008; Wood, 2003).
Punks have become accustomed to the notion that subculture is one portion of their existence and acknowledge it in terms of the salience of that identity measured against the other life identities (James, 1890; Mead, 1934). Identity salience can be defined as “The probability that an identity will be invoked across a variety of situations, or alternatively across persons in a given situation” (Stryker & Burke, 2000, p. 286). When a person leads multiple simultaneous lives, there is a need to decide how one’s sense of identity is expressed in different contexts, which is related to how one perceives the expectations for himself or herself within each environment (Stryker & Burke, 2000). Performance of a role via one’s identity expression is role enactment (Goffman, 1959) where evaluations are made and individuals sometimes suppress the aspects of their identity they deem inappropriate in order to achieve greater social acceptance. Goffman further discussed that individuals may have to conceal something inappropriate for the strength of performance.
Individuals who identify as punk need to plan how to manage punk dress with aspects of life such as family, work, and various other life roles and contexts as well as functioning in larger society. To manage punk dress, the population who come from diverse demographic backgrounds first needs to work together to create common punk goals, such as what establishes punk dress in a general sense for the entire subculture. Second, understanding that punk itself is a broad community that is broken into subgenres, punks must sort out what constitutes punk dress among the different types of punk. Third, the punk individually has his or her own experiences and lifestyle that must coexist with a punk identity. Henderson and Delong (2001) found that individuals can pull dress inspiration from multiple sources then marry those ideas together in a complete ensemble that aesthetically can read as expressive, transgressive, and compliant depending on the context and viewer.
Navigating Punk and Work Identities
The intricacies of navigating a punk identity with a workplace identity may lead to tension known as “appearance labor” (Peluchette, Karl, & Rust, 2006). Appearance labor refers to the struggle between competing identities and the perception of a need to make appropriate dress choices. Researchers describe appearance labor as a “certain amount of physical and mental effort on the part of the wearer, particularly for those who care a great deal about their workplace image” (p. 50). They believe there may be a “certain amount of dissonance between what individuals believe they are expected to wear and what they would prefer to wear” (p. 50).
What constitutes proper dress in the workplace varies, depending upon the type of job, organization, time of year, and region of the country (Bowman & Hooper, 1991). Conventional workplace dress cues in the contemporary United States often include business suits, button-down shirts, polo shirts or blouses, muted colors such as khaki and tame patterns like florals, with minimal accessories and cosmetics. Standards are frequently unwritten yet treated as norms with expected compliance. Therefore, individuals develop learning strategies to become highly attuned to their surroundings in order to determine appropriate attire for their workplace (Dellinger, 2002).
In their research, Kang, Sklar, and Johnson (2011) focused on contemporary young male workers and found that the majority of research survey participants were concerned with how their work identity was being portrayed to others. Participants directly linked appropriate dress with communicating specific work-relevant expectations (e.g., professionalism, competence, and creativity). Furthermore, participants connected workplace dress to attaining desired outcomes such as promotions and successful client interactions. This finding was consistent with other researchers who found that professional outcomes were linked to the management of workplace dress (Peluchette & Karl, 2007; Rafaeli, Dutton, Harquail, & Mackie-Lewis, 1997; Rucker, Anderson, & Kangas, 1999). Work dress therefore has been linked to the communication of identity as well as the attempt to manage impressions to others.
Whether appearance labor takes place or not has to do with the idea of identity salience (Stryker & Burke, 2000). In this case, punk identity salience is compared to the identity salience of other aspects of one’s life, such as work. An individual may assign high value to multiple identities that may be complementary or competing, potentially leading to appearance labor. Consequently, the most salient focus areas of one’s identity may become manifested in related behaviors like certain aesthetic choices for dress as a form of expression (Henderson & DeLong, 2001; Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Burke, 2000). The aesthetic framework of DeLong (1998) and applied by Lynch, Michelman, and Hegland (1998) helped to direct the analysis and synthesis of aesthetic choices.
Procedure
A focus group of five individuals helped shape what became the online survey for preidentification to determine whether an individual would be a good candidate for an interview. The survey asked a number of basic, short-answer questions about demographics, dress behaviors and interest in dressing appropriately for their punk style, and workplace position. A call for survey participants was distributed to an online convenience sample via e-mail through the snowball sampling technique. The initial request for participants was sent to known associates as well as to multiple applicable online locations such as listservs, websites, and blogs that service the punk community. The goal was to query adult individuals who self identify as punk and who also describe themselves as strategic in their workplace dress because it potentially differs from their punk lifestyle.
The survey generated 208 individual participants over a 5-month period, from which a sample was identified for in-depth, in-person interviews. Interview suitability was based on a participant’s fulltime employment, specifically outside of an obvious punk profession (i.e., not a full-time band member, record store owner, punk night club employee), self-identification with punk, demographics, and workplace dress codes. Twenty individuals who agreed to interviews were located in three major cities in the Midwestern United States—Chicago, Detroit, and Minneapolis/St Paul—and consisted of 7 men and 13 women ranging in age from 26 to 45 years. The audio-recorded face-to-face interviews took place over a 4-month period. Professions of the 20 interviewees represented the occupational categories of the 208 survey participants and included multiple individuals listing business, education and childcare, customer service/retail/food service/hospitality, law, and government, and individuals listing (one each) psychology/social work/nonprofits/outreach, art and design, and computers/information technology/programming. Interview topics included commitment to punk and to their profession, expressed concern for others’ impressions, and aesthetic details of their dress. After a brief introduction of the researcher and the project, the interviewees were all asked the same preformatted questions in the same order. In addition to the question–answer session lasting approximately 1 to 2 hr, interviewees were asked to display tangible examples of their punk and workplace dress, and that segment of the interview was video recorded for analysis. Some donned their attire while others presented pieces by holding them up, placing them on surfaces, or pulling them from their closets.
This study was not focused on measuring an individual’s level of punkness or his or her interpretation of punk dress. Individuals who expressed an interest and connection to punk and its related subcultures were not held to strict guidelines or a preconceived definition of punk or punk dress. Participants’ self-proclamation as punk and their descriptions and definitions of punk dress were considered as valid (Table 1).
Survey Data From Interviewees—Basic Information
Survey Data From Interviewees—Dress and Aesthetic Expression
Interview responses were evaluated to determine dominant themes. Themes were deciphered through the use of Text Analysis Markup System (TAMS) qualitative data coding software and by reviewing the responses on a case-by-case basis. These themes were derived based on repetition in the responses, such as frequent use of the same words or concepts across interviewees. Results showed these individuals’ aesthetic responses for dealing with identity expression in their punk and workplace dress through the surveys and interviews, including the display of what they would wear and how they would wear the garments.
Interviewees responded that they try to look “appropriate” for the workplace. All 20 interviewees responded that they have some punk items they would not wear to work but would wear otherwise. Sixteen interviewees said they have punk clothing and accessories they would, in fact, wear to work. Wearing punk dress in the workplace can be an obstacle for those whose dress is meant to express an ideology. A greater number of interviewees reported they use dress as a vehicle to express punk identities, more so than their work identities. However, a majority reported trying to look appropriate for the workplace; thus they must dress for their work identity as well (Table 2).
Also considered was the length of time invested in punk dress as compared to workplace dress. Overall, the interviewees had many more years invested in their identity as punk than in their careers. In all, 10 of the interviewees had spent 11–19 years in the punk subculture, and 8 had spent 20 plus years. In contrast, 15 interviewees had been at their work position 1–5 years, 3 had been at work 6–10 years, and only 2 had been in their careers more than 11 years.
Participants’ Connections to Punk and Workplace
Below are some examples from interviewees that reflect specific workplace experiences. Depending upon their expressed relationship to their work their punk identity could be accommodated in a number of ways.
Rebecca 1 , a teacher, has a nose piercing she often displays at work. She feels connected to punk and loves her profession but is conflicted about her piercing at work where it is deemed inappropriate and has generated negative reactions from coworkers. She greatly wishes it was more acceptable and that she could better blend her appearances.
Suzanne, an office worker and Bill, in sales, each have multiple tattoos that when exposed they feel are punk cues. Both conceal their tattoos in the workplace. Although they express mild irritation at this inconvenience, they mostly express their punk identity in their nonwork contexts.
Jacob, a lawyer, feels connected to both punk and to his profession. He has found that he can incorporate what he described as an edgy appearance into what he considers his business formal dress by wearing skateboarding-oriented athletic shoes and shaggy, unkempt hair along with his formal business suit.
Kendra, who works for a veteran’s health-service organization, feels connected to punk but completely disconnected from her profession, which she does not enjoy at all. Her punk dress includes playing with big/small proportions, often using snug fit and short lengths. At her work conservative, evenly proportioned, loosely fitting clothes are a necessary imposition that she says come across as a costume and make her feel like a farce.
Amber, a financier, wears formal business suits for work and obscures her punk piercings which include a ring in her septum and stretched earlobes. She feels strongly connected to punk and to her profession, both of which she greatly enjoys. While she feels her work dress is like donning a front, she does not mind; she links it to positive workplace outcomes in that context, combined with expressing high self-confidence about her work identity and her relationship to punk.
To summarize, feeling “appropriate” and like “oneself” are sometimes competing concepts, necessitating accommodations. Interviewees explained that they manipulate aspects of their dress in order to accomplish workplace goals. They described some specific accommodations in the workplace, focusing on parts of their dress with cues such as removing piercings, covering tattoos, adjusting the fit of their garments, and keeping their hair standard colors. Sometimes, especially when first entering a workplace or position, they make grand accommodations focused on their whole appearance, such as adopting entire ensembles that differ from punk (e.g., suits and twin sweater sets). Overall, the interviewees discussed four general accommodations they conceived in order to alleviate appearance labor.
Accommodation 1: Maintaining Two Closets or One Closet
A method of accommodation when dressing for work is deciding how to incorporate or not incorporate punk style in the work environment. Strategies differed based on whether they described working from one or two closets.
Two closets
The two-closet approach is a way to fully embrace each context, both punk and work dress. Some interviewees who enjoy the idea of dressing up, feel an affinity toward fashion in both punk, and work contexts. Their workplace and nonwork dress may appear quite dichotomous, yet the enthusiasm shown for dressing in both contexts represents a passion for the act of dressing. Additionally, there are individuals who prefer to use their appearance to separate their work identity from their nonwork identities. At work, they are immersed in their work role and all things related, such as dress. In everyday or punk contexts, they are immersed in those identities and showcase those priorities through appropriate dress. On a purely functional level, interviewees with the most severe office dress codes also maintain two distinct closets, explaining that generally one would not wear a suit to casual everyday affairs. There is a certain practicality to splitting up the wardrobe into two separate groups of garments within their complete wardrobe. They feel they have a punk trove and a work trove to dive into, and some interviewees even physically split them within their homes, as in different dresser drawers or rooms.
Interviewees oriented toward the two-closet approach have worked out a system focused on the whole look. They describe wearing suits in the workplace or colors such as green and khaki in ensembles before coming home to don punk leathers, jeans and T-shirts, and band logos, often in black. Examples of individuals oriented toward two closets were Mike and Amber, who wear business suits for work with virtually no blatant signs of their punk interests. Zelda also maintains two wardrobes for her office and punk environments, using radically different colors, textures, and lines. For these interviewees punk dress is either not worn in the workplace or is deeply coded with cues for the knowing viewer or for their own semisecret self-expression.
One closet
For the individuals oriented toward one thematic and physical closet, there are two methods discussed by the interviewees. First, there are those who try to remain as punk as possible in their appearance yet still comply with workplace standards. An example is Nancy who wears almost exclusively punk themed brands and styles but at longer skirt or sleeve lengths and in colors or patterns that are deemed workplace acceptable. She is heavily tattooed, but many of her tattoos are thematically related to her career as an educator, which pulls together her punk and work identities. Her workplace dress strongly represents her punk style, and she is able to maintain one wardrobe, more or less. However, even in its strong punk appearance her wardrobe acknowledges workplace appropriateness through planning for modesty and appearing mature. Regarding the one-closet approach, it is interesting to note that none of the interviewees discussed the opposite strategy, that of maintaining one wardrobe focused on conventional workplace dress and then slanting it toward punk usage.
A second type of one-closet approach fit a larger portion of interviewees who desire to compromise by blending styles for work and punk dressing, which often leads to both work and nonwork dress appearing toned down. For these individuals, the gap is too wide between, for example, business formal and the 1970s British punk style. Those individuals reported blending their wardrobes between punk, everyday, and the workplace. They are most comfortable with one closet in all contexts with pieces that can be subtly adjusted for appropriateness in each context. Often, the interviewees indicated this blended look was leaning toward a casual style, as is acceptable in the “everyday fashion” around the globe (Craik, 1994, p.205). The participants indicated that the global approach to casual “everyday” styling is how they dress when running errands, hanging around the house, and participating in general life affairs that are neither work- nor punk-specific.
Maria discussed how she dresses contextually but with a common aesthetic theme running through her entire wardrobe:
I know there has to be a common thread because my identity isn't that . . . they're not that separate to where it's like, if a coworker saw me on a Saturday night leaving a punk show, they're still going to recognize me . . . —Maria (Chicago, 26–35, teacher)
The one-closet approach includes interviewees who described their wardrobe as somewhere in the middle of work dress and punk dress. Psychotherapist, researcher, and educator Dana is an example of someone who is very conscious of appropriateness for work but tries to incorporate her punk preferences into her wardrobe. She uses punk colors like black, red, and silver along with chunky shoes and hooded zip-up tops in addition to garments with a formal/mainstream appearance. Further choices in fabric, cut, and brand help her appear conventional, business casual, or business formal when needed. Her wardrobe is not as consistently punk as Nancy’s but instead is more mix and match between contexts. Jacob, a lawyer, also uses this approach, as he always wears skateboard shoes with his business suits except when he is in the courtroom.
One-closet individuals focused on “the parts” of a wardrobe, aiming to push boundaries yet maintain balance. They are very aware of what punk and work should look like to them and are striving to assemble their appearance within those two norms. They actively use form details as cues in relation to their whole look. These details include hairstyles, adjusting skirt length, revealing and concealing body parts, and using of accessories and brand affiliations. Many cues embedded in the details are referential and function as a signifier to others that they are in the know, be it in work or punk contexts.
Accommodation 2: Blending in Versus Standing Out
Using dress to blend in versus stand out is yet another accommodation. Findings indicated that context plays a role in whether a punk chooses to use dress to draw attention and/or create distance, or to fit in, encouraging closeness with those around them and/or go unnoticed altogether. Overall, the punks responded that they dressed with strong intentions, not by happenstance or habit; thus, they are well aware of the relationship of viewers and context.
Amber adjusts by choosing when she stands out and when she blends in:
I’m comfortable with my lifestyle and who I am. My piercings [stretched earlobes and septum nasal piercings] are expressive, and I can use them when I want to have them as an expressive part. [However,] I would say I do the exact opposite [of trying to stand out at work]. I try to conform to the environment. I shift the earrings I’m wearing and the clothes that I’m wearing. I actually thought about getting a couple tattoos recently, and they would be in places that wouldn’t be a challenge for me to have the wardrobe that I need for work. —Amber (Detroit, 26–45, corporate finance)
Since Kimberly accommodates to blend in at work, she likes to stand out in punk:
[For punk contexts] Well besides the accessorizing, usually makeup. I'll spend more time on my eye makeup; maybe make it more bright, whatever. Or wear clothes that will show off the tattoos that I have that in a way . . . I can't show them off at work. —Kimberly (Chicago, 26–35, accounts payable for a law firm)
When considering accommodating, the balancing act that lies between blending in and standing out, one approach interviewees discussed is when and how to push dress boundaries in the workplace. Zelda has a necklace she likes to wear to work that has a subtle punk style that is hard for viewers to identify:
It’s got a big medallion with a bunch of dangles on it that’s the main focus and the little skull just sort of hangs off to the side. But nobody really notices it. But I know it’s there and it makes me happy. —Zelda (Twin Cities, 36–45, administrative support)
Zelda likes to use edgy punk cues to push limits even if it is really only her noticing this demonstration. Mike and Jacob, both lawyers, discussed their version of pushing boundaries, which are seemingly mild but effective:
Not that many lawyers have beards, and I sort of view it as this extremely mild act of rebellion to have facial hair.—Mike (Chicago, 26–35, lawyer)
the tennis shoes of course, which bothers some people. But I'm not breaking the guidelines. I think the shoes are pretty much my one thing of resistance.—Jacob (Detroit, 26–35, lawyer)
Kimberly has wrestled with pushing further away from traditional workplace dress and into punk style in a manner that is quite blatant:
[When she dyed her hair bright red] I had a whole weekend to look at myself and go, ‘I wonder if I pushed it. I wonder if this is that one step too far.’ I went online and looked at the handbook.—Kimberly (Chicago, 26–35, accounts payable for a law firm)
Knowing what the boundaries are within their workplace also leads some interviewees to choose how and when to tone down their punk dress. They discussed the importance of toning down their punk dress in the workplace as well as their work dress in punk contexts. Angus and Tasha expressed concerns for crossing boundaries and their resulting efforts to tone down:
I can't go in with a mohawk if I want to because I can't meet someone . . . whether I think I can or I can't, in that environment. I'm not about to meet the big shot at Ford in a mohawk, you know. That would not in their eyes reflect well for the company, so I have to tone down. I have to tone down to a certain degree because you have to look professional.—Angus (Detroit, 26–35, art director)
When I first moved to Minneapolis and I wasn’t as established here, I would try to make sure that my hair and clothes were somewhat normal for like a month until they got to know me, and then I would just go back to how I dressed always. At first, I would try not to scare them.—Tasha (Twin Cities, 26–35, project management and business analysis consulting)
While some interviewees do in fact use punk cue details as a way to subtly stand out at work, such as funky tights or unnatural hair colors, others skip those same details so as not to draw attention to their punk identity. Toning down punk dress in the workplace manifests itself in aesthetic choices that leave out expressive aspects of punk identity, including tattoos and jewelry. They often conceal the same visual cues they use to stand out in punk contexts (and against the mainstream) in order to effectively blend into the workplace.
Strategies described by five interviewees included tattoo coverage no matter what the weather or impositions on physical comfort as well as piercing removal or changing to less overtly punk piercings. Bill summed up the interviewees’ sentiments quite blatantly.
Main thing . . . is just covering up the tattoos. That’s about it. I mean I have one on the back of my neck that people see still. People see them. So it’s not a big deal, but just try to . . . you get some older clients that you don’t want to freak out.—Bill (Twin Cities, 26–35, sales)
In the clearest form of toning down, the idea of completely voiding out punk details, not showing parts of oneself that are considered punk when at work,
I'm kind of voiding out those details that I would do for my punk dress when I'm going to work. Like the makeup details and the accessories.”—Doreen (Detroit, 26–35, art teacher)
Basically, I don’t try. I never wear jewelry. If an absence is a specific element then there’s definitely an absence of accessorizing, an absence of trying to put together anything nice. It’s, generally, most of my stuff is fairly uniform. I didn’t really have to think about it. An absence of a particularly flattering fit . . . I can’t even wear dresses. I think like if you look too nice in any capacity it isn’t viewed very positively even if you kind of dress up; that’s also not viewed as being functional enough I think.—Kendra (Twin Cities, 26–35, education on traumatic brain injury for the government)
Interviewees mentioned that they void out work clothes in the punk environment just as they void out punk details in the work environment but with different motivations. At work it is the voiding of pieces of your “real” punk self in order to blend in and gain workplace benefits resulting from viewer perceptions. In punk it is shedding the “non-real” front in order to don the “real” form of dress. This also results in benefits as they look “cool” to viewers and represent a more accurate sense of self. This process was particularly discussed by those interviewees who do not enjoy their work or do not consider themselves defined by it.
Accommodation 3: The Impact of Age and Circumstance
Some accommodations come from age and circumstance, and the wearer’s presentation evolves into one that is increasingly acceptable in both punk and work contexts. When considering accommodations, the interviewees have strong opinions about what they think looks good on them and what they hope others will perceive as attractive. It is not unique to punk that there is great interest in looking attractive; however, interviewees acknowledged that how these conventions manifest themselves may differ within the community of punk. Punk parameters of beauty, desirability, and stylishness are not a complete overlap with the mainstream’s perspective. Also, the perspectives within the punk community toward a punk who falls outside the spectrum of punk attractiveness may not be the same outcomes for an individual in the mainstream who falls outside that sphere of attractiveness. In the workplace, there is also acknowledgment that individuals who are perceived as attractive are better received by viewers and reap benefits personally and professionally. As a consequence, this group of interviewees does not just take punk style at face value; they adapt it to their own physique, their age, and what they think highlights their best features in both contexts.
Accommodations are made regarding how their body changes over time, but often these are not sacrifices and instead benefit them for increasingly fitting into a mainstream workplace. Examples discussed in the interviews included a woman who has gained weight no longer wearing miniskirts with fishnets or a man who is losing his hair no longer wearing a Mohawk. Female interviewees, especially, mentioned a desire to look and feel attractive, functioning within and outside of the mainstream and punk’s parameters. Both Kimberly and Zelda discussed the relationship of age, weight gain, and this maturation process changing how often they wear skimpy clothing and show skin, which has a relationship to a female’s display of sexuality. Nancy and Maria discussed the complexity of appearing feminine enough for mainstream society when their retro, mod/skinhead take on subgenres of punk style which can be perceived as masculine, androgynous, or antisexual from a mainstream perspective. For some of the women interviewed, age has brought comfort in their appearance and they do not change to suit conventions of mainstream femininity.
Multiple interviewees mentioned the notion of appearing age appropriate. They commented that the overt or stereotypical version of punk style was associated with youth and as they age they take on an age appropriate version. With emotional maturation and body changes, and as workplace roles change, the way they express punk is more subtle, more nuanced and quietly coded; in an effort to look age appropriate they end up looking more mainstream to the unknowing viewer outside the punk subculture, and reactions they receive in the workplace are perceived to be beneficial. Tasha described this concept:
Just as I’ve gotten older, I try to dress more age appropriately . . . I mean I still want to have some trendy items. But I try to have classic pieces that will last longer. And I’m more interested in having clothes that are made of high quality that will last longer and just look more classic and not be out of style the year after I buy it. So I for sure have changed the way I dress as I’ve grown up like most people do.—Tasha (Twin Cities, 26–35, project management and business analysis consulting)
Another accommodation born out of necessity and aging is buying on a budget, and so they have to consider how many clothing pieces they can afford and their versatility. Some reported a limited budget restricts them from buying too many clothes and is a motivation for a one-closet approach. Nancy and Maria are affected by budget constraints, which restricts their buying power, and they stick with what they feel works for them in the most contexts. Their streamlined 60s style discussed above is business functional and punk (subgenre) stylish through its tennis shirts, trim trousers, and short clean haircuts. Interviewees spoke of trying to buy garments that can be worn in multiple environments. This versatility differs from the way they described their youth, when they tended to use disposable income to blatantly express themselves without regard to the cost of the clothes or their versatility. Now, these individuals often are balancing clothing purchases against mortgages, children, and other expenditures, all in an era of economic downturn in the United States. Thus, clothing purchases are often carefully planned.
Accommodation 4: What It Means To Dress Up
Throughout the interviews, there was relative consensus through the emerging themes in how the interviewees describe punk dress and work dress. Yet one area without consistent agreement was what it means to “dress up,” although it was a phrase and concept that was discussed repeatedly and often with reference to making accommodations.
Some aesthetic characteristics seemed to be associated with both punk and work dressing up such as smooth textures, expensive fabrics, shininess, use of rich or bright colors, and attention to fit. Other characteristics seemed to be associated with both punk and work casual such as metals, subdued colors, cottons, and lack of fit consciousness. In other instances, there was less overlap. For example, neatness and cleanliness seemed to more clearly indicate dressing up and was more frequently associated with work. Dirtiness and tattered apparel seemed to indicate casual and were more associated with punk. Some described dressing up as that combination of items that composed work dress.
Well, obviously business suits are always workplace dress . . . But I would say a blouse, pair of conservative shoes, maybe slacks or khaki pants for a dude, or a chick. Skirts that hit the knee at the very least. Shorts that hit the knee at the very least, if it’s more casual type workplace. More dressy. A little bit more effort. Somebody who looks put together.—Kimberly (Chicago, 26–35, accounts payable for a law firm)
Bob’s work dress, which was somewhat separate from punk, was more dressy and became increasingly so as he moved up the ladder.
When I was working for the program [as a lower level employee], I guess it was a little less formal . . . I could get by on like a collared shirt or a collared sweatshirt kind of a thing and a pair of jeans or something like that. When I became director, I stopped doing that. I became a little bit more formal in the way that I dressed.—Bob (Twin Cities, 26–45, education)
In contrast, others described punk as dress up and felt work dress was mundane. This difference in what it means to dress up seems to be related to which type of dress necessitates more effort as well as which evokes more natural feelings of sense of self. Dressing up takes more effort and is less natural than casual or mundane which is more emotionally comfortable and requires less effort. Therefore, some have disdain for dressing up for work, while others love dressing up for punk. The interviewees who consider punk as dress up were often the ones whose dress was influenced by retro, goth, or 1970s British punk genre; these are all styles favoring flamboyant ornamentation. A disdain in dressing up for one’s workplace is not unique to punk, as many individuals find it to be a chore and vastly different from their desired daily attire. In contrast to others, with the punk subculture there is the added component that much of their dress is contentiously symbolic of a salient ideology. It can therefore be taxing to focus energy on dress that does not represent this ideology.
Among the interviewees, some dress up for punk almost as much as they dress up for work, others have found a casual wardrobe that works for both contexts. Some choose to dress up for one context and not exert that energy for the other. For those who use the two-closet approach some, such as Mike and Amber, dressed up for work because it was a totally separate aesthetic identity, and they liked to be casual outside of work. For the two-closet individuals, it is partially about a willingness to abandon sense of self regarding dress and viewer interpretation in the work context more so than wearer expressiveness.
Some of those who have adopted the two-closet approach, such as Zelda, did explain that they enjoy aspects of dressing up for work and dressing up for punk. This seems to be partially about a willingness to make the effort to express oneself through dress and find enjoyment in the process. Those oriented toward the one-closet approach seemed to maintain that idea of blending or mix and match for most of their dress behaviors. For the one-closet individuals, it is about finding a sense of self in career and punk and applying it similarly in all contexts.
Dress up versus casual is often conflicted by aesthetics and is related to social cues and emotional comfort. Interviewees do not always mind the idea of dressing up; they explain that when this effort is for work instead of for punk, extra expenditure may result in feeling less connection to one’s own identity. Dressing up could then either be an aesthetic expression of a best or desired presentation of identity, such as in punk, or a masked and toned down version of one’s identity hidden under more layers, such as at work. Within punk dressing up often seemed to be described as a most glamorous version of oneself for special punk occasions. Within work interviewees explained that it seemed often to be a mask, costume, or a totally separate identity.
Accommodation and Appearance Labor
Punk individuals have developed an array of accommodations to cope with any experience of appearance labor in the workplace. Interviewees expressed feelings such as “happy” and “comfortable” regarding their emotional state when they succeed in making dress choices for their identity expression in both contexts. Some interviewees explained they have the greatest success (and possibly the least appearance labor) when they are able to find a way to express their punk identity within the perceived limitations of appropriate dress for work. Rarely, though, did interviewees indicate they are willing to get this comfort at all costs.
Interviewees do dress to meet punk norms, particularly in punk contexts, but also feel some dress freedom within those parameters and often associate that context with being comfortable emotionally and physically. Interviewees explained that dressing for work involves more concern for social role expectations. There is a willingness to forego some emotional and physical comfort to achieve workplace benefits. Through the creative use of accommodations, and due to varied perspectives on punk dress, findings indicate many punks successfully alleviate appearance labor issues and maintain their salient subcultural identities.
Many discussed the importance to their happiness of being able to view themselves as appearing punk in some manner. A bonus was when the cues embedded within their dress could still be recognized as punk signifiers by others “in the know.” Examples could be wearing all black attire with silver pyramid-studded accessories, regularly donning punk-favored clothing brands, or having stretched earlobe piercings with earrings that could appear conventionally sized. They often expressed that since much of their perspective on dress is about punk’s cultural hallmarks as compared to specifics of form, the greater concern is loss of cultural identity rather than loss of a particular visual signifier. Hence, those who are able to creatively control their appearance to express punk cues experience decreased appearance labor.
Key factors in the process of making accommodations included the following:
Connection of occupation to their punk ideals and whether or not they feel free to express punk concepts through their job tasks. Those who feel their work is related to punk concepts find that job tasks can supplant visual signifiers as a form of punk expression. An example is Mike, who views the type of law he practices as a direct extension of his punk ideology. He is thus fine wearing a business suit because his daily job tasks satisfactorily express his commitment to punk. Mike does not need to also express punk visually through dress.
Self-confidence in both contexts of punk and workplace. Those who feel quite comfortable with punk’s role in their personal lives and with their position within the punk community expressed willingness to seek out whatever accommodations would function best for both environments. They describe being punk to the core and demonstrate it through their whole being, not needing to visually express punkness blatantly in every environment. Similarly, those interviewees who are enthusiastically defined by their work and have found professions that are deeply satisfying, expressed flexibility and comfort in their workplace dress, regardless of any necessary accommodations due to differences between their work dress and punk dress.
Personal interest in fashion and style. Those interviewees with high fashion interest have either found ways to incorporate selective items of punk dress in the workplace and/or work dress in which they feel fashionable. Similarly, some interviewees are content donning a front when they dress and may enjoy using their fashion interest to dress up completely to work expectations or nonwork contextual norms with little difficulty. This group expressed feeling some pressure regarding punk dress in the workplace although their consistent feelings of fun involved with fashion decreased stress related to dress for any context.
Interviewees who have low interest in fashion of any sort or those who are exclusively interested in punk fashion and not any other kind of dress accommodated differently. Those who barely cared how they dressed did not get very stressed over dress issues. Those with a sole interest in punk fashion were at times fine with the two-closet approach of donning a front at work and their “real” punk wardrobe for nonwork as well as using a one closet all-punk-all-the-time style and putting themselves into contexts where that was accepted or negative reactions rolled off their backs.
A segment of the interviewees who described the burdens of dressing, implying high amounts of appearance labor, were those who have moderate interest in fashion and moderate concern with workplace appropriateness. They are looking toward conventionally defined punk dress and work dress parameters to guide them in their choices. They have trouble finding a common ground between the two and do not have enough interest in fashion to feel excited, creative, or confident in their dress choices. Appearance labor may result from their inability to enjoy the process of dressing or to completely detach from the emotions about dress.
Conclusions: Daily Identity and Ideological Expression Can Coexist
Identification with the punk subculture influenced how the interviewees go about making specific dress choices to reflect their identities. They are aware of the varied contexts of their lives and they mostly dress in a conscious and thoughtful way to optimize dressing for each situation. Findings indicate the interviewees do frequently express punk as one of the most salient aspects of their entire identity; yet, they do not always dress in as obvious punk fashions as they would in casual situations. They are adaptable and attentive to contextual needs and willing to run frequent cost benefit analyses to determine how dressing punk relates to a given circumstance.
Punk dress for this group of interviewees is not as stereotypically exaggerated or locked into its iconic styles (e.g., plaid bondage pants, black leather jackets, and Mohawks) as many outside of the subculture would assume. Therefore, it is not as difficult for punks to fit into mainstream work life as one may think. What comprises punk dress is actually a fairly amorphous concept with deep roots in cultural motivations that become manifest in nonmandated physical forms. This is generated from the punk scene’s long history and diverse make up of subgenres and individuals who identify as punk.
Consequently, a head-to-toe style that is recognizable as punk to third party viewers is not the only way to express a punk identity. Punk cues are subtly coded and embedded into whole looks that blend together iconic subcultural signifiers with harder-to-spot subgenre details and accepted mainstream trends. Therefore, dressing to fulfill workplace norms is not always a far reach. Furthermore, dress that may not be part of the original iconic stereotype can be punk, made into the punk likeness by the wearer. The lack of a prescribed uniform for punk means one can have some flexibility in the workplace while still being in touch with his or her punk identity expression.
Work dress has restrictions, but interviewees have found there is often flexibility within those limitations since work dress is not often a big stretch for them. This is especially true if they work in a nonrestrictive environment where they can dress somewhat freely to include some punk cues. For others, a workplace that is highly regimented with no acceptance of punk dress can relieve them of the “blending” responsibility and creates a situation where two wardrobes represent their two identities.
Some say they do not like drastic workplace accommodations as they are emotionally uncomfortable. Others say that it is fine to make radical appearance changes especially if the workplace is emotionally satisfying. This indicates that it is circumstantial when, why, and how accommodations are performed and has to do largely with personal emotional issues regarding confidence and contentment with their workplace culture and the salience of punk in their lives. It is possible that there is a connection between full-time employment and career success with high self-esteem and self-satisfaction resulting in an easier-going attitude and confidence in whatever actions they take, including being flexible about dress. It is also possible that in challenging economic times individuals are more pliable with dress behaviors than they may be if they believed there were numerous job options should they be putting theirs in jeopardy.
The interviewees in this research demonstrated they are adaptable in their accommodations. They found personal formulas to alleviate the experience of dissonance in making appropriate dress choices because of competing identities that could result in appearance labor. Identity salience is highly pertinent in aesthetic expression; however, the manner in which that is accomplished is malleable and can be adjusted for different environments.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.